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HISTORY 



OF 



HEEODOTUS 



A NEW KV0LI8H TEBSION, BDITKD WITB COPIOUS NOTB AHD ▲PFAMIlIOIl, 

ILLUBTBATIHO THE HI8T0BT AlTD OBOGRAPHT OF HXBODOTUS, IBOM 

THE MOST BEOEVT B0UB0E8 OF IlfFOBMATION ; AMD XMBODTIVO 

THE CHIEF BE8ULT8, HI8T0BICAL AND ETHEOOBAFHIOAL, 

WHICH HAVE BEEN OBTAINED IN THE PBOOBEn 

OF CUNECrOBX AND HDBBOOLTPHIOAL 

DISOOYEBT. 



By GEORGE RAWLINSON, M.A., 

CANON OF OAMTEBBUBT, AND CAMDEN PBOFE880B OF AHOIENT HUTOBT 

Of THE UNITEBSTTT OF OZFOBD. 



AfmSTED BT 

MAJOR-GENERAL SIR HEKRY RAWLINSON, K.O.B., 
AND SIR J. G. WILKINSON, F.B.S. 



/)\ 



IN FOUR VOLUMES.— Vol. IJ(S^^' "■< 




' \ 






WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. \-^'> 
THIRD EDITION. 



LONDON: 

JOHN MUBBAY, ALBEMABLE STBEET. 

1876. 

Th§ right fi TVtNiflaMcm i% ttierved, 

WW. . 



LovDOir: nuiiTSD bt wixiiam glowu avd ton, stamvord strbst 

AVD CHABDrO CBO0S. 



CONTENTS OF VOL. II 



•o*- 



HISTORY OF HEKODOTUR. 



THE SECOND BOOK, ENTITLED EUTEKPK. 

Accession of Cambyses — ho invaders Egypt (ch. 1). Dt'scription of Kjrjpt — 
Antiquity (2). Scats of learning (3). Inventions, Ac. (4). Description 
of the country (5-13). Agriculture (14). Bonndarics (15-18). The Nilo 
— Canses of tho inundation (19-27). Sources (28). The Upper Nile 
(29^1). The interior of Libya (32). Comparison of tho Nilo and Ister 
(33, 34). Customs of the Egyptians — their strangeness (35, 36). Re- 
ligious cuatoms (37-48). Connection of tho religions of Egypt and Grreece 
(49.57). Egyptian Festivals (58-64). Sacred animals (65-67). The 
Crocodile (68-70). Tho Hippopotamus (71). Otters, fish, Ac. (72). The 
I'hoenix (73). Sacred and winged serpents (74^ 75). The Ibis (76). 
Daily life of tho Egyptians (77-80). Dross (81). Divination (82). Oracles 
(83). Practice of Medicine (84). Funerals (85-90). Worship of Perseus 
(91). Customs of the marsh.men (92-95). Egyptian boats (96). Rentes 
in tho floo<l-time (97). Anthylla and Archandropolis (98). History of 
EgJT* — ^^^ (^)- His successors — Nitocris — Mcoris (100, 101). Sesostris 
— his expeditions — his works in Egypt (102-110). His son, Pheron (111). 
Proteus— story of Helen (112-120). Rhampsinitns (121, 122). Doctrine of 
metempsychosis (123). Cheops — his pyramid (124-126). Che])hren (127> 
128). Hycennus (129-133). His p>Tamid— history of Rhoddpis (134, 
135). Asychis (136). Anysis — Sabaco (137-1*10). Sethos — invasion of 
Sennacherib (141). Number of tho kings (142, 143). Greek and Eg}'ptian 
notions of the ago of the gods (144.146). Tho Dodecarchy (147-152). 
Psammctichus (154-157). Neco, his son (158, 159). Psammis, son of Neco 
(160). Apries, son of Psammis — his deposition (161-169). Tomb of Osiris 
(170). Egyptian mysteries (171). Boign of Amasis (172-177). His favour 
to tho Greeks (178-182) Page 1 

b 



IV CONTENTS OF VOL. II. 



APPENDIX TO BOOK II. 



CHAPTER I. 

'•THE IGYPTIANS BEFORE TUE REION OP THEIE KINO PSAMMETICHU8 BELIEVEn 
THEMSELVES TO BE THE MOST ANCIENT OP MANKIND." — Chap. 2. [G. W.] 

1. The Egyptians from Asia. 2. Egyptian and Celtic. 3 Semitic character of 
Egyptian. 4. Evidences of an older language than Zend and Sanscrit. 5. 
Ba or Pa, and Ma, primitive cries of infants, made into father and mother. 
6. m for b. 7. Bek not to be pronoanced by an untutored child. 8. Bok, 
name of bread in Egypt. 9. The story told to Herodotus. 10. Claim of tlio 
Scythians to be an early raco Pago 275 



CHAPTER II. 

"the egtftians webe the pirst to discover the solar tear." — Chap. 4. 

[G. W.] 

1. The 12 months in Egypt. 2. Years of 360, 365, and 365i days. 3. The three 
seasons. 4. Length of the year corrected. 5. Sothic year. 6. The year 
of 365 days. 7. The dates of kings* reigns. 8. The Square or Sothic year. 
9. The Lunar year. 10. The Arab year. 11. The Jewish year. 12. Inter- 
calation of the Egyptians and Greeks ... ... ... ... ... 279 



CHAPTER III. 

"THE EGYPTIANS FIRST BROUGHT INTO USE THE NAMES OP THE TWELVE 60DS 
WHICH THE GREEKS ADOPTED FROM THEM." — Chap. 4. [G. W.] 

1. Different orders of Gods. 2. The great Gods of the first order. 3. The 
second order. 4. Place of Be, or the Sun. 5. Classification of the Gods. 
6. Sabaism not a part of the Egyptian religion. 7. Pantheism. 8. Name 
of Re, Phrah, and Pharaoh. 9. Position of Re in the second order. 
10. Bank of Osiris. 11. Children of Seb. 12. The third order. 13. The 
other most noted deities. 14. Other Gods. 15. Foreign divinities. 
16. Chief God of a city and the triad. 17. Deities multiplied to a great 
extent — the unity. 18. Offices of the Deity — characters of Jupiter. 
19. Resemblances of Gods to be traced fn)m one original. 20. Subdivision 
of the Deity— local Gods. 21. Personifications— Nature Gods. 22. Sacred 
trees and mountains. 23. Common origin of religious systems. 24. Greek 
philodophy. 25. Creation and early state of the earth. ... ... 284 



CONTENTS OF VOL. II. V 

CHAPTER IV. 

" WHEN MCEUIS WAS KINO," &C. — Cliap. 13. [Q. W.] 

1. Rise of thoNile 16 cnbits. 2. Differed in different parts of Egypt. 3. Oldest 
Nilometer. 4. The lowering of the Nile in Ethiopia by the giving way of 
the rocks at Silsilis. 5. Ethiopia affected by it, bat not Egypt below 
Silsilis. 6. Other Nilometcrs and moasoremeuts. 7. Length of the Eg^yp- 
tian cnbit ... ... ... ... ■ • • • • • • • • • • • .»^8^g6 ^^si 

CHAPTER V. 

"THKY HAVE TWO QUITE DIFFERENT KINDS OF WKITINQ, ONE OF WHICH IB 
CALLED SACRED, THE OTHER COMMON." — Chap. 86. [G. W.] 

1. Hieratic and Demotic, the two sorts of letters written from right to left. 
2. Hieroglyphics. 3. Three kindd of writing. 4. Hieratic. 5. Demotic, or 
enchorial. 6. The three characters. 7. First nse of demotic. 8. Of sym- 
bolic hieroglyphics : the ikouogr»pbic. 9. The tropical. 10. Tlie enigmatic. 
11. Symbolic also pat with phonetic hicroglypiiics. 12. Determinatives after 
the word, or name of an object. 13. Initial letters for the whole words, to 
be called limiteH initial sigtirS. 14. Distinct from other ''mixed signs." 15. 
Syllabic signs. 16. Medial vowel placed at tlio end of a word. 17. Earliest 
nse of hieroglyphics. 18. Mode of placing hieroglyphics. 19. First letter 
of a word taken as a character. 20. Dotermiuative signs. 21 . They began 
with representative signs. 22. The plural number. 23. Abstract ideas. 
24. Phonetic system found necessaiy. 25. Some parts of the verb. 26. 
Negative sig^i. 27. luTention of the real alphabetic writing Fhcenician. 
28. Greek letters. 29. Digamma orig^inally written. 90. Sinaltic inscrip- 
tions not of the Israelites. 31. Tan used for the cross. 82. Materials used 
for writing upon. 33. The papyrus 301 

CHAPTER VI. 

" GYMNASTIC CONTESTS." — Chap. 91. [G. W.] 

1. Gymnastic contests. 2. Grame of ball. 3. Thimble-rig and other games. 
4. Mora and draughts. 5. Pieces for draughts. 6. Dice. 7. Other 
games ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 819 

CHAPTER VII. 

"GEOMETRY FIRST CAME TO BE KNOWN IN EGYPT, WHENCE IT PASSED INTO 

GREECE."— Chap. 109. [G.W.] 

1. Greeks indebted to Egypt for early lessons in science. 2. Invention of geo- 
metry. 3. Surveying, g^graphy. 4. Early advancement of the Egyptians 
in science. 5. Thales and others went to study in Egypt. 6. Pythagoras 



VJ CONTEXTS OF VOL. II. 

IxjiTOwod mnch from Ej^ypt. 7. Heliocentric syBtem. 8. Revired byCoper- 
iiicuH. 9. I'ythaj(f)raH and S^jlon in Egypt. 10. Great genioB of the Greeks. 
1 1 . If i-nvlotuM unprejudiced. 12. The dial. 13. The twelve hours. 14. The 
divirtion <;f the day by the Jews, Greeks, and Romans. 15. The E^ryptians 
ha*l 12 htmn of flay and of ni^ht 16. The week of seven days in Egypt. 

17. The Aztec week of nine days. 18. The seven-day division in Egypt. 
VJ. The num>>cr seven. 20. Division by ten. 21. Greek and Egyptian 
month and year of three parts Page 327 

CHAPTER VIII. 

IIISTOBICAL NOTICE OF EGYPT. [G. W.] 

1. Fabulous period of history — Rale of the Gods — Name of Menes; snpposed 
to Ih) Mizraim — Ik^Iieved to l>o a real person by the Egyptians, and to have 
founded Memphis. 2. This and Memphis — Egyptians from Asia — Memphis 
older than Thebes. 3. l*recedence of Upper Egypt. 4. Earliest notice of 
Thc'bes — Absence of early buildings. 5. Contemporary kings — Arrange- 
ment of the i*ftrly dynasties. 0. Uncertainty of the early chronology — Date 
of thc> KxihIus. 7. 1 St, 2nd, and 3rd dynasties — Menes and his successors. 
8. In the second dynasty sacred animals worshipped; and women allowed 
to hold Uw sceptro. 9. 4th and 5th dynasties. 10. Civilised customs in 
the early Pyramid period — Mount Sinai — ^hafre bnilt the 2nd pyramid. 
11. 0th dynasty — The prenomen of kings. 12. 7th, 8th, and 9th dynasties — 
The Kntndefg. 13. 11th dynasty — Contemporary kings. 14. 12th dynasty 
— Osirtasen III. treated as a God. 16. The labyrinth. 16. The 13th 
dynasty in Ethiopia. 17. Shepherd dynasties — The Hyk-sos expelled. 

18. The iKth dynasty— The horse from Asia. 19. Thothmes I., II., and III., 
and Quoen Amun-nou-het. 20. Conquests of Thothmes III. — His monn- 
mentri. 21. Aiiiunoph III. and Queen Taia — The Stranger kings — Con- 
(pieHtH of Amunoph III. 22. Country and features of the Stranger kings 
- 'lUtlfitrd to Amunoph. 23. Exi)cUed from Egypt. 24. King Horns. 
25. TIk; liith dynasty — llnmoses, Hethos, and Remoses the Great— Attack 
and dofinuM) of fortresses — Pithom and Raomscs — Canal to the Rod Sea. 
20. 2(>th ciyniisty — Romesos III. — His conquests and wealth — His sons. 
27. 21 Ht and 22nd dynasties — I'riost kings. 28. Sheshonk, or Shishak — 
Cotif|iiorM .ludiua— Name of Vudah Melchi (kingdom of Judah). 29. Kings* 
iifinum on tlio Apis stelm. 30. The 23rd dynasty — Assyrian names of the 
KhoMhonk family. 31. The 2 tth dynasty— Bocchoris the SaTite— Power of 
AsHyrla incrf>ariing. 32. The 25th dynasty of the Sabacos and Tirhaka. 
33. The 2(»tli dynosty— Psamnujtichus succeeded Tirhaka — Correction of the 
chnmology - 1 loniarriod an Ethiopian princess. 3'!. War of Psammetichus 
and (loHortion of his troops. 85. Succeeded by Noco. 36. Circumnaviga- 
tion of Afri(!a— Defeat of Josiah. 37. Power and fall of Apries — Probable 
invasion of Egypt and substitution of Amasis for Apries by Nebuchad- 
nezzar. 3H. A masis— B'lourishing state of Egypt— Privileges granted to the 
(i reeks- Tn»nty with CruMUS— I'ersian invasion. 89. Defeat of the Egyp- 



CONTENTS OF VOL. II. Vll 

tians — Condnct of Cambyses at first humane. 40. Egypt bocame a 
Persian province — 27th or Persian dynasty — Revolt of the Egyptians. 
41. 28th and 29th dynasties of Egyptians. 42. 30th dynasty of Egyptians 
— Nectanebo II. defeated. 43. Ochos recovered Egypt. 44. Daration of 
the £g}'ptian kingdom Page 335 

Note. [^G. R. 1875.]] ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 394 



HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 

THE THIBD BOOK, ENTITLED THALIA. 

Causes of quarrel between Persia and Egypt — Nitetis story (1-3). Aid lent by 
Phancs (4). Passage of the Desert (5.9). Invasion of Egypt — Psammeni- 
tns king (10). Murder of the children of Phancs — Battle of Pclusinm (11), 
Egyptian and Persian skulls (12). Siege and capture of Memphis — sub. 
mission of the Libyans and Cyrenscans (13). Treatment of Psanimcnitus 
(14, 15). Treatment of the body of Amasis (10). Expeditions planned by 
Cambyses (17) 18). Phoenicians refuse to attack Carthage (19). Embassy 
to the Ethiopians (20.24). Expedition fails (25). Failure of the ex{)odi. 
tion against Ammon (26). Severities of Cambyses towards the Egyptians 
(27-29). His outrageous conduct towards the Persians (30-35). Ilia 
treatment of Crcesus (30). His madness (37, 38). History of Polycrates 
— his connection with Amasis (39.43). Ho sends ships to assist Cambyses 
(44). Revolt of the crews — Samos attacked (45). Aid sought from Sparta 
and Corinth (46, 47). Story of Periander (48-33). Siege of Samos (54-56). 
Fate of the rebels (57-59). Wonders of Samos (60). Revolt of the Magi 
— usurpation of the Psoudo-Smerdis (61). The news reaches Cambyses — 
his wound, speech, and death (62.66). Reign of the Magus (67). His 
detection by Otanes (68, 69). Otanes conspires — arrival of Darius (70). 
Debate of the conspirators (71-73). Fate of IVexaspes (74, 75). Over- 
throw of the Magi (76-79). Debate on the best form of gfA'ommcnt 
(80-82). Decision of Otanes (83). Privileges of the Six (Ht). Darius 
obtains the kingdom (85-87). His wives (88). Division of the Empire 
into twenty Satrapies (89-93). Amount of the tribute (91-97). Customs of 
the Indians (98-105). Productiveness of the earth's extremities (106-110). 
The river Aces (117). Fate of Intaphcmes (118, 119). Story of Orcctes 
and Polycrates (120-125). Punishment of Droetos (120-128). DenioftnUfs 
of Crot6na cm'es Darius (129, 130). His former history (131). His in. 
fluence — ^he cures Atossa (132, 133). Atossa at his iiiKtigiition ro(]ueHts 
Darius to invade Greece (134). Persians sent to cxplort? the cfwi.^ts — 
DemocSdes escapes (135-138). Persian expedition agsiiiiHt Samo.s to estab. 
lish Syloson (139-149). Revolt, and nxlnction of Babylon by tlio stnitagom 
of Zopyrus (150-158). Punishment of the rebels (159). Reward of Zopyrun 

\ ^^^J ■•■ ••• ••• •■■ ••• •■• •>• ••• ••■ M\J^ 



VlU CONTENTS OF VOL. II, 



APPENDIX TO BOOK III. 



ESSAY I. 

ON THK WORSniF 07 VENUS URANIA THEOUOHOUT THE EACT. [G. W.] 

1. Alilat. — Mylitta or Alitta, from wele^f " to bear cliililren." 2. Had different 
names in difFcreut countries, 3. A Nature-Goddefls. 4. Tlio Syrian God- 
dess. 5. Tlio Papliian Venus, or Urania, identified with Astarte and 
Anaitis. 6. Tanat, or Anata. 7. Diana of Ephcsns. 8. The motlier and 
child. 9. Alitta and Elissa. 10. Gods of the Khonds. 11. Maut the 
mother. 12. Jnuo-Lucina, Diana, and Astarte. 13. Europa and Cadmus. 
14. Semiramis tlio dove. 15. Derc^to or Atargatis. 16. Athara and 
Athor. 17. Inscription at Caervorran, and names of the Syrian (Joddess. 
18. Figure of Astarte. 19. liaal, Moloch, and other deities of Syria. 20. 
Arcles, Melicertes, or Uerculcs. 21. Rimmon, and other Syrian deities — 
Some introduced into Egypt ... ... l*age 5ii7 



ESSAY II. 

ON THE MAGIAN REVOLUTION, AND THE REIGN 07 THE PSEUDO-SMKROIS. 

1. Ordinary theory on the subject — the revolution a Median outbreak, 2. 
Prcxjfs to the contrary — (i.) from the inscriptions — (ii.) fi-om the gouenii 
tenor of ancient history. 3. Unsound basis of the theory — the Magi not 
Medes. 4. The involution really religious. 5. Proof of this from the 
Inscriptions. 0. KcligiouH ideas connected with the name of Darius 54S 



ESSAY III. 

t 

ON THE PERSIAN SYSTEM OF ADMINISTRATION AND OOVERNMENT. 

1. Uniformity of Oriental Governments. 2. Satr apial system of Pers ia. 3. 
Danger of revolt — safeguards. 4. Power and wealth of the Satraps. 
5. Institution of Roval Judges. 0. Fixitv of the rnynl revenue. 7. Tho 
border Satraps. 8. Extra-satrapial dependencies. 9. Satrapies not always I 
geographically continuous. 10. Modes by which the subjection of the 
conquered races was maintained — (i.) Disarming — (ii.) Transplantation — 
(iii.) Maintenance of a standing army. 11. Position and power of tho 
Monarch. 12. Privileges of tho Persians. 13. Gradations of rank among 
them ... ... ... .-. ... ..• ••• ■•• ••• ^5»> 



CONTENTS OF VOL. U. i;c 



ESSAT IV. 



QN THE TOPOOBAPHT OF BABYLON. 



1. Difficnlties of the snbject. 2. Great extent of Babylon aocording to anoient 
writers. 3. No traces of original enceinte, 4. General plan of the existing 
rains. 6. Their position on the left bank of the Enphrates a diffionltj — 
modes of meeting it. 6. Canal between the northern and the central mins. 
7. IConnd of Bahil, the temple of Belns — its present state. 8. Proofs of 
the identity. 9. Monnds of the Koksr and Amrdmf the ancient palace. 10. 
Site of the great reservoir. 11. Palace of Neriglissi^, and embankment of 
Nabunit 12. Triang^ilar enclosure, of the Parthian age. 13. The Bir$' 
Nimrud — its present appearance. 14. Original plan of the Birs. 15. Its 
ornamentation. 16. The Birs rebnilt by Nebnchadnezzar — his account of 
the restoration , Page 670 



NoTB A. — Standard Inscription of Nebnchadneizar 687 

Note B. — Babylonian Researches of M. Oppert 688 

Note C, — The Great Inscription of Darius at Behiston 591 



( ^ ) 



LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Westom Asia at the time of Herodotus 
Plan of Hcliopolia (ch. 8, Bk. ii.) 

Bnins of Bubastis (ch. 138) 

Plan of SaTis (ch. 170) 

The World of Horodotiis 



To face Title. 

At tlve end of 
VoL II. 



BOOK 1 1. 

P. 13, ch. 10. 

Map of the country about the mouth of the River Acbclolls. 

P. 18, ch. 14, note K 

• (1.) The owner overlooking tbo ploughing and sowing of the land. A groom holdn the 

faontos of hill chariot (Tft^fVi.) 

(2.) Ploughing scene. One man drives the oxen, the other holds the plough. Over the 
latter iA the word ht'bi^ '* plough ; " and the other hicroglyphicti socm to refer to the '* driving " 
of the oxen. (Comp. the woodcut on p. 21) {Tbmbat the Pi/ramCd^t.^ 

P. 19, ch. .14. 

(1.) IMoughing and hoeing. A small barrel stands at the end of the furrows, either 
containing ttccd, or rather some beverage for the ploughmen, as in Hom. 11. E 541 . 

(Beni Uastan.) 
(2.) Ploughing, and sowing broadcast 

P. 20, ch. 14. 

The main and lateral canals of an estate 

P. 21, ch. 14, note «. 

(1.) llaifiing water by the " Shadoof" or pole and buclcet 

(2.) Driving sheop over the land to tread in the grain 

P. 22, ch. 14, note \ 

(I.) The tri7ura, or treading out the corn on the threshing-floor {Thehejt.) 

(2.) The trtfura, and winnowing {Thebes.) 

P. 30, ch. 19, nute \ 

Nome of the Go<l Nllus, ''Hnpi:' 

P. 42, ch. 20, note". 

The three-beaded Lion-God of Moroe. 

P. 43, ch. 29, note \ 

Name of the Ethiopian Icing Ergamwi^ called by the Greeks Ergamenct. 

P. 44, ch. 30, note '\ 

Inscription of the Greek soldiers sent into Ethiopia by Psammeticbus, written on the lell leg 
of the Colossus to the S. of the door of the great temple at Abow»im>K'l. 

P. 48, ch. 32, note ». 

View in the Little Oasis, near Zub>H>. 



(ThcbeM.) 
[ThebeM.) 



(^Thelies.) 

(7bi/id at the PyrainiiJUt.) 



LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONa XI 

P. 55, ch. 35, note *. 

(1.) Yertical loom, (f) the loom on the flrune with a coloared seWage ; (e e) the man hai the 
loom above him as be works. The shuttle (K) is not thrown, but draws the thread through 
backwards and forwards by a hook at each end, as is still dfme in weaving the Welsh whittle. 

(^Thebes.) 

(3.) Here the loom is below the women as they work. Figs. 6 and 6 making thread over the 
one who twirls the spindle ; at d is the word Sat, ** to twist" (^Beni J/osaan.) 

P. 56, ch. 35, note *. 

(No. I.) A Qoeen making an ofTering with a King (Aebei.) 

P. 57, ch. 35, ib. 

(No. IL) Women who held a hl^ office in the service of Amon ;— ihe PfelUddes of Jupiter. 

(No. III.) Women holding a particular office in the funeral oeremoniei ... (7ft«te«.) 

P. 58, ch. 35, ib. 

(No. IV.) A ceremony performed by a man and a woman (fVbet) 

P. 59, ch. 36, note «. 

Wheat cut with the sickle ; another grain, probably Doorot plucked up by the roots. {ThtAes.) 

P. 59, ch. 36, ib. 

(^No. I.) Kneading the dough with the hand (2V6e«.) 

(No. II.) Kneading dough with the feet (^Ikdba, in the tame picture.) 

P. 60, 61, ch. 36, note *. 

Mode of writing numbers from right to left ; also in Indian and Hieratic, and Chinese. 

P. 62, ch. 37, note K 

(No. L) Dress of the priests {nebet.) 

P. 63, ch. 37, ib. 

(No. II.) Leopard-skin dress of the high-priest called .%>» (7KWjr«.) 

(No. III.) Some priests officiating in a short kilt InebuM.) 

(No. IV.) Other dresses of priests (^Thebes.) 

P. 64, ch. 37, ib. 

(No. V.) Wooden machine for gouffreylng linen dresses {Florence Museum.) 

(Fig. 2.) The divisions of the same, of the real siie. 

P. 65, ch. 37. note •. 

Two wooden head-pillows, or rests (^ThehfM.) 

P. 67, cli. 37, note \ 

Title of the high-priest *' 8em.** 

V. 68, ch. 37, ib. 

(Fig. 1.) A writer's palette ; (fig. 2) the cubit of justice; and (fig. 3.) the cup of libation, 
borne by the sacred scribe. 

P. 69, ch. 38, note «. 

Hieroglyphics signifying "to kill ; " probably similar to those on the priest's signet, or order 
for slaying a victim. 

P. 69, ch. 39, note \ 

(No. I.) The foreleg and other Joints. 

P. 70, ch. 39, ib. 

(No. II.) The foreleg, the head, the heart, a whole goose, and other offerings of bread, 
flowers, fruit, &c (^HriiUh Muuum^/rom Thebes.) 



XU LIST OF HAPS AND ILLUSTRATIOM& 

P. 71, ch. 39, note 8. 

(No. in.) An aninud offered with a head^ the foreleg, heart, and rihs, and a water-bird. 
(No. rv.) The Aead given to a poor Egyptian {T%ebes.) 

P. 73, ch. 41, note \ 

Cow-headed Goddess Eh^. 
P. 75, ch. 42, note *. 

Vegetables. Figs. 6, 6, gourds ; t, 8, nqtkanus orfgl : 3 and 4 are sycamore fign. 

P. 77, ch. 42, note ». 

Name of Amon-M or Thebes. 
P. 82, ch. 44, note «. 

(Part 1.) Glass-blowers {Beni Eastan.) 

(Part 3.) Glass-blowers (7*«6ei.) 

The same occur at the tombs about the Pyramids, of the time of Shafts about 2400 b.c. 

P. 87, ch. 48, note ^. 

Festoons supposed to be of ivy, but really of the Ocmvolvulus, or of the Periploca Sbcanwne, 

P. 87, 88, ch. 48, ib. 

(Fig. 1) The thyrsus and leopard-skin ; (2) the thyrsus alone; (3) leaves supposed to be ivy ; 
(4) leaves having the character of those of the Penp/oca (^Thebt$.) 

P. 88, ch. 48, note \ 

(No. III.) Harp, guitar, double-pipe, lyre, tambourine {Tktbes.) 

P. 89, ch. 48, ib. 

(No. I.) Music : two harps, a flute, and a pipe, and voices ... (7bm5 at the Pyramids.^ 

(No. II.) Military band : (1) trumpet, (2) tomtom or hand-drum, (3 dclaced), (4) clappem or 

en^la (7fc<fcf«.) 

P. 90, ch. 48, ib. 

(No. lY.) Woman playing the harp {Thd>ts.) 

(No. y.) Two other kinds of harp. 

(No. VI.) Two others ; and a stringed instrument with a neck (Mmmt at ThelM!*) 

P. 100, ch. 68, note». 

(No. I.) A sacred ark, shrine, or boat (Tliebet.) 

P. 101, ch. 58, ib. 

(No. II.) A sacred ark {Thebes.) 

P. 102, ch. 58, note ^ 

High-priest offering Incense with sacred music, the harp, two flutes, and a guitar. 

(^I^eytlen Musr.um.) 

P. 103, ch. 59, note K 

Name of Pasht, Bubastis, and Buto (?) 

P. 105, ch. Gl, note®. 

Hierc^lyphics meaning **Lord of the land ot Hebai." 

P. 106, ch. 62, note ». 

Name of " Neith lady of Sais." 

P. 108, ch. 63, note *. 

A four-wheeled car (^On mummy-bandaget^ CM. d' Athancui.) 

P. Ill, ch. 65, note ». 

(Fig. I) Lock of hair on a child's head; (2 and 3) lock of hair on a prince's bend appended 
to the wig (^7lube$.) 



LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATION& XllL 

P. 113, ch. 67, note*. 

The fchnenmon (Tbmb ai SakkAra,) 

P. 119, ch. 72, note \ 

(No. I.) The oxTrfainchna in bronae. 

(No. IL) The lepidotns in bnmie. 

(No. III.) Men flriiing (Amt Jiteuan.) 

P. 120, ch. 72, ib. 

(No. IV.) Citching flsh {nmb at tMe Pfnmids,^ 

P. 121, ch. 72, ib. 

(No. v.) A gentleman lUhing, seated on A duir npon A bott (Aebct.) 

P. 122, cL 72, note*. 

The Nile goose and a line, signifying **son.'' 
P. 122, ch. 73, note \ 

(FigB.land2) Thepoiesoal; (3)UiePhoBiiix (Actet.) 

P. 126, ch. 77, note 7. 

Glass bottles for wine {Beni Hiu$an and Thdxs,"^ 

P. 127, ch. 77, note '. 

Drying and preparing fisb {Tmb at tMe Pjfmmidi.) 

P. 128, ch. 77, note \ 

(No. L) Clap-neto (IVftet.) 

(No. II.) Net-traps for birds {Beni Hcaaan.) 

P. 129, ch. 77, ib. 

(No. III.) Catching and preserving geese (IV6«.) 

Fig. 2. ei^ins silence by patting his hand over his mouth. (The finger, as of Ilarpocrates, is 
not the sign ofsilence, as generally supposed.) (?»<*?«.) 

P. 130, ch. 78, note *. 

Figure of Osiris introduced at a party. 

P. 133, ch. 81, note \ 

(No. I.) Linen dress with a fringe, and two othen. (No. II.) Various dresses. 

P. 134, ch. 82, note ^ 

The hours ofday and night {Sakkdra.) 

P. 136, ch. 84, note *. 

Ex-votos of an arm and ear {Thebe*.) 

P. 138, ch. 85, note '. 

(No. I.) Women throwing dust on their heads in token of grief {Thebes.) 

(No. II.) Men beating tliemselves before a mummy in honour of Osiris ( Thebes. } 

P. 140, ch.86, note». 

Butchers sharpening their knives on a $teel. (The same is represented at the tomlM about 
the Pyramids of earlier times.) (TVte*.) 

P. 141, ch. 86, note ^ 

Knives for killing a victim. 

P. 143, ch. 86, note ^ 

(No. I.) Uturgies performed to mummies (TVbu.) 

P. 144, ch. 86, ib. 

(No. II.) Other services, and female relations weeping (TfuUfet.) 



XIV LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 

P. 146, ch. 91, note*. 

Name of Egypt, Khem, or Chemi. 
P. 149, ch. 92, note w. 

Preaenting guests with necklaces of lotns-flowen, as they sit on s mst ( Thrbft. ) 

P. 160, ch. 92, note K 

The J\'jfmpA<Fa AciZumto, or Indian lotos {^rom Roman Sculpture.') 

P. 154, ch. 96, note \ 

(No. I.) Probable mode of secaring the pUnks of ancient Nile boats. 

P. 155, ch. 96, ib. 

(No. II.) Making a boat, and binding it with papyrus bonds ... (7bMl>« at the I*yramid».) 
(No. III.) Sail like that of a Chinese boat, with the double mast of early times. 

(A'om Akmar.) 

P. 156, ch. 96, note •. 

Boat, apparently of firwood, with the usual sail (^T%ebft.) 

P. 157, ch. 96, ib. 

(No. IV.) Boats with sails wrought with colours {Thtbet.) 

(No. V.) Cultivation of flax, and process of making ropes and linen cloth (Bent JJauan.) 

P. 158, ch. 96, note*. 

(No. I.) Boat of the dead iThebes.) 

P. 159, ch. 96, ib. 

(No. II.) A gentleman in a boat with a cabin, towed by his servants on a lake lu bin grounds 

( nelft ) 
(No. III.) Laige boat on the Nile (^EiUithyiat.) 

P. 160, ch. 96, ib. 

(No. IV.) Boat of burthen iTheUs.) 

P. 161, ch. 97, note ^, 

(No. I.) Rescuing cattle fW>m the inundation {Beni ITassan.) 

(No. II.) A slmlUr Bu1\Ject ('^O 

P. 16a, ch. 99, note ^ 

Name of Mcnes. 

P. 165, ch. 100, note «. 

Two names of Nitocrls. 

P 170, ch. 104, note*. 

A negro from the sculptures (^Thebes.) 

P. 174, ch. 106, note *. 

SuppuHed figure of Setfoetris, near Smyrna {Xinfi.) 

P. 175, ch. 100, noU'*. 

Name of N. Ethiopia and of Phut. 

0pp. P. 176, ch. 107, note ». 

Statue on a sledge, 13 cubits in height, according to the hieroglyphics ; in a tomb near El 
Benheh, or rather near Duyr £' Nakhl. 

(Fig. I.) The statue bound upon a sledge, with ropes passing over pieces of leather, or 
rather of lead, to prevent their li\juring the stone. It is of an individual of rank, '* Tbothothph, 
beloved of the king."— ('J.) A man, probably beating time with his haud^ and giving uut a 
verse of a nong, to wliich the mfn reitpondcd. — (3. Seems from th«.* hieroglyphics to he oflForing 
incense. — (4.) Pourrt grease from a vase upon the road, probably covered with woud, on which 
the sledge glided. The back of the sledge is cut so as to admit the points of levers, commonly 



LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONa XV 

tued in Egypt and AnjrU for moving large monnments, and mentioned in Ilerodot. ii. 1T6. 
—(6.) Egyptian eoldien.— <6, T, 8, 9.) Four rows of forty-Uiree men each, dragging the 
Btatae. Some appear to be foreigners, othem Egyptians, and soldiers.— (10.) Men carrying 
grease, or water. — (11.) Others carrying some implements.— (12.) TaMkmasters or super- 
intendents.— (13, 14, 16, 16.) Superintendents and perhaps reliefs of men. In the oolomns 
of hieroglyphics to the extreme right the name mentioned is the ** BermopolUe," and that 
part of it ** on the east " bank, where this tomb Is hewn in the limestone rock. 

P. 199, c1l124, note«. 

Plan of the Pyramids. 

P. 201, ch. 125, note \ 

Mode of constructing a Pyramid. 

P. 204, ch. 127, note K 

Names of Shofo, ShuAi, Snphis, or Cheops ; and of Nou-Shufn. 

P. 205, ch. 129, note *. 

Name of Mendieres, or Myoerlnns. 

P. 209, ch. 134, note •. 

Section of part of the third Pyramid, showing the original passage and chamber, and the 
later ones. 

P. 211, ch. 135, note •. 

Spits or skewers of bronse {Ortgonan Mutntm, Some,) 

P. 213, ch. 136, note «. 

Brick Pyramid of Hawira. 

P. 214, ch. 13G, note K 

Brick-making at Thebes, showing bow they mixed the mud and made the tales of bricks, 
overlooked by taskmasters, as described in Exodus. The workmen were foreigners, but not 
in this instance Jieiot (Tftebei.) 

P. 233, ch. 152, note *. 

Foreign auxiliaries in the time of Remesesm. {TMtet.) 

P. 236, ch. 155, note *. 

An Egyptian temple, surrounded by its temenot planted with trees. A prooeenton with 
a sacred shrine is entering the temenot from the hypcthral building before the entrance. 
Beyond are a villa, and villages in the plain, which is intersected by canals fh>m the Nile. 

P. 257, ch. 171, note I 

(No. I.) The great serpent Apap or Aphophis, lying dead before the Ood Atmoo or Atum. 
(No. If.) Aphophis, in a human form, pierced by the spear of Horns. 
Legend of Atmoo, or Atum-Re, the Sun, and Aphophis killed. 

P. 261 ch. 175, note \ 

(No. L) The human-headed or andro-sphinx. 
(No. II.) The ram-headed sphinx. 

P. 262, ch. 175, ib. 

(No. IIL) The hawk-hesded sphinx. 

(No. IV.) The winged female sphinx. 

(No. y.) A fabulous animal. 

(No. YI.) Andro-sphinx representing a king presenting an offering. 

(No. Vn ) Five other labulous animals ^ {Beni Bas§an,) 

P. 266, ch. 177, note •. 

Men presenting themselves before the magistrates or icribei. 



XVI LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS 

P. 268, ch. 181, note «. 

Name of Tashot. 
P. 269, ch. 182, note*. 

Artists painting on panel, and colouring a statoe ; date about aooo bx. (^Beni Jltuaan. ) 

P. 270, ch. 182, ib. 

Mode of drawing Egyptian flgura in squares (flketet.) 

P. 272, ch. 182, notp K 

A ooTslet, probably of linen, worked with varioiis coloured devices ( 7Vte«.) 

APPENDIX TO BOOK II. 

CHAPTEB II. p. 27y. 

The Twelve Egyptian Months, expressed in hieroglyphics. 

on. III. p. 288. 

Hieroglyphics signifying " prayer." 
CH. V. p. 303. 

The sentence '* in the 3rd year, 4th month of the waters (i.e. Mesdrd), the 30th day, of King 
Ptolemy ; " in hieroglyphics, in hieratic, and in demotic 
Other hieroglyphics throughout this chapter. 

CH. V. p. 315. 

Hebrew, Phopnician, and Greek Alphabets. 

CH. VI. p. 320. 

(No. I.) Some of the numerous attitudes of wrestlers ( Uen i Jfas$an.) 

(No. II.) Games of ball (i6.) 

CH. VI. p. 321. 

(No. III.) Another game of ball {ib.) 

(No. IV.) Game with a hoop {ib.) 

(No. V.) Game apparently to try who shall rise first from the ground {ib.) 

CH. VI. p. 322. 

(No. VI.) Tumbling women {ib.) 

(No. VII) Raising bagn of Hand {ib.) 

(No. VIII.) Feats of tumbling, with the prise a necklace. They arc, as usual, women. 

{ib.) 

CH. VI. p. 323. 

(No. IX.) Thtmble-rlg, 2000 S.C {io.) 

(No. X.) Games of mora, and odd and even {ib.) 

(No. XI.) Bull-fight {ib.) 

(No. XII.) Game of draughts {ib.) 

CH. VI. p. 324. 

(No. XIII.) Games of draughts and mora {ib.) 

(No. XIV.) Pieces for the game of draughts. 

(No. XV.) Other pieces for draughts. 

(No. XVI.) Board of an unknown game, with the men in the drawer. 

{Dr. Abbotft CMection.) 
CH. VI. p. 325. 

(No. XVII.) Another board (0,.) 

(No. XVIII.) An unknown game ; and a man standing on his head {Beni Ua*tan.) 

(No. XIX.) Other unknown games (<fr.^ 



LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATlONa XVll 

CH. vui. p. 338. 

ArraDgement of the flret 19 dynaatias, abowing the oontamporaaeoiuneaa of aoma of th sm . 

CH. vin. p. 340. 

Arrangement of the lat and 3rd dynaatiea. 
CH. VIII. p. 364. 

Name of the King Reei-toti, or Reeitot, who followed King Homa . . . {Apit tablet. ) 

CH. vni. p. 380. 

Name of Paammetldiaa L 

Namea of Tapeantapea (?), wife of PBammetichua I., and of the Ethiopian king Peeonkh and 
his queen AmanaUa, her fkther and mother (Ukatei and OeM Berkd.) 



BOOK III. 

P. 411, ch. 13, bote ^ 

Name of Memphis, '*the white building," and *' Men-nofre, the land of the Pyramid." 
P. 418, ch. 18, note*. 

Cooka putting geeae into a boUer iJbmb near the Pyramid.) 

Cooka roanting a goose and catting up meat (ib.) 

P. 420, .ch. 20, nole«. 

The Helix lanthina. 

Statae of a Goddesa foond in Syria holding a ahell in her hand. 

P. 426, ch. 26, note*. 

Name of Hebi, the dty of the Great Oaaia. 

P. 428, ch. 28, note «. 

Name of Apis or Hapi. 

P. 429, ch. 28, ib. 

Figure of Apia-Osiria. 
Bronxe figure of the Boil Apia. 

P. 438, ch. 37, note ». 

Two figures of the pigmy-god Pthah-Sokar-Oairis. 
P. 453, ch. 54, note \ 

Plan of Samoa. 
P. 458, ch. 60, note \ 

Ground-plan of the Heneom, or temple of Juno, at Samoa. 
P.466, ch. 68,note^ 

View of the Great Mound of Sua, the ancient Soaa. 

P. 490, ch. 97, note *. 

(1.) Logs of ebony and ivory brought by Ethiopians aa part of the tribute to the Pharaoha. 

ilhebee.) 
(2.) Ethiopians with an ebony club like those now used in Ethiopia. 
(3.) The modem ebony cluba of Ethiopia. 

P. 504, ch. 115, note 7. 

Pig of tin found in Oomwall, and now in the Truro Museum. 



XVlll 



LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 



APPENDIX TO BOOK III. 



(In the TVtn'ii iAiieuM.) 



{In the IStrin Museum.) 
(^Frvm Capt. Selby't Survey.) 



Essay I. p. 540. 

(No. 1.) GoddcM with A child, fh>m IdAlinm in Qjpnu ... 
(No. 2.) Uis and Honu of Egypt. 

r. 542. 

(No. 3.) StAtae foimd In Malta, rappoaed to be of Aataite, or Venna. of Roman time. 

P. 544. 

(Xo. 4.) Figure of Aitarte, found in Etniria. 

P. 545. 

(No. 6.) Two beads firand at Idalinm In Cjprm 

Essay IV. p. 571. 

Chart of the mlna of Babylon 

P. 575. 

Restoration of a portion of ancient Babylon. 

P. 576. 

View of the mound of AiMI, or ancient temple of Belus. 

P. 579- 

Part of the Easr, or ancient palace of Nebuchadnenar. 

P. 580. 

Fragment of a Mese from the above palace. 

P. 582. 

Original plan of the Bin-yimrudt according to the ooi\Jecture of Mr. Layard. 

P. 584. 

EleTation rrstored according to actual measurements. 

P. 589. 

General map of the country about Babylon, according to M. Oppert. 

P. 590. 

Restoration of the Royal Rcsldcnoe or Acropolis of Babylon, according to M. Oppert. 



The illustrations accompanying the notes signed O. W. are fh>m original drawings by Sir 
Gardner Wilkinson. 




<''••^'-'r^ 






I- 



THE 



HISTORY OF HERODOTUS. 



THE SECOND BOOK, ENTITLED EUTERPE. 



1. On the death of Cyrus, Cambyses his son by Cassandane 
daughter of Phamaspes took the kingdom. Cassandane had 
died in the lifetime of Cyrus, who had made a great mourning 
for her at her death, and had commanded all the subjects of 
his empire to observe the like. Cambyses, the son of this 
lady and of Cyrus, regarding the Ionian and ^olian Greeks as 
vassals of his father, took them with him in his expedition 
against Egypt ^ among the other nations which owned his 
sway. 



^ The date of the expedition of 
CambjB^ against Egypt cannot be 
fixed with abaolate certainty. Ma- 
netho, whose authority is of the 
greatest importance, gave Cambyses, 
acoorcling to Africanos (ap. Syhoell, 
p. 141), a reig^ of six years in Egypt, 
which would place his invasion in 
B.C. 527. Eosebias, however (Chron. 
Can. Pars i. p. 105), reports Manetho 
differently, and himself agrees nearly 
with Diodoms (i. 68), who pats the 
expedition in the 3rd year of the 63rd 
Olympiad, or B.C. 525. This date, 
which is the one ordinarily received, 
is, on the whole, the most probable. 

It is corioos that Herodotus, whose 
principal object, in Books i. to v., is 
to trace the g^radoal grrowth of the 
Persian power, should say nothing 
directly of the first four years of 
Cambyses, omitting thereby so im- 



VOL. n. 



portant an event as the subjection 
of PhcBnicia, which was certainly ac- 
complished by him. (See below, iii. 
34, and comp. note to Book iii. ch. 19.) 
This period probably contained, be- 
sides the submission of Phoenicia, and 
of Cyprus, the reduction or submis- 
sion of Cilicia, which lay in the same 
quarter. Cilicia which was inde- 
pendent of the great Lydian kingdom 
(supr^, i. 28), and which was not 
reduced, so far as appears, by either 
Cyrus or Harpagus, — for the contrary 
statement of Xenophon (Cyrop. i. i. 
§ 4), who ascribes to Cyrus the con. 
quest of Cilicia, Cyprus, Phoenicia, 
fLfid, Egypt (!) deserves no credit — 
must have been added to the empire 
either by Cambyses or by Darius, 
and is most probably a conquest of 
the former. Those events would 
servo to ocsupy Cambyses during his 

D 



/. 



EGYPTIAN ANTIQUITY. 



Book II. 



2. Now the Egyptians, beforfe the reign of their king 
PsammetichuB, believed themselves to be the most ancient of 
mankind.* Since Psammetichus, however, made an attempt 
to discover who were actually the primitive race,® they have 
been of opinion that while they surpass all other nations, the 
Phrygians surpass them in antiquity. This king, finding it 
impossible to make out by dint of inquiry what men were the 
most ancient, contrived the following method of discovery : — 
He took two children of the common sort, and gave them over 
to a herdsmen to bring up at his folds, strictly charging him 
to let no one utter a word in their presence, but to keep them 
in a sequestered cottage, and from time to time introduce goats 
to their apartment, see that they got their fill of nulk, and in 
all other respects look after them. His object herein was to 
know, after the indistinct babblings of infancy were over, what 
word they would first articulate. It happened as he had antici- 
pated. The herdsman obeyed his orders for two years, and at 



first four years, and explain tho 
reason why ho deferred tho Egyptian 
expedition, already designed by Cyras 
(i.^153), till his fifth. 

- This afifoctation of extreme anti- 
quity is strongly put by Plato in his 
Tima3U8 (p. 21. B), where the Greek 
nation is taxed by tho Egyptians with 
being in its infancy as compared with 
thorn. According to tho account 
which Herodotus gives below (ch. 
142), tho priests in some places would 
seem to have pretended, in their dis- 
cussions with foreigners, to an anti- 
quity of above 11,000 years for their 
nation. The entire number of years, 
however, asipi^'ned by Manetho to his 
80 dynasties of kings did not greatly 
exceed 6000, and Syncellus reports 
Hanctho as chiiming for the monarchy 
no longer actual duration than 3555 
years before the conqneii>t by Alex, 
ander. (See Miiller's Fr. Hist. Gr., 
vol. ii. p. 534.) Even this view, how- 
ever, seems to bo extravagant, for it 
places the accession of Menes in B.C. 
I^3b7f which iA considerably before 



the Deluge, according to the highest 
computation. Still the Egyptian 
numbers are moderate compared 
with those of some other nations. 
The Babylonians counted 468,000 
years from their first king Alorus to 
the conquest by Cyrus (Beros. ap. 
Enseb. Chron. Can. i. p. 5-18 ; com- 
pare Brandis, Rerum Ass. Temp. 
Emendata, pp. 16-17 ;) and the Indians 
and Chinese trace their history for a 
still longer period. 

The Egyptian claims to a high rela- 
tive antiquity had, no doubt, a solid 
basis of truth. It is probable that a 
settled monarchy was established in 
Egypt earlier than in any other 
country. Babylonian history does not 
go back beyond B.C. 2286. Egyptian 
begins nearly 500 years earlier. 

' The disposition on the part of 
Psammetichus towards scientific en. 
quiry is noticed again in ch. 28. Per- 
haps ' the contact with the Greeks, 
which began in his reign (ch. 154), 
caused the development of the Egyp- 
tian mind in this direction. 



Chap. 2, 3. 



"BBCOS" STORY. 



the end of that time, on his one day opening the door of their 
room and going in, the children both ran up to him with 
outstretched arms, and distinctly said ** Becos." When this 
first happened the herdsman took no notice; but afterwards 
when he observed, on coming often to see after them, that the 
word was constantly in their mouths, he informed his lord, 
and by his command brought the children into his presence, 
Psammetichus then himself heard them say the word, upon 
which he proceeded to make inquiry what people there was 
who called anything "becos," and hereupon he learnt that 
** becos " was the Phrygian name for bread.* In consideration 
of this circumstance the Egyptians yielded their claims, and 
admitted the greater antiquity of the Phrygians. 

3. That these were the real facts I learnt at Memphis from 
the priests of Vulcan. The Greeks, among other foolish tales, 
relate that Psammetichus had the children brought up by 
women whose tongues he had previously cut out ; but the 
priests said their bringing up was such as I have stated.above. 
I got much other information also from conversation with 
these priests while I was at Memphis, and I even went t'> 
Heliopolis and to Thebes,* expressly to try whether the priests 
of those places would agree in their accounts with the priests 



* The word fi^Kos ha« been thonghfc 
conneotod with the German ''backen" 
and our '' bake." Lassen, however, 
throws donbt on this connexion, and 
suggests a formation from the Sanscrit 
root paCf which becomes (he says) in 
Greek v^-w, Latin cog. no, German 
coch-ertt onr ** cook," Servian pec-en, 
Ac. (See his Essay ' Ueber die Lykis- 
chon Inschriften, and die Alton Spra- 
ohen Klein Asiens,' p. 869.) Bat this 
connexion, which may be allowed, does 
not prevent the other from being also 
real. See on this point, and on the 
general subject of the Phrygian lan- 
g^aage, the Essays appended to Book i. 
Essay xi., " On the Ethnic Affinities 
of the Nations of Western Asia," § 1 2. 
If the story has any truth in it, the 
children probably (as Larcher ob- 



serves) were imitating the bleating of 
the goats. (See note in Appendix to 
this Book, CH. L § 1.) 

* The name of Thebes is almost 
always written in the plural by the 
Greeks and Romans — Srjfiw, Thebae — 
but Pliny writes, " Thebe portarum 
centum nobilis fama." The Egyptian 
name of Thebes was Ap, or A'pe, the 
" head," or " capital." This, with th(^ 
feminine article, became Tap^, and .'n 
the Hemphitic dialect Thap^, pro- 
nounced, as by the Copts, Thaba, 
whence S^jScu in Ionic Greek. The 
oldest known monuments in Western 
Thebes were of Aumn-m-he I. at 
Kamak, and of his successor Osir- 
tasen I., who ruled immei'ately after 
the 6th dynasty ended at Memphis, 
about D.c. 2080.— [G. W.] 



THE EGYPTIAN SOLAR YEAR. 



Book II. 



at Memphis. The Heliopolitans have the reputation of being 
the best skilled in history of all the Egyptians.® What they 
told me concerning their religion it is not my intention to 
repeat, except the names of their deities, which I believe all 
men know equally. If I relate anything else concerning these 
matters, it will only be when compelled to do so by the course 
of my narrative.'' 

4. Now with regard to mere human matters, the accounts 
which they gave, and in which all agreed, were the follow- 
ing. The Egyptians, they said, were the first to discover the 
Bolar year, and to portion out its course into twelve parts. 
They obtained this knowledge from the stars. (To my mind 
they contrive their year much more cleverly than the Greeks, 
for these last every other year intercalate a whole month,® but 
the Egyj)tians, dividing the year into twelve months of thirty 
days each, add every year a space of five days besides, whereby 
the circuit of the seasons is made to return witli uniformity.®) 
The Egyptians, they went on to affirm, first brought into use 
the names of the twelve gods,^° which the Greeks adopted 



* Heliopolis was the great seat of 
learning, and the nniversitj of Egypt; 
and that it was one of the oldest 
cities is proved by the obelisk of Osir- 
tasen I. of the 12th dyneuity. See 
below note "^ on oh. 8. — [G. W.] 

'' For instances of the reserve which 
Herodotus here promises, see chapters 
45, 46, 47, 48, 61, 62, 65, 81, 132, 170, 
and 171. The secrecy in matters of 
religion, which was no doubt enjoined 
upon Herodotus by the Egyptian 
priests, did not seem strange to a 
Greek, who was accustomed to it in 
the " mysteries ** of his own country- 
men. 

B Vide suprik, i. 32, and see note ' ad 
loo. 

• This at once proves they inter- 
calated the quarter day, making their 
year to consist of 365^ days, without 
which the seasons could not return to 
the same periods. The fact of Hero, 
dotus not understanding their method 
of iutcrcalatiuu does not argue (as I 



Gog^et seems to think) that the 
Egyptians were ignorant of it. Their 
having fixed the Sothic period in 
1322 B.C., and ascertained that 1460 
Sothic were equal to 1461 vulgar or 
"vague" years, as well as the state, 
ments of ancient authors, decide tho 
question. But for the date of a king's 
reign they used the old year of 360 
days ; and^he months were not reck- 
oned from his accession, but were part 
of the current year. Thus, if ho came 
to the throne on the 10th of the last 
month of the year, or Mosor^, he 
would date in the 1st year, tho 12th 
month, the lOth day ; and his second 
year would be in the following month 
Thoth, or 25 days after his accession. 
The Jews appear to have done the 
same. (See the Appendix to this 
Book, CH. ii.)— [G. W.J 

*° Some suppose these to be the 
twelve Gods of Olympus, the same as 
the Consentes of the Romans, given 
by VaiTo, 



Chap. 3-5. 



THE TWELVE GODS. 



5 



from them ; and first erected altars, images, and temples to the 
Gods ; and also first engraved upon stone the figures of animals. 
In most of these cases they proved to me that what they said 
was tme. And they told me that the first man^ who ruled over 
Egypt was Men,* and that in his time all Egypt, except the 
Thebaic canton, was a marsh,® none of the land below lake 
Moeris then showing itself above the surface of the water. This 
is a distance of seven days' sail from the sea up the river. 
5. What they said of their country seemed to me very 



" Juno, Vesta, Mlnenra, Ceres, DUna, Venus, 
Msrm 
Mercorins, Jovl, Neptnnns, Vnlcanns, 
Apollo," 

and that thej do not refer to any ar- 
rangement of the Egyptian Pantheon ; 
bat in ch. 145 HerodotoB distinctly 
mentions the three orders of Egyptian 
Gods, the first two consisting of eight 
and twelve, and the third "bom of 
the twelve." He also shows how 
much older some were considered in 
Kjjtypt than in Greece ; Pan being one 
of the eight oldest, and Hercnles of 
the twelve ; and says (ii. 43) that 
Neptune was a " God qoite unknown 
to the Egyptians." Again in ch. 4 he 
distinctly states they had twelve 
Gods. The Etruscans had twelve 
Great Gods ; the Bomans probably 
derived that number from them. — 
(See note in Appendix, ch. iii. § 1.) — 
[G. W.] 

^ According to the chronological 
tables of the Egyptians the Gods 
were represented to have reigned 
first, and after them Henos the 
Thinite ; and the same is found re- 
corded in the Turin Papyrus of Kings, 
as well as in Manetho and other 
writers. Manetho gives them in thiB 
order : — 1. Vulcan (Pthah) ; 2. Helios 
(Re), the Sun ; 3. Agathodromon (Hor. 
Hat, or possibly Noura) ; 4. Chronos 
(Seb) ; 5. Oairis ; 6. Typhon (properly 
Seth) ; and 7. Hotus. In the Papy- 
rus there remain only 8eb, Osiris, 
Seth, Horns, Thoth, Thmei, (or Mei 
"Truth"), and apparently Horus 
(the Younger), who was "the last 



God who reigned in Egypt." (Bee 
n. • ch. 43, n. * ch. 99, and Tn. P. W., 
p. 7-11.) Henes (Menai) is repre- 
sented by some to have been a con- 
queror; but the Egyptians did not 
then obtain possession of the valley 
of the Nile for the first time ; for he 
was from This, and their early immi- 
gration from Asia happened long 
before. On the establishment of 
royalty, luxury appears to have been 
introduced into Egypt, and Tne- 
phachthns (Technatis of Pint, de Is. 
8), the father of Bocchoris of the 24th 
dynasty, put up a curse "against 
Meinis" (Menes) in a temple at 
Thebes for having led the Egyptians 
from their previous simple and frugal 
habits. Diodoms (i. 46) says also 
that Henas was the first who intro- 
duced the worship of the Gods, and 
sacrifices, the use of letters, couches, 
and rich carpets. Op. Cicero, Tusc. 
Disp. V. 35. See App. ch. viii. — 
[G. W.] 

' Herodotus does not call this king 
Henes, or Henas (as Diodoms, i. 46), 
but M6n. The Egyptian form is M*na 
according to Hansen and Lepsius. 

' Note, besides the improbability of 
such a change, the fact that Henes 
was the reputed founder of Hemphip, 
which is for to the north of this lake ; 
and that Busiris, near the coast (the 
reputed burial-place of Osiris), Bute, 
Pelasium, and other towns of the 
Delta, were admitted by the Egyp- 
tians to bo of the earliest date. — 
[G. W.] 



EGYPT AN ACQUIRED COUNTRY. 



Book II. 



reasonable. For any one who sees Egypt, without having 
heard a word about it before, must perceive, if he has only 
common powers of observation, that the Egypt to which the 
Greeks go in their ships is an acquired country, the gift of 
the river .^ The same is true of the land above the lake to the 
distance of three days' voyage, concerning which the Egyptians 
say nothing, but which is exactly the same kind of country. 

The following is the general character of the region. In 
the first place, on approaching it by sea, when you are still a 
day's sail from the land, if you let down a sounding-line you 
¥dll bring up mud, and find yourself in eleven fathoms' water, 
which shows that the soil washed down by the stream extends 
to that distance.'^ 



* Vide inSiky ch. 10, and note ad 
luc. The theory had been started by 
HocateoB, who made use of the same 
ozpreiBion. (See Arrian, Exp. Al. v. 6.) 

[HerodotoB obseryea that the same 
might be said of the oonntry above 
for three days* sail ; and exactly the 
same appearance might have stmck 
him thronghont the whole valley of 
the Nile. Bat though the depth of 
the soil has greatly increased, and is 
Htill increasing, in varions ratios in 
different parts of the valley, the first 
deposit did not take place after man 
existed in Egypt ; and as marine pro- 
<laotions have not been met with in 
boring to the depth of 40 feet in the 
Delta, it is evident that its soil was 
deposited from the very first on a 
space already above the level of the 
Mediterranean. The formation of the 
Delta of Egypt is not like that of 
some other rivers, where the land has 
been protruded far into the sea ; on 
the contrary, the Nile, after pursuing 
its coarse through the alluvial soil, 
enters the sea at the same distance 
north of the Lake Mceris as it did in 
the age of the early kings of Egypt. 
'Vhe sites of the oldest cities are as 
near the sea-shore as when they were 
inhabited of old; and yet the period 
now elapsed since some of them were 
built is nearly double that between 



Henes and Herodotus. I have alrefidy 
in another work explained the erro- 
neons notion of the Pharos I. having 

I once been distant from Egypt (At. Eg. 

I W. vol. i. p. 7), by showing that the 
name AXy virros in Homer signified 
(not the country, but) the '* Nile ; " 
for the Pharos I. and the coast of 
Alexandria being both rock, the dis. 
tance between them has always been 
the same. Another great reason for 
the Delta not encroaching on the sea 
is that the land is always sinking 
along the north coast of Egypt (while 
it rises at the head of the Ued Sea) ; 
and there is evidence to show that 
the Mediterranean has encroached, 
and that the Delta has lost instead of 
gaining, along the whole of its extent 
from Canopus to Pelusium. — G. W.] 

^ The distance you see the Mediter- 
ranean discoloured by the Nile during 
the inundation is very great, and the 
same takes place in a minor degree at 
the mouths of rivers on the Syrian 
coast, but without their forming any 
deltas ; nor is the shallow sea off tho 
coast of Egypt more a part of the 
Delta of the Nile now than when 
sounded in Herodotus* time, about 
2300 years ago; and 11 orgyies (or 
fathoms) at a day's sail firom the 
coast would alarm a sailor even at the 
present day. For you only come into 



Chap. 6-7. 



LENGTH OF ITS COAST-LINE. 



6. The length of the country along shore, according to the 
bounds that we assign to Egypt, namely, from the Plinthinetic 
gulf' to Lake Serbonis, which extends along the base of Mount 
Casius, is sixty .schcen^.^ Thel nations whose territories are 
scanty measure them by. the fathom ; those whose bounds are 
less confined, by JJie furlong ; those who have an ample 
territory, by the parasang ; but if men have a country which 
is very vast, they measure it by the schoene.® Now the length 
of the parasang is thirty furlongs,^ but the schoene, which is 
an Egyptian measure, is sixty furlongs.^ Thus the coast-line 
of Egypt would extend a length of three thousand six hundred 
furlongs. 

7. From the coast inland as far as Heliopolis the breadth 



11 fathomB water at aboat 12 or 13 
miles off the coast, aboat Abookir; 
and at 25 or 30 miles yoa have 60, 70, 
80, and 90 fathoms, with sand and 
mad. At 5 or 6 miles from the month 
of the Nile the water on the surface is 
nearly fresh, and the bottom mostly a 
stifiE mud. The long^t day's sail, 
according to Herodotus (iv, 86), is 
700 stadia, aboat 791 English miles, 
or (infr^, ch. 9) 540 stadia, aboat 61 
miles, where the soundings would be 
at least the same number of fathoms. 
[G. W.] 

' Plinthin^ was a town near the 
Lake Mareotis (Strabo, xvii. p. 1133 ; 
Ptol. iv. o. 5; Scylax. Perip. 105). 
I*rom it the lake, as well as the bay, 
was sometimes called " Plinthinotan." 
The name " Arapotes," given in Pliny 
(v. 10) to this lake is evidently a false 
reading. It should be Bacotis, and 
applies to Alexandria. — [G. W.] 

7 The Bchcano, an Egyptian mea- 
sure, varied from 30 and 32 to 40 
stadia, according to Pliny (v. 10, zii. 
14) ; and Strabo distinctly says (xvii. 
p. 1140) it was of various lengths in 
different parts of Eg^ypt. Herodotus 
says it was equal to 60 stadia, making 
the length of the coast 3600 stadia, 
which, at 600 feet to the stadium, 
would be more than 400 Eng. m. The 
real length of the coast from the Bay 



of Plinthin^ at Taposiris, or at Plin- 
thin^, even to the eastern end of the 
Lake SerbAnis, is by the shore little 
more than 300 Eng. miles. Diodorus 
estimates the breadth of Egypt by the 
coast at 2000 stadia; and Strabo 
g^ves only 1770 stadia from the 
Temple of Jupiter Casius at the Ser- 
bonic Lake to Pharos, which, added to 
200 stadia to Taposiris, make 1970 
stadia. The real distance from Casius 
to Pharos is about 1944 stadia, and 
from Pharos to Taposiris or to Plin- 
thin^ nearly 260, being a total of 
about 2204 stadia.— [G. W.] 

^ Some might imagine this to be 
confirmed by modem custom : the 
English measuring by miles, the 
French by leagues, the Germans by 
the " meile," of more than four times 
our mile in long^ ; but this will not 
hold good g^erally, and the Uussiau 
worst is only about two-thirds of an 
English mile, or 1167 yards.— [G. W.] 

' See note on Book v. ch. 53. 

' This would bo more than 36,000 
English feet, or nearly 7 miles. 

[The Greek o-xoti^os, " rope," is the 
same word which signifies rush, of 
which ropes are still made in Egypt 
and in other countries ; and it has been 
singularly transferred to the skein of 
our modem measure for thread and 
silk.— G. W.] 



8 



QEOLOOICAL FEATUREa 



Book II. 



of Egypt is considerable ; the oonntry is flat, without springs, 
and fall of swamps.' The length of the route from the sea up 



' Heliopolifl stood on the edge of 
the deecrt» about 4^ miles to the E. of 
the apex of the Delta ; hot the alia, 
vial land of the Delta extended 5 
miles further to the eastward of that 
citj, to what is now the Birket-el- 
llag. The mountains to the S. of 
Heliopolis closing in to the westward 
towards the Nile make the valley 
narrow in that part, and throughout 
the rest of its course from the S. 
The southern point of the Delta ap- 
pears formerly to hare extended fiir- 
ther up the river (i.e. south) than at 
present, and to have boon nearly 
opposite the modem village of Shoo- 
bra (see M. Eg. W. voL i. p. 401.) 
At the time and long after Cairo was 
founded, the Nile ran more to the 
eastward, as Mr. Lane has shown, 
under its western walls. 

The accumulation of alluvial soil at 
the base of the obelisk of Osirtasen at 
Heliopolis, as around the sitting 
Colossi in the plain at Thebes, has 
l>oen often appealed to for deter- 
mining the rise of the alluvial soil 
within a certain period, but as there is 
no possibility of ascertaining how far 
it stood above the reach of the inun- 
dation when first put up, wo have no 
hose for any calculation. The water 
of the inundation having been for 
ages kept out, according to Egyptian 
custom, from the enclosure in which 
the temple stood, the accumulation 
of deposit there was the more rapid 
when in after times the water was 
admitted, which readily accounts for 
" 80 groat a thickness of one kind of 
seilimcnt without any sign of succes- 
sive deposition," which seems to have 
presented a difficulty to Mr. Horner. 

I have supposed the deposit to have 
been raised at Elephantine about 9 
feet in 1700 years, and at Thebes 
about 7 ; but this is very uncertain. 
The increase is of courso much less 
tho further you descend the valley, 
and at the mouth of the Nile it is 
very snmll ; for it is there lessened 
far more than in tho tame decreasing 



ratio as between Elephantine and 
Heliopolis, owing to the greater extent 
of land, east and west, over which the 
inundatii n spreads, so tliat in a section 
representing tho accumulated soil and 
the level of the low Nile, the angle of 
inclination would be much smaller 
from the apex of the Delta to the pea, 
than from Thebes to the Delta. 
" Thus," as Mr. Homer says, " while 
the rise of the river at the island of 
Roda is 24 feet, near Bamanyeh, about 
65 miles in a direct line N. of the apex 
of the Delta, the diflference between the 
highest and lowest water is about 13 
feet, and at Rosetta and Damietta 
not more than 42 inches." The Nile 
at Asouan is said to be 300 feet above 
its level at Cairo, and 365 above the 
Mediterranean. The distance frooi 
the Rosetta mouth to Cairo is 154 
miles, from Cairo to Asouan 578, fol- 
lowing all the bends of the river, 
which gives a total of 732 miles from 
the sea to the first Cataract. 

According to M. Linant, the volume 
of water poured during 24 hours into 
the Mediterranean by the Nile, when 
low, ij 



By tb« RosetU branch . . 79,532.661,728 
By the Damietta branch . 71.033,840,640 



Cubic metres 



160.666,392,368 



When high 478,317,838,060 

„ ,. 227,196.828,480 



706,614,667,440 

At Sio<5t, which is about half-way 
from Asouan to Terineh, the French 
engineers found that in e^ery second 
of time the mass of water that pu880H 
any one point is 678 cubic metres at 
low Nile, and 10,247 at high Nile; 
and, according to M. Linant, at Cairo 
414 cubic metres at low, and 9440, at 
high Nile. (See Mr. Homer's Memoir 
in Trans. Royal Society, vol. 145, 
p. 101-138.) 

The average fall of the river be- 
twecn Asouan and Cairo is " littlo 
more than half a foot in a mile, viz. 




Chap. 7, 8. DISTANCE OF HELIOPOUS FBOM TEEE SEA. 



to Heliopolis is almost exactly the same as that of the road 
which run^ from the altar of the twelve gods at Athens ® to the 
temple of Olympian Jove at Pisa.* If a person made a 
calculation he would find but a very little difference between 
the two routes, not more than about fifteen furlongs; for 
the road from Athens to Pisa falls short of fifteen hundred 
furlongs by exactly fifteen,* whereas the distance of Heliopolis 
from the sea is just the round number.' 

8. As one proceeds beyond Heliopolis^ up the coimtry. 



0*54 feet, and from the foot of the 
First Cataract to the sea is 0*524 feet 
in a mile;" but from Cairo to the 
Damietta month, according to the 
same anthoritj (ib. p. 114), "the 
average fall is onlj 8f inches in a 
mile."— [G. W.] 

' The altar of the tweWe gods at 
Athens stood in the Foram, and seems 
from this passage and from one or 
two inscriptions (Bose, Tab. xzxii. p. 
251 ; cf. Boeckh, Corp. Ins. i. i. p. 32) 
to have served, like the g^lt pillar 
(milliarium aureum) in the Forum at 
Home, as a central point from which 
to measure distances. It was origi- 
nally erected bj Pisistratus, the son 
of the tyrant Hippias, but was after- 
wards enlarged and beautified by the 
Athenian people. (Thucyd. vi. 64.) 
Adjacent to this altar was the en- 
closure where votes for ostracism 
were taken. (Leake's Athens, p. 163, 
note *».) 

* This mention of Pisa is curious, 
considering that it had been destroyed 
BO long before (b.c. 572) by the Eleans 
(Pausan. vi. zxii. § 2), and that it had 
certainly not been rebuilt by the close 
of the Poloponnesian war (Xen. Hell. 
HI. ii. § 31, comp. vii. iv. § 28). Pro. 
bably Herodotus intends Olympia 
itself rather than the ancient town, 
which was six stades distant (Schol 
ad Pind. 01. x. 55) in the direction of 
Harpinna (Pans. vi. xxi.-xxii.), and 
therefore doubtless in the vicinity of 
the modem village of Mirdka (see 
Leake's Morea, ii. p. 211), with which 
some are inclined to identify it. 



(Moor's Dorians, ii. p. 463. E. T. ; 
Kiepert, Blatt vii.) 

* The correctness of this measure, 
ment, as compared with others in 
Herodotus, or indeed in the Greek 
writers generally, has been noticed 
by Colonel Leake (Journal of Greo- 
graph. Soc. vol. ix. part i. p. 11). 
There is no reason to believe that the 
road was actually measured, but it 
was so frequently traversed that the 
distance came to be estimated very 
nearly at its true length. 

* Fifteen hundred furlongs (stades) 
are about equal to 173 English miles. 
[The real distance of Heliopolis from 
the sea, at the old Sebennytio month, 
is about 110 miles, or 100 in a direct 
line.— G. W.] 

' The site of Heliopolis is still 
marked by the massive walls that 
surrounded it, and by a g^ranite obe- 
lisk bearing the name of Osirtasen I. 
of the 12th dynasty, dating about 
3900 years ago. It was one of two 
that stood before the entrance to the 
temple of the Sun, at the inner end of 
an avenue of sphinxes ; and the apex, 
like some of those at Thebes, was 
once covered with bronze (doubtless 
gilt), as is shown by the stone having 
been cut to receive the metal casing, 
and by the testimony of Arab history. 
Tradition also speaks of the other 
obelisk of Heliopolis, and of the 
bronze taken from its apex. Pliny 
(36, 8) supposes that Mitres, the first 
king who erected an obelisk, held his 
court at Heliopolis, and that those 
monuments wore dedicated to the 



lO 



ARABIAN AND LIBYAN RANGES. 



Book II. 



Egypt becomes narrow, the Arabian range of hills, which has 
a direction from north to south, shutting it in upon the one 
side, and the Libyan range upon the other. The former ridge 
runs on without a break, and stretches away to the sea called 
the Erythrsean; it contains the quarries® whence the stone 
was cut for the pyramids of Memphis : and this is the point ^ 
where it ceases its first direction, and bends away in the 



Sod ; but that depended upon what 
God the temple belonged to, the obe- 
lisks at Thebes being erected to 
Amnn, and in other places to other 
deities. The name of Heliopolis was 
6i-h-re, ''the abode of the Son," from 
which the Hebrew On or A6n oor- 
mpted into Aven (Ezek. xxz. 17) was 
taken, and which was translated 
Beth-shemeeh, "the house of the 
Son" (Jerem. xliii. 13). The Arabs 
called it Ain Shems, " fountain of the 
Snn," fi-om the spring there, which 
the crednlons Christians believed to 
have been salt until the Virgin's visit 
to Egypt. The Arabic name of the 
neighbouring village, Matardehj was 
supposed to signify "fresh water,'* 
and to refer to the fountain ; but this 
is an error, as the masculine word Ma, 
"water," would require the name to 
be Ma-taree. (See M. Eg. W., vol. i. 
p. 295 ; and on the balsam of Helio- 
polis see my n. on ch. 107i B. iii.) 
In later times the artificial Amnis 
Trajanus ran a short distance to the 
northward of Heliopolis; and on that 
side of the city were lakes supplied 
with water from the neighbouring 
canal. The large and lofty crude 
brick walls of Heliopolis enclosed an 
irregular area measuring 3750 feet by 
2870, having the houses on the north 
side covering a space of 575,000 
square feet, to the south of which 
stood the temple of the Sun. This 
occupied a large portion of a separate 
enclosure, or temenoSf at one side of 
the town; and a long avenue of 
spliinxcs, described by Strabo, led to 
tfio two obelisks before the temple 
(I'ee plav). Some of the sphinxes 
may still be traced, as well as the 



ruins of the houses, which, like those 
of Bubastis, stood on a higher level 
than the temenos, owing to their 
foundations having been raised from 
time to time, while the temple re- 
mained in its original site. In Strabo's 
time the houses were shown where 
Plato and Eudoxus lived while study- 
ing under the priests of Heliopolis; 
but the city, which had for ages 
been the seat of learning, lost its 
importance after the accession of tho 
Ptolemies ; and the schools of Alex- 
andria took the place of the ancient 
colleges of Heliopolis (see Strab. 
xvii.). The walls are in some places 
double, but throughout of great 
strength ; and here and there the 
positions of the gates may still be 
traced. From one of these on the 
S.E. side a large road ran through tho 
desert to the Red Sea, and a smaller 
one led across tho Mokuttnm hills 
(behind Cairo) by what is called the 
"petrified forest," and rejoined tho 
valley of the Nile near the quarries of 
" the Trojan hill." A stone gateway 
has lately been found at Heliopolis 
with the name of Thothmes III. — 
[G. W.] 

* The quarries from which the stone 
for the casing of the pyramids was 
taken are in that part of the modem 
El-Mokuttum range of hills called by 
Strabo the " Trojan mountain " (Tpa>i- 
Kh¥ 6pos. xvii. p. 1147). and now Gebel 
Masarah or Toora Masarah, from the 
two villages below them on the Nile. 
Toora, though signifying in Ar. a 
"canal," is evidently the Troja of 
Strabo, which stood in this neighbour, 
hood, and which he pretends was 
built by and named after the Trojan 



Chap. 8. 



INTERIOR OF EGYPT. 



II 



manner above indicated.^ In its greatest length from east to 
west it is, as I have been informed, a distance of two months' 
journey ;,.towards the extreme east its skirts produce frank- 
incense. Such are the chief features of this range. On the 
Libyan side, the ot^er" ridge whereon the pyramids stand, is 
rocky and covered with sand ; its direction is the same as that 
of the Arabian ridge in the first part of its course. Above 
Heliopolis, then, there is no great breadth of territory for such 
a country as Egypt, but during four days' sail Egypt is 
narrow ; ^ the valley between the two ranges is a level plain, 
and seemed to me to be, at the narrowest point, not more than 
two hundred furlongs across from the Arabian to the Libyan 
hills. Above this point Egypt again widens.* 



captiyes of MonelaoB. Bat the pro- 
bability is that some Egyptian name 
was converted bj the Greeks into 
Troja, and by the Arabs into Toora ; 
and we may perhaps ascribe to it the 
same origin as the " Tyrian camp " at 
Memphis mentioned by Herodotus 
(see note ' on ch. 112). The employ, 
ment of the stone in the pyramids, 
and the names of the early kings 
found there, show that these quarries 
were already used by the ancient 
Egyptians from the time of the 4th to 
the 18th dynasty (as well as after 
that period), and consequently during 
the Shepherd occupation of Memphis. 
On one tablet was the representation 
of a large stone on a sledge drawn by 
oxen, having the name of Amosis 
(Ames), the first king of the 18th 
dynasty : and on others the date of 
the 42nd year of Amun.in-he III. (of 
the 12th dynasty) and the names of 
later kings. The quarries are still 
worked by the modern Egyptians, 
and this even-grained magnesian lime- 
stone is used for floors of rooms and 
for other building purposes. — [G. W.] 
' That is, towards the Erythrsaan 
Sea, or Arabian Gulf. [The bend of 
the mountain is really where Cairo 
sow stands, whence it runs tovrards 
the Bed Sea. The notion of Herodo- 
tus respecting its extent to the E. was 



vagpe, and he evidently confounds, 
or connects, it with the peninsula 
of Arabia, the country of incense ; 
though he speaks of the mountain- 
range on the E. of the Nile extending 
southwards along the Bed Sea. Its 
breadth from the Nile to the Bed Sea 
direct is 82 miles in lat. 30°, increas- 
ing to 175 in lat. 24°. —G. W.] 

^ That is, from Heliopolis south- 
ward ; and he says it becomes broader 
again beyond that point. His 200 
stadia are about 22^ to 23 miles. The 
whole breadth of the valley from the 
Eastern to the Western hiUs is only 
from 12 to 15 miles. This must have 
appeared a very g^reat change after 
leaving the spacious Delta, a level 
plain, without any mountains being 
seen to the E. or W. The four days, 
reckoning, as he does, 540 stadia to a 
day, would be about 245 Eng. m., or 
to about the vicinity of Siodt ; but it 
cannot be the spot, whore he thinks 
the valley " widens ; *' for, accordinjj^ 
to his calculation of nine days to 
Thebes, that wider part would be less 
than half-way, or about Gebel Aboo. 
faydeh, and this last would agree still 
less with his description of the in. 
creasing breadth of the valley, which 
is there only 7 miles from the Eastern 
to the Western hills.— [G.W.] 

' Compare the description of Scylax 



12 



EGYPT ONCE A GULF OF THE SEA. 



Book TI. 



9. From Heliopolis to Thebes is nine days' sail up the 
river ; the distance is eighty-one schoenes, or 4860 furlongs." If 
we now put together the several measurements of the country 
we shall find that the distance along shore is, as I stated 
above, 8600 furlongs, and the distance from the sea inland to 
Thebes 6120 furlongs. Further, it is a distance of eighteen 
hundred furlongs from Thebes to the place called Elephantine. 

10. The greater portion of the country above described 
seemed to me to be, as the priests declared, a tract gained by 
the inhabitants. For the whole region above Memphis, lying 
between the two ranges of hills that have been spoken of, 
appeared evidently to have formed at one time a gulf of the 
sea.* It resembles (to compare small things with great) the 
parts about Ilium and Teuthrania, Ephesus, and the plain of 
the MsBander.*^ In all these regions the land has been formed 
by rivers, whereof the greatest is not to compare for size with 
any one of the five mouths of the Nile.® I could mention other 



(Peripl. p. 103), who says that Egypt 
is shaped like a donble.hcadod battle- 
axe (ircA^irt;s or hipennis), the neck 
which joins the two heads being in 
the vicinity of Memphis. 

' The nine days' sail, which Hero- 
dotus reckons at 4860 stadia, would 
give about 552 Eng. miles ; hut the 
distance is only about 421, even fol- 
lowing the course of the river. From 
the sea to Thebes he reckons 6120 
stadia, at the least computation — 
about 700 miles — but the distance is 
by modem measurement only 566 
miles ; and his distance of 1800 stadia 
from Thobes to £lcphantin6, at least 
206 miles, exceeds the truth by above 
700 stadia, being really 124 miles. — 
[G. W.] 

* See above, note * on oh. 5. Hero- 
dotus wiys, most of the country is 
" acquired by the Egyptians," and '* a 
gift of the river;" but as the same 
deposit continues throughout the whole 
valley, these remarks can only apply 
to the original formation of the land ; 
the soil since the time that Egypt was 
first inhabited being only deeper, and 



more extended E. and W. towards the 
mountains ; and whatever form the 
valley may have had in the early 
ages of the world, it could not have 
been a g^lf of the sea since Egypt 
was inhabited. — [G. W.] 

* In some of these places the gain 
of the land upon the sea has beeu 
very great. This is particularly the 
case at the mouth of the Macander, 
where the alluvial plain has advanced 
in the historic times a distance of 12 
or 13 miles. (See note* to Book i. ch. 
142.) At Ephesus there is now a 
plain of three miles between the 
temple and the sea (Leake's Asia 
Minor, p. 259, note), which has been 
entirely created since the days of 
Herodotus. At the mouths of the 
Scamander and the Caicus (which 
drained Teuthrania, Strab. xiii. p. 883, 
Plin. H. N. V. 30), the advance of the 
land, though loss, is still very percept- 
ible. 

• This signifies the natural branches 
of the Nile ; and when seven are reck- 
oned, they include the two artificial 
ones, the Bolbitine and Bucolic or 



EFFECTS OF RITKB-DEP06IT8. 



'3 



rivers also, far inferior to the Nile in magnitade, that have 
effected very great changes. Among these not the least is the 
Acbeloiis, which, after passing through Acamania, empties 
itself into the sea opposite the islands called Echinades,^ and 
has already joined one-half of tliem to the continent." 



Phatmetio, which Herodotiu aays, 
were the work of man. See note > oo 
ch. 17.— [G. W.] 

' TheBS UlaDdi, whiob still be*r the 



Greeks, oonsut of two olnatera, linked 
together bj the barren and mgged 
PttaUl. The northern olnater oon- 
tainH 15 or 16 iilands, the principal 
of which ia Dhragondra. The aonthem 
contaioa only five or six : the moat 
iiii)>ortant ore Oxid, Makii, and Fnt- 
mona. The; were till lately British 
dependencies, being included in the 
Ionian iaIaDds. Except fhiid, tbej all 
lie north of the present mouth ot the 
Acbeloiis (Aipro). See Leake's Nor- 
them Oceeoe, toI. iii. pp. 30, 31. 
* That the Achcloiis in ancient 



times formed freeh land at its month 
with Tery great lapidity is oertaiu, 
from the testimony of Tarions writers 
besides Herodotna. Thnojdidee (ii. 
10£), Soylai (Feript. p. 31), and 
Strabo (i. p. 87), all ipe^ in eqoally 
strong terms on the subject. Thuoy- 
dides even oonjeotorea that in a short 
space of time nil the Echinades would 
become portions of the oontinent. 
This prediction has failed ; and at 
present, owing probably to the projec- 
tion of the ooast and the sweep of the 
current round it, the advance of the 
land is very slow and giadn&l. (Leako, 
iiL p. 670.) So far as appears, no 
island has been added to the shore 
since the time of Btmbo. Col. Leske 
indeed says that he oonld only find 




H 



THE TWO PARALLEL GULFS. 



Book II. 



11. In Arabia, not far from Egypt, there is a long and 
narrow gulf running inland from the sea called the ErythrsBan,* 
of which I will here set down the dimensions. Starting from 
its innermost recess, and using a row-boat, you take forty 
days to reach the open main, while you may cross the gulf at 
its widest part in the space of half a day. In this sea there is 
an ebb and flow of the tide every day.^ My opinion is, that 
Egypt was formerly very much such a gulf as this — one gulf 
penetrated from the sea that washes Egypt on the north,* and 
extended itself towards Ethiopia; another entered from the 
southern ocean, and stretched towards Syria; the two gulfs 
ran into the land so as almost to meet each other, and left 
between them only a very narrow tract of country. Now if 
the Nile should choose to divert its waters from their present 
bed into this Arabian gulf, what is there to hinder it from 
being filled up by the stream within, at the utmost, twenty 
thousand years ? For my part, I think it would be filled in 
half the time. How then should not a gulf, even of much 
greater size, have been filled up in the ages that passed before 
I was bom, by a river that is at once so large and so given to 
working changes ? 



two hoights in this vicinity which 
Heemed to him to have once been 
islands, viz., the peninsula of Kurtzo- 
lari (Strabo'a Artcmita), and a small 
hill opposite Pct^ld; but it may be 
questioned whether the representation 
of Kicpert (Blatt xiii.) does not give a 
truer idea of the actual growth of the 
land. 

• The Greeks generally did not give 
the name ErythrsBan, or Ked Sea, to 
the Arabian Gulf, but to all that part 
of the Indian Ocean reaching from 
the Persian Gulf to India (as in ii. 
102 ; and iv. 39). It was also applied 
to the Persian Gulf (i. 1, 180, 189), 
and Herodotus sometimes gives it to 
the Arabian Gulf, and even the 
western branch between Mount Sinai 
and Egypt (ii. 158). Even Taproban^ 
(now Ceylon) was placed in the Eryth- 
raean Sea, towards the Golden Cher- 



Bonesus. Agatharcides is careful in 
distinguishing the " lied Sea " from 
the Arabian Gulf. Herodotus reckons 
the length of this gulf at 40 days' 
passage in a rowing-boat, and its 
breadth at half a day in the broadest 
part ; but in this la&t ho probably had 
in view the upper part of the Suez 
Gulf. The real length of the Red Sea, 
or Arabian Galf, from the Straits of 
Bab-el- Mandeb to Suez, is liOO Eng. 
m., and its greatest breadth, in lat. 
18**, is 175 ; and the broadest part of 
the Suez Gulf is 25 miles.— [G. W.] 

* Herodotua is perfectly right in 
speaking of the tide in this gulf. At 
Suez it is from 5 to 6 feet, but much 
less to the southward. — [G. W.] 

* Tho Mediterranean, called by the 
Arabs "tho White Sea" as well as 
"the North Sea.'— [G. W.] 



Chap. 11, 12, 



SALT EXUDES FROM THE SOIL. 



IS 



12. Thus I give credit to those from whom I received this 
account of Egypt, and am myself, moreover, strongly of the 
same opinion, since I remarked that the country projects into 
the sea further than the neighbouring shores, and I observed 
that there were shells upon the hiUs,^ and that salt exuded 
from the soil to such an extent as even to injure the pyramids ; 
and I noticed also that there is but a single hill in all Egypt 
where sand is found,* namely, the hill above Memphis ; and 
further, I found the country to bear no resemblance either to 
its border-land Arabia, or to Libya ^ — nay, nor even to Syria, 



' The shells imbedded in rocks hare 
led to much absurd reasoning till a 
very late time; and the accuracy of 
Strabo's judgment is the more snr- 
prising since his mode of aoconnting 
for the upheayings and sabsidings of 
the land, and the retirement and en. 
croachments of the sea, as well as the 
gradual changes always going on 
from subterraneous agencies, accord 
with our most recent discoveries. 
" The reason/' he says, ** that one is 
raised and the other subsides, or that 
the sea inundates some places and re- 
cedes from others, is not- from some 
being lower and others higher, but 
because the same ground is raised or 
depressed . . . The cause must there- 
fore be ascribed either to the ground 
under the sea, or to that inundated by 
it, but rather to that below it. . . . 
and we ought to draw our conclusions 
from things that are evident, and in 
some degree of daily occurrence, as 
deluges, earthquakes, and (volcanic) 
eruptions, and sudden risings of the 
land under the sea . . . and not only 
islands but continents are raised up, 
and large and small tracts subside, 
some being swallowed up by earth. 
quakes." (Strabo, i. p. 74 et seqq.) 
On Volcanos, see Lyell's Prino. of 
Geol. vol. i. ohs. 2 to 5.— [G. W.] 

*The only mountain where sand 
abounds is certainly the African 
range, and though there are some 
lofty drifts in one place on the oppo- 
site side, just below the modem Suez 
road, the eastern part of the valley of 



the Nile is generally free from it. It 
does not, however, encroach on the 
W. to the extent that some have 
imagined ; and if downs of sand have 
been raised here and there along the 
edge of the cultivated land, the 
general encroachment is greatly in 
favour of the alluvial deposit. In 
Ethiopia the sand has invaded the W. 
bank, but this is owing to the fall in 
the level of the Nile mentioned in 
n. \ ch. Ill and App. ch. iv. 4. — 
[G. W.] 

" It is perfectly true that neither 
in soil nor climate is Egypt like any 
other country. The soil is, as Hero, 
dotus says, "black and crumbly." 
The deposit of the Nile, when left on 
a rock and dried by the sun, re. 
sembles pottery in its appearance and 
by its fracture, from the silica it con. 
tains ; but as long as it contains its 
moisture it has the appearance of 
clay, from its slimy and tenacious 
quality. It varies according to cir- 
cumstances, sometimes being mixed 
with sand, but it is generally of a 
black colour, and Egypt is said to 
have been called hence '* black," from 
the prevailing character of its soil. 
The analysis given by Regnault in the 
Description de I'Egypte is — 

11* water, 
carbon, 
oxide of iron, 
silica. 

carbonate of magnesia, 
carbonate of lime. 



9- 
6- 
4- 

4- 
18* 

48- alumen. 



100 



i6 



VARIATION IN THE RISE OF THE NILE. 



Book II. 



which forms the seaboard of Arabia ; but whereas the soil of 
Libya is, we know, sandy and of a reddish hue, and that of 
Arabia and Syria inclines to stone and clay, Egypt has a soil 
that is black and crumbly, as being alluvial and formed of the 
deposits brought down by the river from Ethiopia. 

13. One fact which I learnt of the priests is to me a strong 
evidence of the origin of the country. They said that when 
Moeris was king, the Nile overflowed all Egypt below Memphis, 
as soon as it rose so little as eight cubits. Now Mceris had 
not been dead 900 years at the time when I heard this of the 
priests ; * yet at the present day, unless the river rise sixteen, 
or, at the very least, fifteen cubits, it does not overflow the 
lands. It seems to me, therefore, that if the land goes on 
rising and growing at this rate, the Egj^ptians who dwell below 
lake Ma3ris, in the Delta (as it is called) and elsewhere, will 
one day, by the stoppage of the inundations, suffer permanently 
the fate which they told me they expected would some time 
or other befall the Greeks. On hearing that the whole land 
of Greece is watered by rain from heaven, and not, hke their 
own, inundated by rivers, they observed — ** Some day the 



That the Boil of Libya is red and 
Bandy is true, and the abundance of 
iron, especially at the Little Oasis, 
makes it in some parts like that of 
Devonahire. — [G. W.] 

• This would make the date of Moeris 
abont 1355 B.C. ; but it neither agrees 
with the age of Amnn-xn.he III. of 
the Labyrinth, nor of Thothmes III., 
whom some have supposed to be 
Moeris, nor of Maire, or Papi (Apap- 
pus) of the 6th dynasty. The Moeris, 
however, from whom these dates are 
calculated^ appears to have been Me- 
nophres, whoso era was so remarkable, 
and was fixed as the Sothio period 
B.C. 1322, which happened abont 900 
jeavB before Herodotus' visit, only 
falling short of that sum by 33 years. 
It is reasonable to suppose that by 
Mceris ho would refer to that king 
who was so remarkable for his atten- 



tion to the levels of the Nile, shown 
by his making the lake called after 
him ; and who, from the records at 
Scmneh, and from his name being 
again found in the Labyrinth (by Dr. 
Lepsius), is shown to have been 
Amun-in-he III. ; but if his date is to 
be taken from Herodotus, it will not 
accord with this king of the 12th 
dynasty, who lived about 1500 years 
before the historian ; and the Egyp- 
tians were not in the habit of di- 
minishing antiquity, nor of curtailing 
dates. Herodotus perhaps confounded 
two or more kings, to whom the name 
of Moeris had been given by tho 
Greeks; as the statue of Amunoph, 
and a palace and a tomb of two 
Remeses, were ascribed to Memnon. 
See note * on ch. 100, note * on ch. 
142, and note « on ch. 148.— [G. W.] 



CnAP. 12-14. INCBKASING ELEVATION OF THE LAND. 



17 



Greeks will be disappointed of their grand hope, and then 
they will be wretchedly hungry ; *' which was as much as to 
say, ''If God shall some day see fit not to grant the Greeks 
rain, but shall afflict them with a long drought, the Greeks 
will be swept away by a famine, since they have nothing to 
rely on but rain from Jove, and have no other resource for 
water.'* 1 

14. And certes, in thus speaking of the Greeks the Egyp- 
tians say nothing but what is true. But now let me tell the 
Egyptians how the case stands with themselves. If, as I said 
before, the country below Memphis,® which is the land that is 
always rising, continues to increase in height at the rate at 
which it has risen in times gone by, how wUl it be possible for 
the inhabitants of that region to avoid hunger, when they will 
certainly have no rain,® and the river will not be able to over- 



7 This resembles the common re- 
mark of the Egyptians at the present 
day regarding those countries which 
depend for water on rain. — [G. W.] 

B This with the Delta Herodotus 
seems to consider the only part raised 
by the annual deposit (aSrii ydp iari 
Tj cA^ayofi4vri)f which is of course erro- 
neous, as the alluyium is left through, 
out the valley from Abyssinia to the 
sea.— [G. W.] 

' Fomponius Mela calls Egypt 
" terra expers imbrium ; " and Proclus 
says if showers fell in Lower Egypt 
they were confined to that district, 
and heavy rain was a prodigy in the 
Theba\'d. Herodotus indeed affirms 
(iii. 10) that rain at Thebes portended 
some great calamity, and the con- 
quest of Egypt by the Persians was 
thought to have been foretold by this 
unusual phenomenon at that place. 
In Upper Egypt showers only occur 
about five or six times in the year, 
but every fifteen or twenty years heavy 
rain falls there, which will account 
for the deep ravineg cut in the valleys 
of the Theban hills, about the Tombs 
of the Kings ; in Lower Egypt rain is 
more frequent ; and in Alexandria it 
is tm abundant in winter as in the 

VOL. n. 



south of Europe. These ravines, and 
the precautions taken to protect the 
roofs of the temples at Thebes against 
rain, show that it fell there of old as 
now ; but a continuation of heavy rain 
in Upper Egypt, or even at Cairo, for 
two or three days would bo considered 
a great wonder, and would cause 
many houses to fall down, as in 1823. 
(Cp. Exod. ix. 18, where the hail- 
storm is not said to have been the 
only one, but such as was unlike any 
before it in Egypt.) The Eastern 
desert, between the Nile and the Bed 
Sea, where the mountains are higher, 
is frequently visited by heavy rain 
and thunderstorms in the winter, 
though the climate is drier than the 
valley of the Nile ; and every four or 
five years the torrents run down to 
the Bed Sea on one side and to the 
Nile on the other. In loss than a 
month's time after this the beds of 
those torrents are covered with green 
herbs and numerous small flowers, 
and the Arabs take their flocks to 
graze there till the Khamseen winds 
and the hot sun of May have dried 
them up, and nothing remains except 
a few acacia-trees and the usual hardy 
slirube of those arid districts. There 



l8 ADVANTAOES OF THE INUNDATION. Boot II. 

flow their com-tands ? At present, it most be confessed, they 
obtain the fruits of the field with less trouble than any other 
people in the world, the rest of the Egyptians included, since 
they have no need to break up the ground with the plough, 
nor to use the hoe, nor to do any of the work which the rest 
of mankind find necessary if they are to get a crop ; ' but the 



«ro soarcelj ant sprinitg in tho lulloy 
of tho Nile, and tho (ow foood there 
am probably cansed bj the filtratioD 
•it tho Nilo-waler throngh tbs Boil. — 
[O W.] 

' That the laboar for KrowiDe com 
1FM loss in Ef^pt than in other 



landa of the Delia, to wbioh Hero- 
dotus bero alladcB, ae well as in tho 
bollona away from tlio river, near the 
odKO of the desert, whore tho U-vdI iit 
the land ia the lowOBt. thoy probably 
dispcnBod with tho plungh, aa at the 
present day, and aimply dragged tho 
mud with bnahes after the Heed had 




been thrown upon it, driring in a 
number of sheep, goats, or pig>, to 
tread in the grain ; bDt for other 
oropa cuDsldorable laboDC was re- 
quired in inising water to irrifrete tho 
land ; and during tho aammer and 
autamn few soils require more atten- 
tion than in tlie dry clitnato of Egypt. 
Though the fields were occasionally 
HOWD. BN now, by casting the seed into 
tbo mud on the retiring of the waters, 

among the Egyptians, and the plough 
iw always represented in tho atcricul- 
tnial scenes, both in Upper Egypt 



and on tbo roonnmenlB about Hem- 
phis. The farrows wcro nut docp i 
and DiodoruB and Culumella say that 
they woro contcnU.-d to " trnco Blight 
furrows with a liRlit plough on the 
surface of the land," a mode of tillage 
resembling tho icarificalio of the 
fiomauB, continued in Egypt at the 
proBCnt day. After the plough fol- 
lowed the boe to break the elods -, and 
tho land having been piefmnid, (he 

Boed broadcaet over the field. The 
land was ail open, having no hcdKO- 
rowB, but merely aimplo land.marka 




Chap. 14. 



EQYPTIAN FARMINQ. 



19 



hnsbandman waits till the river has of its own accord spread 



to define tlie boundaries of a farm or 
field, as with the Jews (Dent. xiz. 14), 



and sometimes an estate was sepa- 
rated from its neighbour bj a large 










MTPTIAN FABMIWG. 



itself over the fields and withdrawn ^ain to its bed, and then 
sows his plot of grotrnd, and after sowing turns his swine into 
it — the Bwine tread in the com* — after which he has only to 



oaD^i from whioh smfljler oh&imelA 
diatribated the water in proper direo- 
tioiis through the fielda. When the 
NUa WM low, Uie water wna rniied b; 
the pals and backet, the ihaMof at 
modem Egypt, and by other meaiu ; 
■i^ this attention to artificial irriga- 
tion, imtead of depending for 
lain, ii alluded to ' " ' 
zL 10. Therel^ii one inBtanoe, and o 
only, of m«» drawing the plough 
IgTpt. The painting, whi<^ ia fn 



a tomb at Thebea, is prenerrsd in the 
Lonvre. Two men are at the end of 
the polo, and two othera poll a rope 
attsohed to the boee where the handle, 
pole, and ahare unite: another holds 
the ploogh oa mnal, and the rest of 
the scene ia like that in other agri- 
cnltuial anhjeota, with the hoeing, sow- 
ing broadcast, and the harreet opom^ 
tiona. See Egt. onder Fharaoha, p. 
7S.— [Q. W.] 




■ Plntaroh, .£Uan (Nat. AnimaL i. I times «o represented in the paintings. 

18, OD the anthoritj- of Kodoms), and It is indeed mors probable that pigs 

Pliny, mention thia custom of tread- were turned in apon the land to eat 

ing in the grain " with piga " in up the weeda and roota ; and a paint* 

Bgrpt : bat no instance oooors of it log at Tbelwa, where pigs are intro. 

in the tombi, thoogh goata an totDa- 1 dnoed with water-planta, seema to 




eaoh pi^, when goMt <a 



22 EOTFTUlf FARHINQ. Book U. 

await the harrest. The swine aerre him also to thrash the 
gtaiD,' which ia then carried to the gamer. 




•DJaiAla aboonded, wonld hara been 
loit labour. Ia the diatrict of Oower, 
in SoDtb Wales, con is trodden in bj 
*baep to thiH day.— [O. W.] 

* Tbe paintin)^ show that 
were commonl}' need to tread oi 
f[raiu fnini the ear at harreat 

" lally, 
were so employed ; bnt pigs not being 
sufflcionlly heavy for the purpose, are 
not likely to have been sabatitnted 
tor oxen. This proivsa was performed 
as it is still in Italy, Spain, luid other 
oanntries, by driving the oxen (borsea 
or mnlea) over tbe oom strewed upon 
the groand, or npon a paved area 
near the field ; and tbe Jewi, who 
also adopted it, wei« forbidden to 
mnixle the ox when treading out the 
oom (Dent. irv. 4). Id later times 
the Jews appear also to have naod 
"threshing inatnunents, " and the 
word diu, " treading." in tbe sentence 
"Oman waa threshing wheat" (1 



Chron. xii. 20, 23), mny msrely have 
been retained from the earlier coBlom 
of triturating by oxen. Another more 

threshing instrnment having teeth " 
is foond in Isaiah (xli. 16), which 
calls to mind the Sdrfy^ or com-dntg, 
of modem Egypt, a name closely re- 
■embling the Hebi«w iTors;, a^^iUed 



Chap. 14-15. 



NOTIONS OF TliE lONIANa 



23 



15. If then we choose to adopt the views of the lonians^ 
concerning Egypt, we must come to the conclusion that the 
Egyptians had formerly no country at all. For the lonians 
say that nothing is really Egypt ^ but the Delta, which extends 



to the threshing instminents of Oman 
(as in Isaiah), and the oxen he offered 
to Dayid were doubtless those that 
had been yoked to it. The modem 
Egyptian Ndreg is drawn by two oxen, 
and consists of a wooden frame, with 
three axles, on which are fixed cir. 
colar iron plates, the first and last 
haying each fonr, the centre one 
three plates ; and these not only force 
oat the grain bat chop the straw as 
the machine is dragged over it. M. G. 
A. £., vol. ii. p. 55. It appears to be 
very similar to the tribulum of the 
Bomans mentioned by Varro (de Be 
rasticA, i. 52), who describes it as "a 
frame made roagh by stones, or pieces 
of iron, on which the driver or a 
weight was placed, and this being 
drawn by beasts yoked to it pressed 
out the grain." The "plostemum 
Pcenicum" was doubtless introduced 
into Spain by the Phcenicians. — 
[G. W.] 

* Under the general expression of 
" lonians " in this passage, Herodotus 
has been thought to mean principally, 
if not solely, HecatsBus. (Miiller ad 
Hecat. Fr^yfm. Fr. 295 and 29G.) 
Col. Mure shows satisfactorily (Litera- 
ture of Greece, vol iv. p. 148, note *) 
that this is not the case, since the 
persons here spoken of divided the 
world into three parts (infrii, ch. 16), 
HecataBus into two. (See the map, 
note to Book iv. ch. 36.) Perhaps the 
allusion is to Anaximander, who as a 
geographer had preceded Hecatffius. 
(Strab. i. p. 10 ; Agathemer, i. 1.) 

* There is no appearance of the 
name " Egypt " on the ancient monu- 
ments, where the country is called 
'* Chemi," represented in hieroglyphics 
by the tail of a crocodile. Chemi, 
*• the black land," " the land of Ham," 
or of Ehem (the Egyptian God Pan, or 
the Gkmerative principle of Nature) is 
said by Plutarch to have been so 
called from the "blackness of the 



soil." Khem is sing^arly like the 
Greek x'^' Ham (Eham), the He- 
brew name of the patriarch, signifies 
also "soot," and is like the Arabic 
hem, hami, " hot ; " and the Hebrew 
h&m (or kh6m), signifying brown (or 
black), as in Gen. xxx. 32, 40, is also 
"burnt up." .^ig^ptus was in old 
times the name of the Nile, which 
was so called by Homer (Odys. iv. 
477 ; xiv. 257) : and Strabo (xvii. p. 
69i) says the same was the opinion of 
Nearchus. Manetho pretends that the 
country received the name from 
JEg^yptus, a surname of King Sethos 
(or Sethi). Aristotle thinks that 
" -^Igypt was formerly called Thebes," 
and Herodotus states, in opposition to 
the opinion of the "lonians," that 
" Thebes (i.e. the Thebald) had of old 
the name of Eg^ypt." And if this is 
not confirmed by the monuments, the 
word " Egypt " was at all events con- 
nected with Coptoe, a city of the 
Thebatd. From Kebt, Koft, or Cop- 
toB, the modem inhabitants have been 
called Copts: its ancient name in 
hieroglyphics was Kebt-hor; and Mr. 
Poole is evidently right in supposing 
this to be the same as the Biblical 
Caphtor. He thinks the name "Egypt" 
composed of ATo, " land," and viiros ; 
and is to be traced in the Ai-Caph> 
tor, "land for coast) of Caphtor," 
in Jeremiah (xlvii. 4). The word Cop- 
titic is found in a Gnostic papyrus, 
supposed to be of the second centary 
(see note* on ch. 83). Egypt is said 
to have been called originally Aetia, 
and the Nile Aetos and Siris. Upper 
Egypt, or the ThebaYd, has even been 
confounded with, and called, Ethiopia ; 
perhaps too by Pliny (vi. 35; see 
note* on ch. 110) ; Nahum (iii. 9) 
calls Ethiopia and Egypt the strength 
of No (Thebes) ; and Strabo says 
(i. p. 57) that Menelaus* journey to 
Ethiopia really meant to Thebes. 
The modem name Mttsr or Mur is the 



u 



NOTIONS OF THE I0NIAN8 



Book 11. 



along shore from the Watch-tower of Perseus,' as it is called, 
to the Pelusiac Salt-pans,^ a distance of forty schoenes, and 
stretches inland as far as the city of Cercasorns,^ where the 
Nile divides into the two streams which reach the sea at 
Pelusium and Canobus respectively. The rest of what is 
accounted Egypt belongs, they say, either to Arabia or Libya. 
But the Delta, as the Egyptians affirm, and as I myself am 
persuaded, is formed of the deposits of the river, and has only 
recently, if I may use the expression, come to light. If, then, 
they had formerly no territory at all, how came they to be so 
extravagant as to fancy themselves the most ancient race in 
the world? Surely there was no need of their making the 
experiment with the children to see what language they would 
first speak. But in truth I do not believe that the Egyptians 
came into being at the same time with the Delta, as the 
lonians call it ; I think they have always existed ever since 
tlie human race began ; as the land went on increasing, part 
of the population came down into the new country, part re- 
mained in their old settlements. In ancient times the Theba'is 



•ftmo M tho Biblical Mizraim, i.e. "the 
two MiHn* " applied to Egypt, which 
oorroBponda to " the two regions " of 
tho nculpturoA; but the word Mitr 
dooH not occur on the monuments. 
Mr. Poolo noticoH the meaning of the 
Arabic MiHr, ** red mud," and the 
name Ilahab, ** tho proud," given to 
Kgypt in tho Bible. On Caphtor, soo 
Deut. ii. 23; Amos ix. 7. See note* 
on ch. Km.— [(]. W.l 

• ThiH townr sUwd to the W. of the 
Tanopio mouth ; and, as llonnoll sup. 
|KMM)H, on tho [M)int of Aboukir, not, as 
Htrabo thinks, <m a sandy point at the 
B«)lbitinn mouth. Tho Canopic was 
by Nomo calhul Mio Ilorafjlootio mouth, 
from tho oily of HorculoM (seo n.* ch. 
lli'l). Tho namo (^anopuH, written 
more oorrooMy by Hcnxlotus Kdvoo^ost 
said to signify xp^*^*^ tUtupott has been 
dnrivfMl from kahi wmb, '* golden 
land." Tho torm " Canopic," a])pliod 
iti Niipiihthral vaHi*s with a human 
hnail, is qiiito arbitrary, [(i. W.J 



7 The Greek, like the modem, name 
of Pelusium, is thought to have been 
derived from the mud that surrounded 
it, vifA^s in Greek, and Teen in Arabic, 
signifying " mud." It is now called 
Teeneh. It is, however, very probably 
taken from the old Egyptian name, 
and not Greek. Larcher considers tho 
raptx*itu to be called from the em- 
balmed mummies preserved there ; 
but the name evidently applies to 
the salt-pans, as in ch. 113, where 
Herodotus mentions others near the 
Canopic mouth. — [G.W.] Lopsius sug- 
gests that Pelusium moans " Philis- 
tine-town" (Chronologic der uEgyp- 
ter, vol. i. p. 3-il), and regards it as ho 
called because it was the last town 
held by the Hyksos, whom ho believes 
to have boon Philistines, before their 
final expulsion from Egypt. 

* Or Cercasdrum. It is impossible 
to say which form Herodotus in- 
tondod. 



Chap. 15-17. 



CONCERNING EGYPT. 



25 



bore the name of Egypt, a district of which the entire circum- 
ference is but 6120 furlongs. 

16. If, then, my judgment on these matters be right, the 
lonians are mistaken in what they say of Egypt. If, on the 
contrary, it is they who are right, then I imdertake to show 
that neither the lonians nor any of the other Greeks know how 
to coimt. For they all say that the earth is divided into three 
parts, Europe, Asia, and Libya, whereas they ought to add a 
fourth part, the Delta of Egypt, since they do not include it 
either in Asia or Libya.* For is it not their theory that the 
Nile separates Asia from Libya ? As the Nile, therefore, splits 
in two at the apex of the Delta, the Delta itself must be a 
separate coimtry, not contained in either Asia or Libya. 

17. Here I take my leave of the opinions of the lonians, and 
proceed to deliver my own sentiments on these subjects. I 
consider Egypt to be the whole country inhabited by the 
Egyptians, just as Cilicia is the tract occupied by the Cilicians, 
and Assyria that possessed by the Assyrians. And I regard 
the only proper boundary line between Libya and Asia to be 
that which is marked out by the Egyptian frontier. For if we 



• Though Egjpt really belongs to 
tiie oontinent of Africa, the inhabi- 
tants were certainly of Asiatic origin ; 
and the whole of the valley of the 
Nile has been peopled by the primeval 
immigration of a Cancasian race. 
This seems to be indicated aUo by 
the Bible history, where the grand- 
sons of Noah are made the inhabitants 
of Ethiopia, Egypt, Libya, and Canaan ; 
and Jaba, according to Pliny, affirms 
with reason that the people of the 
banks of the Nile from Sycne to 
HeioS, were not Ethiopians (blacks) 
but Arabs. Till a later time half 
Egypt was ascribed to Africa, " which 
extended to the sources of the Nile " 
(Strabo, ii. p. 170), and '< the Tanais 
and Nile were the limits of Asia" 
(Plin. iii. Procem.) ; bnt more reason- 
able people, says Strabo (i. p. 51), 
think the Arabian Gnlf the proper 
separation of the two continents 



rather than the Nile. Ptolemy gives 
both banks of the Nile to Africa 
(iv. 5). Herodotos justly blames 
the inconsistency of making Egypt 
belong to neither continent, and of 
considering the country and its peoplo 
a new creation. In Book iv. ens. 
39 and 41, Herodotus does not moan 
to exclude Egypt both from Asia 
and from Libya, as he shows by 
mentioning the ships of Neco sail, 
ing from the Arabian Gulf round 
Jiib^'a to the Mediterranean coasts of 
Egypt (ch. 42) ; he treats Libya as 
a distinct region, lying W. of Egypt, 
and makes Egypt itself the division 
between it and Asia. But in a geo- 
graphical point of view his description 
is very unsatisfactory. Diodorus 
seems to think that Hcrodotas made 
the Nile the boundary of Libya. — 
[G. W.] 



26 



THE NILE. 



Book II. 



take the boundary-line commonly received by the Greeks,^® we 
must regard Egypt as divided, along its whole length from 
£lephantin6 and the Cataracts to Cercasorus, into two parts, 
each belonging to a different portion of the world, one to Asia, 
the other to Libya ; since the Nile divides Egypt in two from 
the Cataracts to the sea, running as far as the city of 
Cercasorus ^ in a single stream, but at that point separating 
into three branches, whereof the one which bends eastward is 



^® That is, the course of the Nile ; 
which is made the boundary by Strabo 
(ii. p. 170), Mela (i. 1, 2, and 4), Dio- 
nysins Periegetes (1. 230), and, in one 
place, by Agathemer (i. 1). Scylaz 
(Peripl. p. 106) and Pliny (H. N. v. 9) 
agree with Herodotus in assigning the 
whole of Eg^ypt to Asia. Ptolemy 
(G^g. i. 1) is the first extant geo- 
grapher who formally assigns the Red 
Sea and the Isthmus of Suez as the 
true boundary. In this he is followed 
by the Armenian Geography (§ 16), 
and, in his description of the three 
continents, by Agathemer (ii. 6, 7). 

' Strabo calls it Ceroesura, others 
Gercasorum. It is noticed again in 
chs. 15 and 97. Strabo shows it to 
have been in the same parallel as 
Heliopolis ; and Herodotus considers 
the Delta to end at Heliopolis (ii. 7)> 
which brings the point of the Delta 
nearly opposite the present Shoohra. 
Here the river separated into three 
branches, the Pelusiac or Bubastite to 
the £., the Ganopic or Heracleotic to 
the W., and the Sebennytic, which 
ran between them, continuing in the 
same general line of direction north- 
ward which the Nile had up to this 
point, and piercing the Delta through 
its centre. The Tanitic, which ran 
out of the Sebenn3rtic, was at first 
the same as the Busiritio, but after- 
wards received the name of Tanitic, 
from the city of Tanis (now San), 
which stood on its eastern bank; 
and between the Tanitic and Pelusiac 
branches was the isle of Myecphoris, 
which Herodotus says was opposite 
Bubastis (ii. 166). The Mendesinn, 
which also ran eastward frcm the 



Sebennytic, passed by the modern 
town of Mansoorah, and thence run- 
ing by Mendes (from which it was 
called) entered the sea to the W. of 
the Tanitic. The Bolbitine mouth 
was that of the modem Bosetta 
branch, as the Bucolic or Phatmetic 
was that of Damietta, and the lower 
parts of both these branches were 
artificial, or made by the hand of 
man ; on which account, though Hero- 
dotus mentions seven, he confines the 
number of the mouths of the Nile to 
five. These two artificial outlets of 
the Nile are the only ones now remain- 
ing, the others having either dis- 
appeared, or being dry in most places 
during the summer; and this fact 
seems to confirm an otherwise inex- 
plicable prophecy of Isaiah (xi. 15), 
thought by some to apply to the 
Euphrates — (He) "shall smite it in 
its seven streams, and make men go 
over dry-shod." Most ancient writers 
agree in reckoning seven mouths, tho 
order of which, beginning from tho 
E., was — 1. the Pelusiac or Bubas- 
tite ; 2. the Saltic or Tanitic ; 8. the 
Mendesian ; 4. the Bucolic or Phat- 
metic (now of Damietta) ; 5. the 
Sebennytic ; 6. the Bolbitine (now of 
Bosetta) ; 7. the Ganopic or Hera- 
cleotic ; but eleven are mentioned by 
Pliny, to which he adds four others 
called ** false mouths." Most of those 
false mouths are described by Strabo 
as very shallow, being probably dry 
in summer; and there is reason to 
believe that the three great mouths 
were the Pelusiac, the Sebennytic, and 
the Ganopic, which lant was originally 
the only one (Hercd. ii. 179) which 



Chap. 17, la 



AND ITS SEVEN MOUTHS. 



27 



called the Pelusiac mouth," and that which slants to the west, 
the Canobic. Meanwhile the straight course of the stream, 
which comes down from the upper country and meets the apex 
of the Delta, continues on, dividing the Delta down the middle, 
and empties itself into the sea by a mouth, which is as 
celebrated, and carries as large a body of water, as most of the 
others, the mouth called the Sebennytic. Besides these there 
are two other mouths which run out of the Sebennytic called 
respectively the SaXtic and the Mendesian. The Bolbitine 
mouth, and the BucoUc, are not natural branches, but channels 
made by excavation. 

18. My judgment as to the extent of Egypt is confirmed 
by an oracle deUvered at the shrine of Ammon, of which I 
had no knowledge at all until after I had formed my opinion. 
It happened that the people of the cities Marea® and Apis, who 
live in the part of Egypt that borders on Libya, took a dislike 
to the religious usages of the country concerning sacrificial 
animals, and wished no longer to be restricted from eating the 
flesh of cows.* So, as they believed themselves to be Libyans 
and not Egyptians, they sent to the shrine to say that, having 



sirangera were allowed to enter. See 
note • on ch. 178.— [G. W.] 

• From the Greek word for "mouth," 
tfT^^io, or from the Latin ostium^ the 
Azaba have given the name osto6m or 
othiodm to each of the months of the 
Nile, with its regular plural ashate^m. 
The is prefixed from the repugnance 
of Arabic to words beginning with 8 
fbUowed by another consonant. Thus 
too the French has ^tablCf 4col€f 4taty 
the Spanish ispejOf and even the 
Italian places lo instead of il before 
9pecehio. — [G. W.] 

' The town of Marca stood near the 
hike, to which it gave the name Mareo- 
tia (see note ' ch. 6). It was cele. 
brated for the wine produced in its 
Tioinitj, which appears to be included 
in the " wine of the Northern country," 
so often mentioned in the lists of 
offerings in the Egyptian tombs. 
Strabo says, "in this district is the 



greatest abundance of wine,*' which is 
confirmed by Athensous, iroAA.^ 8i ^ 
TTfpl T^y y^y ra{mjy ifiirtXos. Virgil 
(Cieorg. ii. 91) says, " Sunt Thasiaa 
vites, sunt et Mareotidos albsD ; " and 
the expression of Horace, " lymphatam 
MareoticOf* moaning " Egyptian wine," 
points it out as the most noted of that 
country. AthensBus says, " its colour 
is white, its quality excellent, and it 
is sweet and light, with a fragrant 
bouquet, by no means astringent, nor 
affecting the head ; " and Strabo gives 
it the additional merit of keeping to a 
great age. Athenaeus, however, con- 
siders it inferior to the Teniotic ; and 
that of Anthylla appears to have been 
preferred to it and to all others. See 
below n.' on ch. 37, n.*^ on oh. 60, and 
n.»onch. 77— [G.W.] 

* Though oxen were lawful food to 
the Egyptians, cows and heifers were 
forbidden to be killed, either for the 



28 



WIDTH OF THE INUNDATION. 



Book II. 



nothing in common with the Egyptians, neither inhabiting 
the Delta nor using the Egyptian tongue, they claimed to be 
allowed to eat whatever they pleased. Their request, however, 
was refused by the god, who declared in reply that Egypt was 
the entire tract of country which the Nile overspreads and 
irrigates, and the Egyptians were the people who lived below 
Elephantine,^ and drank the waters of that river. 

19. So said the oracle. Now the Nile, when it overflows, 
floods not only the Delta, but also the tracts of country on both 
sides of the stream, which are thought to belong to Libya and 
Arabia,® in some places reaching to the extent of two days' 
journey from its banks, in some even exceeding that distance, 
but in others falling short of it. 

Concerning the nature of the river, I was not able to gain 
any information either from the priests or from others. I was 
particularly anxious to learn from them why the Nile, at the 
commencement of the summer solstice, begins to rise,^ and 



altar or the table, being conBeorated 
(not as Herodotns states, oh. 41, to 
Isis, but as Strabo says) to Athor, 
who was represented under the form 
of a spotted cow, and to whose temple 
at Atarbechis, " the city of Athor," as 
Herodotus afterwards shows, the 
bodies of those that died were carried 
(ch. 41). It is, however, very excnsa> 
ble in him to confound the two God- 
desses, as they often assume each 
other's attributes, and it is then 
difficult to distinguish them without 
the hieroglyphic legends. See note ^ 
on ch. 40, and note' on ch. 41. — 
[G. W.] 

* Syene and Elephantine were the 
real frontier of Egypt on the S. ; 
Egypt extending **from the tower 
(Migdol) of Syene " to the sea (Ezek. 
xxix. 10). When the frontier was 
extended southward by the conquests 
of the Pharaohs, lower Ethiopia to the 
second cataract (the modem Nubia) 
was still considered out of Egypt, 
though part of its dominions ; and the 
places there are often designated as 
"foreign."— [G.W.] 



* By the *' tracts thought to belong 
to Libya and Arabia," Herodotus 
means the lands about the lake Mare- 
otis, and those on the canal which com- 
municated with the Bed Sea, as well 
as on the E. bank of the Pelusiao 
branch.— [G. W.] 

^ Herodotus was surprised that the 
Nile should rise in the summer solstice 
and become low in winter. . In the 
latitude of Memphis it begins to rise 
at the end of June; about the 10th 
of August it attains to the height 
requisite for cutting the canals and 
admitting it into the interior of the 
plain ; and it is generally at its highest 
about the end of September. This 
makes from 92 to 100 days, as Hero, 
dotus states. At the Cataracts the 
first rise is perceived some time 
sooner, about the end of May or the 
beginning of June, which led Seneca 
to say that '* the first increase ot the 
Nile was observable about the islands 
of Philae." But in proportion as you 
go higher into Ethiopia, the inunda- 
tion is earlier, and at Khartoom ,it 
begins about the 2nd of May, or, 



Chaf. 18, 19. 



CAUSE OF THE INUNDATION^ 



29 



continues to increase for a hundred days — and why, as soon as 
that number is past, it forthwith retires and contracts its 
stream, continuing low during the whole of the winter until 
the summer solstice comes round again. On none of these 
points could I obtain any explanation from the inhabitants,® 
though I made every inquiry, wishing to know what was 
commonly reported — they could neither tell me what special 
virtue the Nile has which makes it so opposite in its nature to 



aooording to some, *' early in April." 
But it aometimes happens that it 
rises a little and then falls again 
before the regular innndation sets in, 
which is owing to partial rains in 
the upper part of its course. In 
Egypt the first change from the pro- 
▼ions clearness of the stream in May 
is obseryed in its red and turbid 
oolonr, and it soon afterwards assumes 
a green appearance, when the water 
is no Icmger considered wholesome. 
For this reason a supply previously 
laid np in jars was then used by the 
ancient Egyptians until it I'eassumed 
• turbid but wholesome red colour; 
niuoh explains an exaggerated remark 
of Aristides (Orat. Egypt, vol. ii.) that 
the Egyptians are the only people 
who preserve water in jars, and cal- 
onlate its age as others do that of 
wine. It was not long before the 
water of the river became wholesome 
again, and the latter part of his asser- 
tion, respecting its improvement by age 
iriien preserved in jarsy is only ono of 
those antitheses in which tho Greeks 
delighted. In large reservoirs it may 
be kept two or throe years, as in some 
honses of Cairo, bat not improved like 
wine. Though very wholesome, the 
water of tho Nile sometimes disagrees 
fdr a few days with strangers, or with 
persons who have sojourned for a few 
nw»*^*»« in the desert ; which accounts 
for the Persians having brought water 
into Egypt from Asia, and agrees with 
the remark of AthensDus (Deipn. ii. p. 
41)» who attributes it to the nitre it 
contains. On the supposed causes of 
inundation, see Eur. Hoi. i. 3 ; Athen. 
ii. p. 278 seq. ed. Bip. ; and Fklmerins 



n. in Oudendorp's Luoan, b. x. 215 
seq.— [G. W.] 

^ The cause of the inundation is the 
water that falls during the rainy sea. 
son in Abyssinia; and the range of 
the tropical rains extends even as far 
N. as latitude 17^ 43^ Homer was 
therefore right in giving to the Nile 
the epithet of Sinrcr^of iroro/ioio, and 
the passages quoted from the Koran 
relating to "the water sent by God 
from Heaven," inscribed on the Nilo- 
meter of the isle of Roda, show that 
the Arabs were at a very early time 
correctly informed respecting the 
cause of the inundation. In the high, 
lands of Abyssinia the rains continue 
from the middle of June to the middle 
of September, but at the sources of 
the White river the rains seem to set 
in about the middle of March, and 
also to last three months. The Bahr- 
el-Azrek, together with the more 
northerly Atbara, and their tribatary 
streams, continue their supply of 
water from Abyssinia until the end of 
the inundation. The two main branches 
of the Southern Nile are the Bahr-el- 
A'biad and the Bahr-el-Azrek, which 
unite at the modem Khartodm, a new 
town on the point of land, about 160 
miles to the N. of Sennir ; but though 
the latter is the smaller of the two, it 
is the one which possesses the real 
characteristics of the Nile, having 
the same black alluvial deposit, and 
the same beneficent properties when 
it inundates the land. The White 
river, on the contrary, has a totally 
different character, and its waters 
possess none of those fertilizing quali- 
ties for which the Nile is celebrated ; 



30 



THEORIES OF THE GREEKS. 



BookII. 



all other streams, nor why, tmlike every other river, it gives 
forth no breezes* from its surface. 

20. Some of the Greeks, however, wishing to get a reputa- 
tion for cleverness, have offered explanations of the phenomena 



and this is probably the reason whj 
the Bonroe of the Abyssinian branch 
has been so often looked npon as the 
real "fountain of the Nile." The 
names (Bahr el) Ahiad and Axrek ap- 
pear to signify the *' white" and 
" black " rather than the " white " and 
"blue" (river). For though Aatoed 
is commonly put in opposition to 
Ahiad (as "black" and "white"), 
Azrekt which is properly "blue," is 
also used for what we call "jet 
black ; " and Hossdn Axrek is a "dark 
black," not a '* blue horse." It is 
true that " blue " is applied to rivers, 
as Nil ah, " blue water " (or " river ") 
to the Indus, and the Sutlej is stiU 
the " blue river ; " but the name 
Axrek seems to be given to the Abys- 
sinian branch to distinguish it from 
the Western or White Nile. Neel, or 
Nil, itself signifies " blue," and indigo 
is therefore " Neeleh ; " but the word 
is Indian, not Arabic, Nila in Sanscrit 
being " blae." Though the Greeks 
called the river " Nile," as the Arabs 
do, that name is not found in the 
hieroglyphics, where the Qod Nilus 
and the river are both called " Hapi." 
That god, however, is coloured hlue. 
The Hindoo Puranas also call the Nile 
" Nila ; " but it was not an old Egyp- 
tian name, and those writings are of 
late date. It is called in Coptic toro, 
" river," or torn, " sea " (cp. *aK€oaf6s), 
analogous to the modem Arabic name 



hahr. 



t( 



river 



}f 



properly "sea" 



(see 



note ^ on ch. 111). Nahum (iii. 3) 

speaks of "populous No (Thebes) 

whose rampart was the »ea." The 

resemblance of the 

name Hapi, "Nilus," 

and the bull-god Hapi 

or Apis (see ch. 28, 

B. iii.) recalls the 

Greek representation 

of a river under the form of a bull, 

like the Aoheloiis and others (see 




18 



^lian, Var. Hist ii. 83). Nilus 
not taken from Nahr or Nahl, " river 
but Nahr, "river," is applied to the 
Euphrates, and Nahl to a ravine or 
torrent-bed, as (in 2 Kings zziv. 7) to 
the " torrena JEgypti." Nahl is not a 



"river," but, like Nullah, a 



" ravine," 



in India. Gp. Nahr, Nar, Naro, and 
other names of rivers, the Nereids, 
Ac. (See n. ' on ch. 50.) For hlack 
applied to water, op. /x/Xoy 08om> of 
Homer. The Nile was said to have 
received its name from King Nilus; 
but this is doubtless a fable ; and 
Homer calls it ^gyptus. The sources 
of the White NUe are still (1862) un. 
known ; and recent discoveries seem to 
assign a different position from that 
conjectured by the explorers sent by 
Mohammed iUi, who brought it from 
the eastward, at the back or S. of the 
Gralla mountains ; as did a very intel- 
ligent native of the Jimma country I 
met at Cairo, who affirmed that he had 
crossed the White river in going from 
his native land to Adderay or Hurmr 
and the Somduli district, on his way 
to the port of Berbera. Seneca's 
description of the Upper Nile, " mag- 
nas solitudines pervagatus, et in 
paludes diffusus, gentibus sparsus" 
might suit the chai^ter of the White 
Nile, though he is wrong in supposing 
it only assumed a new one by forming 
a single stream " about PhilaB." See 
Nat. Quffist. b. iv. s. 2; cp. Plin. vi. 
30.— [G. W.] 

* If this signifies that breezes are 
not generated by, and do not rise 
from, the Nile, it is true ; but not if 
it means that a current of air does 
not blow up the valley. Diodorus 
(i. 38) is wrong in stating that *Hhe 
Nile has no clouds about it, does not 
engender oold winds, and has no 
fogs." The fogs are often very thick, 
though they disappear before mid. 
day.--[G. W.] 



Chap. 19-22. 



ETESIAN WINDS. 



31 



of the river, for which they have accounted in three different 
ways. Two of these I do not think it worth while to speak of, 
farther than simply to mention what they are. One pretends 
that the Etesian winds ^ cause the rise of the river by prevent- 
ing the Nile-water from running off into the sea. But in the 
first place it has often happened, when the Etesian winds did 
not blow^that the Nile has risen according to its usual wont ; 
and fanner, if the Etesian winds produced the effect, the 
other rivers which flow in a direction opposite to those winds 
ought to present the same phenomena as the Nile, and the 
more so as they are all smaller streams, and have a weaker 
current. But these rivers, of which there are many both in 
Syria* and Libya, are entirely unlike the Nile in this respect. 

21. The second opinion is even more unscientific than the 
one just mentioned, and also, if I may so say, more marvellous. 
It is that the Nile acts so strangely, because it flows from the 
ocean, and that the ocean flows all roimd the earth .^ 

22. The third explanation, which is very much more 
plausible than either of the others, is positively the furthest 
from the truth ; for there is really nothing in what it says, 
any more than in the other theories. It is, that the inundation 



* The annnal N.W. winds blow from 
the Mediterranean daring the inunda- 
tian ; but they are not the cause of 
the rise of the Nile, though they help 
in a small degree to impede its course 
northwards. For the navigation of 
the rirer thej are invaluable, as well 
am for the h«Jth of the inhabitants ; 
and a Yery Ihrge boat could scarcelj 
aeoend the river during the inundation 
imleM aided by them. Nor can they 
be said to cause the inundation by 
driving the clouds to Abyssinia, as 
the rise of the Nile begins before they 
set in, though they may add to the 
water by later showers. — [G. W.] 

s It ia possible to justify this state- 
ment, which at first sight seems un- 
tme, by considering that the direction 
of the Etesian winds was north- 
westerly rather than north. (Arist. 
Meteor, ii. 6; Died. Sic. i. 39.) This 



was natural, as they are caused by the 
rush of the air from the Mediterra- 
nean and Egean, to fill up the vacuum 
caused by the rarefaction of the 
atmosphere over the desert lauds in 
the neighbourhood of the sea, which 
desert lands lie as much in Syria and 
Arabia on the east, as in Africa on 
the south. Though Syria therefore 
has only a torrent-bed generally dry 
(the Wady el Arish, or River of Egypt) 
which faces the north, it has many 
rivers which the Etesian winds might 
affect, all those, namely, which face 
the west. 

•That the Nile flowed from the 
ocean, and that the ocean flowed all 
round the earth, were certainly 
opinions of HecatsDus (Fr. 278). It 
is probable, therefore, that his ac- 
count of the inundation is here in- 
tended. 



32 



MELTED SNOW. 



Book II. 



of the Nile is caused by the melting of snows.* Now, as the 
Nile flows out of Libya,* through Ethiopia, into Egypt, how is 
it possible that it can be formed of melted snow, running, as 
it does, from the hottest regions of the world into cooler 
countries ? Many are the proofs whereby any one capable of 
reasoning on the subject may be convinced that it is most un- 
likely this should be the case. The first and strongest argu- 
ment is furnished by the winds, which always blow hot from 
these regions. The second is, that rain and frost are unknown 
there.® Now, whenever snow falls, it must of necessity rain 



* This was the opinion of Anax- 
agoras, as well as of his pupil Ea- 
ripides and others. (Diodor. i. 38; 
Euripid. Helena, beg*. ; Seneca, Nat. 
Qnaost. iv. 2 ; Ptol. Geog. iv. 9.) 
Herodotas and Diotlorus are wrong in 
supposing snow could not be found on 
mountains in the hot climate of 
Africa; perpetual snow is not con- 
fined to certain latitudes ; and ancient 
and modem discoveries prove that it 
is found in the ranges S. of Abys- 
sinia. Nor is the heat always there 
what Herodotus imagines ; and the 
cold of winter is often sensibly felt in 
the plains of Ethiopia about Gebel 
Berkel, far distant from high moun- 
tains, though the thermometer does 
not range below freezing. "The 
lower limit of perpetual snow is not 
a mere function of geographical lati. 
tudo, or of mean annual temperature ; 
nor is it at the equator, or even 
within the tropics, that the snow-line 
reaches its greatest elevation above 
the level of the sea." (Humboldt, 
Cosmos, i. p. 828.) At the equator, 
on the Andes of Quito, the limit is at 
15,790 feet above the sea; on the 
southern declivity of the Himalaya it 
lies at 12,982 feet, and on the northern 
declivity at 16,63^ ; and the volcano 
of Aconcagua in lat. 32^ 30', which 
was found " to be more than 1400 ft. 
higher than Chimborazo, was once 
seen free from snow." (p. 829.) See 
also Lyell's Ft. of Qeology, o. vii. — 
[G. W.] 
* That is from Central Africa, which 



was and still is the opinion of some 
geographers. There appears more 
reason to place the source of the 
•' White Nile" to the S. of the Abys- 
sinian ranges, between lat. 7^ and 8^ 
N. ; though a branch does come from 
the W., called Adda or Jengeh, which 
seem to be two names of the same 
stream. — [G. W.] 

* Herodotus was not aware of the 
rainy season in Senn^ and the S.S. W. 
of Abyssinia, nor did he know of the 
Abyssinian snow. This is mentioned 
in the inscription of Ptolemy Phila- 
delphus at Adulis, on the mountains 
beyond the Nile, " to the depth of a 
man's knee." (See Plin. vi. 34, and 
Vincent's Periplus.) The tropical 
rains do not extend as far N. as the 
Dar Sheg^h (Shaik^h) and the greaX 
bend of the Nile, where showers and 
storms only occur occasionally, gene- 
rally about the beginning of the inunda- 
tion, and where a whole year some- 
times passes without rain. The tropical 
rains begin about the end of Maroh or 
beg^inning of April on the White Nile 
in lat. 4° N., and both the White and 
Blue Niles begin to rise at Khartodm 
the first week in May. The climate 
there is then very unhealthy, even 
for the natives. The rain fiaills for 
many hours, but with intervals of 
clear weather and a strong sun, raising 
a vapour that causes a bad fever. The 
vegetation is very rapid and luxurious. 
That part of the valley immediately 
to the N. of the range of the rains is 
then infested with clouda of flies — a 



Chap. 22, 28. 



NO SNOW IN CENTRAL LIBYA. 



33 



within five days ; "^ so that, if there were snow, there must 
be rain also in those parts. Thirdly, it is certain that the 
natives of the country are black with the heat, that the kites 
and the swallows remain there the whole year, and that the 
cranes, when they fly from the rigours of a Scythian winter 
flock thither to pass the cold season.® If then, in the countrj- 
whence the Nile has its source, or in that through which it 
flows, there fell ever so Uttle snow, it is absolutely impossible 
that any of these circumstances cojild take place. 

28, As for the writer who attributes the phenomenon to the 



perfect plague — but they do not ex. 
tend into the desert. Philostratns 
(Vit. Apoll. Tyan. ii. 9) pays ho docs 
"not mean to gainsay the snows of 
the Ethiopians, or the hills of the 
Catadupi;" but he evidently disbe- 
lieves the accounts given of thom. 
The cause of the two branches rising 
at the same time at Khartoom is the 
lain that falls at no great distance 
from that spot. The eflFect of the 
more southerly itiins is felt after. 
wards. Callisthenes, the pupil of 
Aristotle, and afterwards Agathar. 
oides and Strabo, attributed the inun- 
dation to the rainy season in Ethiopia ; 
and correctly, for it is caused by this, 
and not by the melting of snow. See 
Athenaeus, Epit. ii. sO ; Diod. i. U ; 
Btrabo, xvii. p. 1121.— [G. W.] 

' I have found nothing in any writer, 
ancient or modern, to confirm, or so 
Dinch as to explain, this assertion. 
Anhis Gellius seems to have noticed it 
as an instance of " over rapid gene- 
ralisation." (Epitom. lib. viii. c. 3) ; 
but his remarks on the subject are 
lost. It does not appear that at 
present, either in Asia Minor or in 
Southern Italy, rain necessarily fol- 
lows snow within a certain number 
of days. But the meteorology (jf the 
oonntries bordering on the Mediter- 
ranean has no doubt undergone great 
changes since the time of Herodotus. 
In some parts of England there is a 
saying, that *' three days of white 
frost are sure to bring rain." 

* Cranes and other wading birds are 

VOL. n. 



found in the winter in Upper Egypt, 
but far more in Ethiopia, and in 
spring immense flights of storks 
{Ciconia alba) collect together, which 
after soaring round in circles at a 
great height, return for the summer 
to tho North. From the migration of 
cranes to Ethiopia arose the fable of 
the Cranes and Pygmies. The Ardea 
cinerea and garzotta, the platalea or 
spoonbill, the pelican, and some others 
remain the whole year in Egypt. 
The Grus cinerea (crane) winters in 
Ethiopia about Gebel Berkel. This 
last has been strangely mistaken for 
an ostrich at Beni Hassan, and is pro- 
bably tho Grus undetermined by 
Pickering (p. 169). Tho Ibis is rarely 
seen except near the Lake Menzaleh, 
where ducks, coots, and numerous 
water- fowl abound. The avocet was 
a native of Egypt as early as the 12th 
dynasty. The Numidian demoiselle 
(Anthropo'ides Virgo) is found, but not 
common, in Upper Egypt. Kites re- 
main all tho winter, and swallows 
also, though in small numbers, even 
at Thebes. The swallow was alwavs 
the harbinger of spring, as in Greece 
and the rest of Europe ; and tho sub- 
ject is represented on Greek vafes, 
where a youth exclaims " Behold the 
swallow ! " and another answers 
"Then it is now spring." (See Pa- 
nofka's Bilder ant. Lebens, pi. xvii. 
fig. 6.) Boys (as Mr. Cumby observes) 
wont about in Khodes to collect gifts 
on the return of the swallow, as for 
the " grotto " at the beginning of our 



34 



TRUE REASON OF THE NILE S SWELLING. 



Book II. 



ocean,^ his account is involved in snch obscurity, that it is 
impossible to disprove it by argument. For my part I know 
of no river c^led Ocean, and I think that Homer, or one of 
the earlier poets, invented the name, and introduced it into 
his poetry. 

24. Perhaps, after censuring all the opinions that have been 
put forward on this obscure subject, one ought to propose some 
theory of one's own. I will therefore proceed to explain what 
I think to be the reason of the Nile's swelling in, the summer 
time. During the winter, the sun is driven out of his usual 
course by the storms, and removes to the upper parts of 
Libya. This is the whole secret in the fewest possible words ; 
for it stands to reason that the country to which the Sun-god 
approaches the nearest, and which he passes most directly 
over, will be scantest of water, and that there the streams 
which feed the rivers will shrink the most. 

25. To explain, however, more, at length, the case is this. 
The sun, in his passage across the upper parts of Libya, 
aflfects them in the following way. As the air in those regions 
is constantly clear, and the country warm through the absence 



oyster Bcoson, thoogh with greater 
pretensions, as Athenseus, quoting 
Theognis, shows (viii. p. 360), since 
they sometimes threatened to carry 
oif what was not granted to their re- 
qnost : — " We will go away if you 
give us something; if not, wo w^ill 
never let you alone. We will either 
carry off the door, or the lintel, or the 
woman who sits within ; she is small, 
and we can easily lift her. If you 
give any gift, let it be large. Open, 
open the door to the swallow, for we 
are not old men, but lioys." — [G. W.] 
* The |)or8on to whom Herodotus 
alludes is Hecatseus. He mentions it 
also as an opinion of the Greeks of 
Pontus, that the ocean flowed round 
the whole earth (B. iv. ch. 8). That 
the Nile flowed from the Ocean was 
maintained by Hecataeua, and by 
Euthymenes of Mareeillea (Plut. do 
lU Phil. iv. 1), who related that, 



" having sailed round Africa, he 
found, as long as the Etesian winds 
blew, the water forced into the Nile 
caused it to overflow, and that when 
they ceased, the Nile, no longer re- 
ceiving that impulse, subsided again. 
The taste of the water of the sea was 
also sweet, and the animals similar to 
those in the Nile." This mistake was 
owing to another river on the coast of 
Africa having been found to produce 
crocodiles and hippopotami. The 
name " Ocean " having been given by 
the Egyptians to the Nile does not 
appear to be connected with the re- 
mark of Herodotus, as it is not 
noticed by him but by Diodorus (i. 
96), and Herodotus says ho " never 
knew of a river being called Ocean." 
We see from Plut. Plac. Ph. iv. 1, that 
Eudoxns knew that the summer and 
winter seasons were different in the 
N. and S. hemispheres. — [G. W.] 



Chap. 28-26. 



THE SUN THE SOLE CAUSE. 



35 



of cold winds, the sun in his passage across them acts upon 
them exactly as he is wont to act elsewhere in summer, when 
his path is in the middle of heaven — that is, he attracts the 
water.^ After attracting it, he again repels it into the upper 
regions, where the winds lay hold of it, scatter it, and reduce 
it to a vapour, whence it naturally enough comes to pass that 
the winds which hlow from this quarter — the south and south- 
west — are of all winds the most rainy. And my own opinion 
is that the sun does not get rid of all the water which he 
draws year by year from the Nile, but retains some about 
him. When the winter begins to soften, the sun goes back 
again to his old place in the middle of the heaven, and proceeds 
to attract water equally from all countries. Till then the 
other rivers run big, from the quantity of rain-water which 
they bring down from countries where so much moisture falls 
that all the land is cut into gullies ; 1)ut in summer, when the 
showers fail, and the sun attracts their water, they become 
low. The Nile, on the contrary, not deriving any of its bulk 
from rains, and being in winter subject to the attraction of 
the sun, naturally runs at that season, unlike all other 
streams, with a less burthen of water than in the summer 
time. For in summer it is exposed to attraction equally with 
all other rivers, but in winter it suffers alone. The sun, 
therefore, I regard as the sole cause of the phenomenon. 

26. It is the sun also, in my opinion, which, by lieatmg 
the space through which it passes, makes the air in Egjpt so 
dry. There is thus perpetual summer in the upper parts of 
Libya. Were the position of the heavenly regions reversed, 
80 that the place where now^ the north wind and the winter 
have their dwelling became the station of the south wind 
and of the noon-day, whil6, on the other hand, the station 



^ Herodotas (Iocs not here alludo to 
the old notion of the nan beinf^: **fed 
by wator," but to tho moisture it 
attracts which is carried by the winds 
to the S., and then retorued in tho 



form of rain by tho southerly winds. 
Compare Aribtot. Meteor, ii. 2; Ana- 
creon, Od. xix. trivet ... 6 8* f^Aiot 
eiXcurffoM, Cic. Nat. Deor. b. ii. — 

[G. W.] 



*i 



36 



SOURCES OF THE NILE. 



Book II. 



of the south wind became that of the norths the consequence 
would be that the sun, driven from the mid-heaven by the 
winter and the northern gales, would betake himself to the 
upper parts of Europe, as he now does to those of Libya, and 
then I believe his passage across Europe would affect the Ister 
exactly as the Nile is affected at the present day. 

27. And with respect to the fa.ct that no breeze blows from 
the Nile, I am of opinion that no wind is likely to arise in 
very hot countries, for breezes love to blow from some cold 
quarter. 

28. Let us leave these things, however, to their nattCral 
course, to continue as they are and have been from the begin- 
ning. With regard to the sources of the Nile,^ I have found 



* Tho sources of tho great eastern 
branch of tho Nile have long been dia- 
oovered. They were first visited by 
tho Portogoeso Jesuit, Father Lobo, 
and afterwards by Bruce ; those of the 
White river are still (1862) unknown 
(see above n. ' on ch. 19). Herodotus 
affirms that of all the persons he had 
consulted, none pretended to give him 
any information about the sources, ex- 
cept a scribe of tho sacred treasury of 
Minerva at Sais, who said it rose from 
a certain abyss beneath two pointed 
hills between Syene and Elephan- 
tine. This is an important passage 
in his narrative, as it involves the ques- 
tion of hia having visited the Thebaid. 
He soon afterwards (ch. 29) asserts 
that *' as far as Elephantine he was an 
eye-witness" of what he describes ; and 
yet, though so much interested about 
this great question, and persuaded 
that the hiorogrammat of Sals was 
joking, he did not when at Elephan- 
tine look or inquire whether the Nile 
actually rose beneath the peaked hills 
of Crophi and Mophi, nor detect the 
fallacy of the story about tho river 
flowing from the same source north- 
"wards into Egypt and southwards into 
Ethiopia. Its course was as well 
known in his day at Elephantine as 
now. This, and the fact of his 
making bo much of tho Labyrinth, 



when the monuments of Thebes would 
have excited his admiration in a far 
greater degree, have been thought to 
argue against his having been at 
Thebes and Elephantine ; and any one 
on visiting Elephantine would be ex- 
pected to speak of it as an island 
rather than as a ** city." It is, how. 
ever, possible that his omitting to 
describe the monuments of Thebes, 
which to this day excite the wonder 
of all who see them, may have been 
owing to their having been fully 
described by Hecata^us. The names 
Crophi and Mophi are like the un- 
meaning words used in joke, or in the 
nursery, by Orientals, at the present 
day; tho second repeating the sound 
of the first, and always beginning 
with T)», as " fersh mersh," " salta 
malta," &c. Crophi and Mophi do 
not, as has been supposed, signify 
" bad " and " good."— [G. W.] 

Colonel Mure (Lit. of Greece, vol. 
iv. p. 387) compares the Crophi and 
Mophi of tho Saitic scribe to the Gog 
and Magog " of our own nursery my. 
ihology," apparently forgetting that 
the words Gog and Magog come to us 
from Scripture (Ezek. xxxviii. 2 ; 
Eev. XX. 8). Tlie formation of un- 
meaning or absurd words by means of 
a rhyming repetition, together with 
the change of the initial letter is com- 



Chap. S&-28. 



CROPHI AND MOPHL 



37 



no one among all those with whom I have conversed, whether 
Egyptians, Libyans, or Greeks,^ who professed to have any 
knowledge, except a single person. He was the scribe* who 
kept the register of the sacred treasures of Minerva in the city 
of Sais, and he did not seem to me to be in earnest when he 
said that he knew them perfectly well. His story was as 
follows : — " Between Syene, a city of the Thebais, and 
Elephantine, there are" (he said) ''two hills with sharp 
conical tops; the name of the one is Cpphi, of the other, 
Mophi. Midway between them arc the fountains of the Nile, 
fountains which it is impossible to fathom. Half the water 
runs northward into Egypt, half to the south towards 
Ethiopia." The fountains were known to be unfathomable, 
he declared, because Psammetichus, an Egyptian king, had 
made trial of them. He had caused a rope to be made, many 
thousand fathoms in length, and had sounded the fountain 
with it, but could find no bottom. By this the scribe gave me 



mon in onr own langnago. With ns 
the seoond word begins oi'dinarily, not 
with m, bat with tho labial nearest to 
«, Tiz. 6, or with its cognate tenais 
p. Examples of this usage are — 
hmrly-^bwly, hocus-pocuSt higyledly-pig- 
gUdy, huhhuhf niminy-piminy, namhy- 
pamhy, Ac. In hugger-mugger, and 
ptllrmell, wo keep to the Oriental 
Dnge, and employ tho m. In helter. 
$Mierj hum-dru7n, and perhaps a few 
other words, we adopt an entirely 
diflterent sonnd. 

* This was one of the g^at pro- 
blems of antiquity, as of later times ; 
and Cflssar is even rcpoiled to have 



** spes nit mihi certa videndi 

NilUoot fontes, bellum civile relinquam." 

— Lno. Phars. x. 191. Cp. Ilor. iv. 

Od. xiv. 45 :-- 

** Fontiam qui celat origines 
Nilns." 

See aboYO, note* eh. 19.— [G. W.] 

^ The scribes had different offices 
and grades. Tho sacred scribes held 
a high post in the priesthood ; and 
the rojal scribes were tho king's sons 



and military men of rank. Thero 
wore also ordinary scribes or notarioH, 
who were c<mveyanc^rs, wrote letters 
on business, settled accoants, and 
performed different offices in tho 
market. The sacred scribes, or hicro* 
grammats, had also various duties. 
Some, as the one hero mentioned, were 
scribes of the treasury, others of tho 
granaries, others of the documents 
belonging to the temple, &c. Tho 
scribes always had with them a bag, 
or case having wooden sides, orna- 
mented with coloured devices gene- 
I'ally on leather, and a [)endent leather 
mouth tied by a thong to hold the 
ink palette with its reed .pens, the 
])apyrns-rollB, and other things they 
required, which was carried by an 
attendant slung at his back; but in 
the house a box was sometimes used 
in its stead. Lncian says (Macrob. 
B. 4) they were remarkable for lon- 
gevity, like the Brachmanes( Brahmins) 
of India, and others, owing to their 
mode of life. (Of their dress and 
duties, see note ^ ch. 37, figs. 8, 9, and 
woodcut note" ch. 177.)— [Ci.W.] 



33 



THE NILE ABOVE ELEPHANTINE. 



Book II. 



to understand, if there was any truth at all in what he said, 
that in this fountain there are certain strong eddies, and a 
regurgitation, owing to the force wherewith the water dashes 
against the mountains, and hence a sounding-line cannot bo 
got to reach the bottom of the spring. 

29. No other information on this head could I obtain from 
any quarter. All that I succeeded in learning further of the 
more distant portions of the Nile, by ascending myself as high 
as Elephantine, and making inquiries concerning the parts 
beyond, was the following : — As one advances beyond Elephan- 
tine, the land rises.^ Hence it is necessary in this part of the 
river to attach a rope to the boat on each side, as men harness 
an ox, and so proceed on the journey. If the rope snaps, the 
vessel is borne away down stream by the force of the current. 
The navigation continues the same for four days, the river 
winding greatly, like the Mseander,^ and the distance traversed 
amounting to twelve schoenes. Here you come upon a smooth 
and level plain, where the Nile flows in two branches, round 



■ This fact should have convinced 
Herodotus of the improbability of the 
story of the river flowing: southwards 
into Ethiopia. That boats are obliged 
to be dragged by ropes in order to 
pass the rapids is true ; and in per- 
forming this arduous duty great skill 
and agility are required, the men 
being often obliged to swim from rock 
to rock to secure the ropes and alter 
the direction of the draft. After 
passing the first cataract at Asouan 
(the ancient Syfene), which is done 
in about five hours, the boat sails 
unimpeded to the second cataract, a 
distance of 232 miles ; a rocky bed of 
the river called Batn-el-Hadjar, " belly 
of stone,*' continues thence about 45 
m. to Semneh, after which it is navi- 
gable here and there, with occasional 
rapids, as far as the third cataract of 
Hannek, below Tombos, about lat. 
lO** 40'. Beyond this is an unimpeded 
sail of 200 ro. (passing the modem 
Oj-dee and Old Dongola) to the fourth 



I 



cataract, about 18 m. above G^bel 
Berkel. From thence to the N. end of 
the isle of Merog is a sail of about 240 
m., the river being open some way 
farther to the S., beyond the site of 
the city of Mero6 and the modem 
Shendy. Between MeroS and Dongola 
is the great bend or " elbow '* of the 
Nile, where the course of the river 
changed from a northerly to a southerly 
direction, as described by Strabo (b. 
xvii. beg«.) Part of the route from 
Asouan to Mero^ may be performed 
by land, leaving the Nile at Korosko, 
below Derr the capital of Nubia, from 
which point is a caravan round to the 
great bend at Aboo-Hamed above 
Gebel-Berkel, a journey of eight days 
with camels. — [G. W.] 

• The windings of the Msaander are 
perhaps at the present day still more 
remarkable than they were anciently, 
owing to the growth of the alluvial 
plain through which it flows. Chand- 
ler observes : " The river runs from 



Chaf. 28, 29. 



THE ISLAND TACHOMPSO. 



39 



an island called Tachompso.^ The country above Elephantine 
is inhabited by the Ethiopians, who possess one-half of this 



the moath of the lake with many wind- 
ings, throagh groves of tamarisk, 
toward Miletiu, proceeding by the 
right wing of the theatre in mazes to 
the lea, which is in view, and distant, 
as we oompnted, about eight miles. 
(Travels, i. ch. 53.) A good repre. 
aentatiim of these sinuosities will be 
found in the Ionian Antiquities (vol. 
i. ch. iii. plate 1). By the ago of 
Augustus the word " Mseandor ' had 
come to be used in its modem generic 
sense (Stnb. zii. p. 835 ; Yirg. ^n. 
V. 251). 

' The distances given by Herodotus 
avB 4 days through the district of 
DodeoasohoBuus to Tachompso Isle, 
then 40 days by land, then 12 days 
by boat to MeroS, altogether 5G days. 
The Nile, however, is not tortuous like 
the HsBander, nor is there any great 
bend before that near Korosko, and 
his isle of Tachompso is uncertain; 
but as he speaks of its being inhabited 
partly by Egyptians, partly by Ethio- 
pians, it is possible that he may 
have confounded it with Philte, which 
Stiabo calls "an abode common to" 
those two people. Itolcmy places 
Metacompso opposite Psclcis, where a 
large Egyptian fortress of very early 
date still remains, and wliich mnnt 
have continued to bo a strong post 
in the time of the Romans. It was 
at Pselcis that Pctronius defeated 
the generals of Candace, before he 



n I 



advanced to Napata, and the island 
mentioned by Strabo, to which the 
routed enemy swam for protection, 
was perhaps the Tachompso of Herod- 
otus. If Bo^ that island has since 
been carried away. The large lake, 
said to have been in its vicinity, was 
merely the open Nile (a reach being 
probably called, as it now is, a '* lake " 
or hirkeh) ; and from thence was a 
march of 40 days by land to that 
part where the Nile was again navi- 
gable (at the island now called Tom bos, 
on the frontier of Dongola). From 
this was a sail of twelve days more 
to Merod. The omission of all men. 
tion of Napata, the old capital of 
Ethiopia, by the informant of Herod- 
otus, might at first sight lead us to 
suppose the land-journey was through 
the desert (to Aboo-Hamed) ; but the 
distance of 12 days thence to Mero@ is 
far too much ; and Herodotus evi- 
dently speaks of the journey by the 
river-side to the spot where the Nile 
was agrain navigable. Gebel Berkel 
is apparently the *' sacred mountain " 
mentioned by Strabo (xvi.), and it 
is always so called in the hieroglyphics. 
Tho distances from Sy^ne to Napata, 
and from this to Meroe, do not agi-co 
with the position of Gebel Berkel, and 
if Napata was placed lower down at 
Old Dongola, that position would agree 
better with the ancient measui'cments. 
They are — 



Mn^ to NaiMta 
NapaU to Mcrod 



M.P. 
5U 
360 



Bnc, niilM. 

. nearly i74 
. above aaii 



Aronan to Old Dongola 484 

DungoU to iiiiheX Ikrkol . 80 ( Dongola to { ^^ 



874 . . about 804} 



U. Berkel to Mcroe Island 257 j Merod Island i 



ToUl 821 



The Boman mile may be reckoned 
at 4860 feet : for though 1 found 4785 
to be its length, by measuring two, 
marked by milestones, c»n the coast of 
Syria, and other authorities give it 
4842 and 4828, or 4820 feet, Caval« 
Canina has shown it to be 48GI Eng- 
lish feet, or metres 1487-730. Tho 
great remains at Gebel Berkel, and 
the many pyramids near it, orgue that 



it was tho capital, unless indeed it 
was merely tlie " holy hill," like that 
of Sardbat el Kliadem in tho penin- 
sula of Mount Sinai, chosen by tho 
Egyptians as early as the reign of 
Osirtasen I. If " the small city of 
Napata" stood at Old Dongola (for- 
merly calletl Dankala), which was evi- 
dently the site of an ancient town, 
and has long been the capital of that 



40 



A GREAT LAKE. 



Book II-. 



island, the Egyptians occupying the other. Above the island 
there is a great lake, the shores of which are inhabited by 
Ethiopian nomads ; after passing it, you come again to the 
stream of the Nile, which runs into the lake. Here you land, 
and travel for forty days along the banks of the river, since it is 



part of Ethiopiai this might acoomit 
for Mero6 haFing a similar name, 
" Dankalah." On the other hand, the 
distancei 80 Roman miles, from Ter- 
gedom to Napata, agrees well with 
that from Old Dongola to Gebel 
Berkcl : and the large island (now 
Tangol or Tangos) jost above Old 
Dongola might answer to the I. of 
Gag^pdes. On the whole, there is 
good reason for placing Napata at 
Gebel Berkel ; and it is one of the 
greatest errors to suppose the ancients 
most always be right in their dis- 
tances, or in any other information. 
The name n-ape.t seems to signify 
" of Ape-t " or " Tape," as if it were 
derived from or an offset ** of Thebes " 
(in Harris's Standards) ; and it was 
not nnusual to give the names of 
Egyptian cities to those of Ethiopia, 
as was often done in Nabia. 

The Itinerary of Antoninns gives 
these names of places in Lower Ethi- 
opia (or Nubia) : — 

M.P. 

CoDtra-Sjene to Parembole {Ddbdd) . 12 
Txitei 



ft 






H 



>• 



Taphis (T^fi, TAyfeo). 
Talmis (Kalahdhec) . 
TntilB (Gerf IloRRayn) 
PnelciH (Dakkeh) . . 
rorte(K6rtec) . . . 
HciraAycaminon (Ma- 
harraka) . . . . 



2 
U 

8 
20 
12 

4 



80 



(About 73? English milea; the real distance 
being about 71} by loud, and by water about 
84). 

On the opposite bank : — 



Ueirasycaminon to Contra- PsekiA . 

Contra-Talrais . 
Cuntra-Tapbis . 

Philie 24 

Syene 3 



»» 



*> 



M.P. 

11 

24 

10 



72 
(About 664 English miles.) 

riiny (b. xxix.) mentions the towns 
takDQ by Pctroiiius en his way to Ka- 
f !:tc : — 



Psdeii. PrimiM. 

Aboeeii, Pbthurls. 

Cambutit. Attena. 

Stadyais, remarkable for ita cataract. 
Napata, plundered by him ; and he went 
870 M.r. above Syene. 

The distances g^ven by Pliny are — 

M.P. 

From Syene to Helraaycaminon . . . S4 

„ „ Tama 7S 

„ „ the Ethiopian district 

of Euunymiton . . 120 

„ „ Acina 54 

litara 26 

„ „ Tergodum (between 

which two is the inland 
Oagaudes) .... 106 
„ M Napata, a small city . 80 

614 
Then to Meroil island, the city being eo 
M.r. from the beginning of the island . 360 

874 
(About 804 J English miles.) 

Ptolemy (Goog. iv. 5, 7 & 8) omits 
the names of towns between Syfin^ 
and Psclcis; but opposite Pselcis he 
places Metacompso ; and then, " after 
Pselcis and the great cataract (of 
Wadee Halfeh) ho mentions Tasitia, 
Bodn (Booty) , Autoba, Phthuri, l*ior6, 
Ptemythis {IlrtfxvBls), Ahuncis, Cam- 
hysis ccrarium, Erchoas, Satachtha, 
Mori (M6pov), Nacis, and Tathis, on 
the W. l^nk ; and on the opposite 
side Pnups, Berdthis, Gerl)6, I^trota, 
Ponteris, Prtmis-parva, Arabis, Napatay 
Sacol^, SaudacI, Orbadari, Primis- 
magna, and then the ii«Iand forming 
the district of Meroe, lying Iwtwoen 
the Nile which flows to the W. of it, 
and the Astaboras which is to the E., 
beyond which is Sacolchfi, Esdr, Doro- 
rnm (Ad^pwif) Yicus, and then the junc- 
tion of the Nile and Aatapus. But 
his adding "and then the junction 
of the Astaboras and the Astapus" 
tends to mislead ; and he probably 
meant ''of the Astasobas and the 
Astapus."— [G.W.] 



Chap. 20. 



MEROE. 



41 



impossible to proceed farther in a boat on account of the sharp 
peaks which jut out from the water, and the sunken rocks 
which abound in that part of the stream. When you have 
passed this portion of the river in the space of forty days, you 
go on board another boat and proceed by water for twelve days 
more, at the end of which time you reach a great city called 
Meroe, which is said to be the capital of the other Ethiopians.® 



* This IB in contradistinction to the 
moftdi^Sf which in this instance may 
have been merely a corruption of 
"Nobatse," since an agrioaltoral 
people could not have been nomade. 
For ihongfa late writers pretend that 
the Nobatae were a Libyan people, 
introdnced into the yalley of the Nile 
nnder the Roman Empire, it is evidcDt 
that the name was of early date and 
Ethiopian, having been taken from the 
ram-headed deity, principally wor- 
shipped there, Nonb, Noam, or Noa, 
who- was the Great God of Ethiopia 
from the most remote periods (see 
next note, and App. en. iii. § 2). 
AJMoi^ was evidently a corruption of 
the Egyptian name for southern 
Ethiopia or Nubia, ''Ethaush" or 
"Ethosh," the ps being substituted 
tat $h, a sound the Greeks could 
neither writo nor pronouuco. The 
Greeks (like the Arabs) often adopted 
a word having some signification in 
their own language, if it resembled a 
foreign one, and the Greek derivation 
of AMoK^ is on a par with that of Isis, 
frwn tlo'ir, " knowledge " (Plut. do Is. 
s. 2), and many others. The isle of 
MeroS, formed by three rivers, as 
Strabo and Josephus state, was the 
peninsula contained between the 
main branch of the Nile on the west ; 
the Astapus or the modem Abaweo 
Nile, or Bahr-el-Azrek, with its tribu- 
tary the Rahad (probably the Asta. 
tobas, on the south ; and the Asta- 
boras, now the A'tbam on the east ; 
and according to Strabo (xvi. and 
XYii. pp. 1095, 1162) it had the foi-m 
of an oblong shield, measuring 3000 
stadia (at least 341 miles) and 1000 
stadia (about 113 1 miles) in breadth 



(see Plin. vi. 29). The city of Merofi 
stood near the modem Dankalah, re- 
markable for its numerous pyramids, 
27 m. N.E. of the modem Shendy. 
Napata was also the capital of Ethi- 
opia, and that too at a very remote 
period; and Merod was probably the 
scat of an independent kingdom. The 
appearance of the pyramids of Dan- 
kalah indeed shows it to have been 
very ancient, and after the Egyptian 
kings of the 12th and 18th dynasties 
had established themselves at Napata, 
Meroe became the solo capital of the 
Ethiopian kings ; and though Napatu 
was the royal seat in the time of the 
Sabacos and Tirhaka, MeroS was still 
tho metropolis of Southern Ethiopia, 
as it was in the days of Herodotus 
and of the Ptolemies ; but it had lost 
all its importance in the time of tho 
Kuman Empire. The pyramids of 
Noori doubtless belonged also to Na- 
pata, the neighbouring ones at Grobel 
Berkel (Napata) itself being of a 
rather more recent date ; and though 
tho pyramids of Dankulah have so 
great an appearance of ago, the tro- 
pical rains have had an effect on them 
to which those of Noori were not sub- 
ject ; and no ruins of temples exist at 
MeroS of an antiquity at all com- 
parable to that of the oldest ones at 
Gebol Berkel. The notion of Diodorus 
and Strabo that Mero3 was built by 
Cambyses is too extravagant to be 
noticed. There aro some curiously 
fortified lines on the hills about five or 
six miles below Gebel Berkel, com- 
manding the approaches to that place, 
by tho river and on the shore, appa- 
rently of Ethiopian time. I believe 
they have not been noticed; and I 



4* 



OODS OF ETHIOPIA. 



The only gods worshipped by the inhabitants are Japiter and 
Bacchus,' to whom great honours are paid. There is an 
oracle of Jupiter in the city, which directs the warlike ex- 
peditions of the Ethiopiane ; when it commands they go to 



wu led to eiamiDe them by perceiv- 
ing their stone wiUi upon the irr^a- 
larly indented cliffa they cover. Tliey 
extend Bbont htlf-a-mile inl&nd from 
the river. Knd from their following 
every projecting cramer of the hilU, 
the total nnmber at feet of wall is 
nearly 10,000 ; bat there ore no ves. 
tiges at hoDBoa or other buililinge 
wHhin the area they enolpn.— [G.W.I 

MeroC i» freqaently mentioned 
tmder the nune of Miruih in the 
Anyri&n inHrriptioni. 

' Amao and Osiris enswered to 
Jnpiter and Bacchaa -, and both the 
Anton of Tbebea and the nuD-headed 
Non (Noam, Ntmb, or Kneph) were 
worehipped in Ethiopia. Bat it is 
this last deity to whom Herodotaa 
alladec ; for he seys " the Egyptians 
call Jnpiter Ammon," and in later 
times the nun-headed Ood waa also 
•opposed to answer to Japiter. This 
is shown by inacriptiona at the Oasia 
and at Syfind, where he was wor- 
ahipped ander the name of Jupiter- 
Ammon-Cctmbis, in company with 
t^te (Juno) and Anooke (Vesta), who 
formed the triad ot the cotaracts. 
(See uoto' ch. 42.) OBiria, the God 
of the dead, was worshipped in 
Ethiopia, OS thronghont Egypt, the 
religious ritca ot that conntiy having 
been borrowed from the Egyptians ; 
bat it cannot be said that these two 
were the only Oods of Ethiopia. 
Btrabo mentions the worship of Her- 
cnles, Pan, and Isia, as well as a bar- 
baric God, at Heroe (ivii. p. 5C,o) -. and 
in the temples of that country, 
iriiether erected by Ethiopians or by 
Egyptian monarcba who ruled there, 
many other fiods shared in the wor. 
ship paid to the principal deity of the 
aanctuaty. Besides many of the 
UBoal Egyptian deities are some of 
ancommon form pccoliar to Ethiopia; 
and at Wady Owalayb is one with 
three lion's hoods and four arms, more 



like sn Indian than an Egyptian God 
though he wears a hisd.dress com 
man to Gods and KingH, especially ii 
Ptolemaic and Boman times. Ue w 




perhaps tlio barbaric God mentioned 
by Strabo. The whole oharactor of 
the temple is copied from Egypt, and 
the Amim of Thebea and the ram- 
headed Noam or Nonb hold the moat 
conspicnonB places there. Indeed 
tbe ram -headed God was the chief 
deity thronghont Ethiopia; and thoogh 
a lion-headed God ia found at Amjlra, 
aa well as at Wady Owatayb, there ia 
no apjiearauce of hia having been of 
the aame early age as Noum, and the 
king whose name occors on both 
temples is of late time. It ia to those 
two, Jupiter and Oairis, that Btrabo 
Bllades wbeo he aaya, " the Ethiopians 
acknowledge two Gods, ono immortal, 
the canae of all thinga, the other 
mortal, who has no name," or more 
properly whose name was not uttered, 
the myaterions Oairis, who hod lived 



CBjkP. 29, 30. 



THE DESERTERS. 



43 



war,^ and in whatever direction it bids them march, thither 
straightway they carry their arms. 

80. On leaving this city, and again mounting the stream, 
in the same space of time which it took you to reach the 
capital from Elephantine, you come to the Deserters,^ who 




on earth, and, dying, had beoome the 
jndge of men in a fatnre state. He 
alao mentions other inferior Gods. — 
[O. W.] 

' The inflnenoe of the priests at 
Merod, through the belief that they 
■poke the commands of the Deity, is 
more fally shown by Strabo and Dio* 
donis, who say it was their costom to 
send to the king, when it pleased 
them, and order him to pat an end to 
himself, in obedience to the will of 
the oracle imparted to them ; and to 
such a degree had they contrived to 
enslave the understanding 
im,% of those princes by super- 
stitions fears, that they 
were obeyed without op- 
position. At length a king, 
called Ergamenes, a con. 
temporary of Ptolemy Phil- 
adelphus, dared to disobey 
their orders, and having 
entered "the golden chapel" 
with his soldiers, caused 
them to be put to death in 
his stead, and abolinhed 
the custom (Died. iii. 6 ; Strabo, xvii. 
p. 1163). Ergamenes had "studied 
the philosophy of Greece,'* and had 
the sense to distinguish between 
priestly rule and religion, knowing 
that blind'obedience to the priests did 
not signify obedience to the divine 
will ; but these vested rights on 
man's credulity seem to have been 
afterwards revived among the Ethio- 
pians, and the expedition sent by Mo- 
hammed Ali up the White Nile learnt 
that the same custom of ordering the 
king to die now exists among some of 
their barbarous descondantn. The 
name of Ergamenes is found in the 
temple of Dakkeh, in Nubia.— [0. W.] 
* The descendants of the 2 10,()00 
de.sertera from Psammetichus lived, 
ficcording to Herodotus, 4 months' 




journey above Elephantine (ch. 31), 
from which Merod stood half-way. 
He reckons (ch. 29) 56 days from 
Elephantine to MbpoB, the double of 
which would be 112, instead of 120 
days; and Merod being half-way 
would require the country of the 
Automoli to be in the modem Abys- 
sinia. They were called 'Aa-fidxi in 
allusion to their original post on the 
"left," not of the king, but of the 
Egyptian army, the cause of their 
desertion (see following note). This 
word may be traced in the ahemal, 
"left," of the Arabic; and Esar, a 
city mentioned by Pliny, 17 days from 
Mert>§, where the Egyptian deserters 
lived 300 years, is remarkable from 
having the same signification in Arabic, 
yesdr being also "the left." Some 
have derived the name of Axum in 
Abyssinia from *A<rfJix» According 
to Strabo (xvii. p. 541) they were 
called Sembrites, or Sebritw, meaning 
" strangers," which may either be 
compounded of the Egyptian ahemnw, 
"stranger," and heri (or mheri) 
" new ; " or be taken from the name of 
the country they inhabited, Saba; 
for " Sembrites " is the same as 
" Sebrites," mh beingoften pronounced 
simply b. It is remarkable that 
Strabo places the country they in- 
habited, called Tonesis, inland from 
the port of Saba (xvii. p. 630). They 
lived in an island above that of Merod, 
and in his time they were subject 
to one of the many queens who at 
various periods ruled Ethiopia : for 
there was a queen Candace in the time 
of Petronius ; and this title, rather 
than name, passed, acconling to Pliny 
(vi. 29), from one queen to another 
for many years. The monuments of 
Gebel Berkel, and other places, also 
show that queens frequently held the 
sceptre in Ethiopia ; but the queen of 



44 



MEANING OF "ASMACH. 



»> 



Book II. 



bear the name of Asmach. This word, translated into our 
langua,ge, means '' the men who stand on the left hand of the 
king. " ' These Deserters are Egyptians of the warrior caste, 



Sheba in Solomon's time, claimed by 
the Abyssinians, was evidently not 
from that coantry, for Sheba was pro> 
bably in the sonthem part of Arabia, 
and the Arabians, like the Ethiopians, 
were frequently governed by qneens. 
(See note to Book iii. oh. 107). The 
name Saba may point out a connexion 
with the country where the /ion-god 
was worshipped (sdba meaning ''lion"); 
and Josephus (Antiq. ii. 6) says that 
Saba was a name of MeroS. The with- 
drawal of the Egyptian troops to 
Ethiopia is readily explained by the 
intcrcoorse that had so long subsisted 
between the two countries. The royal 
family of Ethiopia was often related 
by marriage to that of Egypt, which 
accounts for some princes of Cush 
having the title "royal son'* in the 
Thebcm sculptures (though these are 
mostly Egryptian viceroys, and sons of 
Pharaohs) ; and the fact of the royal 
succession having been maintained in 
the female line explains the reason of 
so many queens having ruled in Ethi. 
opia. This too gave the Ethiopians a 
claim on the throne of Eg^t when 
the direct line failed, and accounts for 
the Sabacos and others occasionally 
obtaining the crown of Egypt by 
right and not by conquest. — [G. W.] 

' Biodorus says that the reason of 
the Egyptian troops deserting fix)m 
Psammetichus was his having placed 
them in the l^t wing while the right 
was given to the strangers in his 
army, which is not only more pro- 
bable than the reason assigned by 
Herodotus, but is strongly confirmed 
by the discovery of an inscription at 
Aboosimbel in Nubia, written appa- 
rently by the Greeks who accom- 



panied Psammetichus when in pursuit 
of the deserters. These Greeks wore 
the lonians and Carians taken into his 
pay, in order, as Herodotus was told 
(ch. 152), to aid in dethroning his 
colleagues, though in reality from the 
advantage of employing the Greeks 
against the increasing power of his 
Asiatic neighbours (see note * on ch. 
152). The first Greeks known to the 
Egyptians being lonians led to the 
name Ionian being afterwards used by 
them for all Greeks, as we find in the 
Bosetta stone, and other documents. 
The Asiatics, for a similar reason, 
called the Greeks "lonians," "the 
race of Javan." Ionia in the Nakhsh- 
i-Bustam Inscription is " Yavand," or 
Yund, and the ancient Greeks are 
still known in Arabic as the "Yn- 
ndni," or " Iun£ni.*' The inscription 
states that Psammetichus himself 
went as far as Elephantine, the Greeks 
being sent forward with some of his 
adherents into Ethiopia ; and the 
point where they had a parley with 
the deserters was apparently, from 
the inscription, near Kerkis, some dis- 
tance above Aboosimbel, where on 
their return they left this record of 
their journey. It is also curious from 
its stylo ; and from the early indica. 
tion of the long vowels, H and Xl (the 
latter apparently an O with a dot in 
the centre), which — as well as other 
arguments — proves that they came 
gradually into use, and long before 
the time of Simonides, who was not 
bom till 556 B.C. The reign of Psam. 
metichus dates in the middle of the 
7th century B.C. The inscription, of 
which the following is a transcript, is 
thus translated by Colonel Leake : — 



^AT/Aif o^£a oa/ To; ^/ f A£ q> ANT; N A^/^^>A^\ AT/xo 
r^VTA^r^AtAWTo/^ vNvkAM^TlXo f To I ® eoKA*«»' 
EPAEo M B A® O N^ IE KE PK I O^KATVPf ^SfVljoroTAMo 

ANlBA^o^Ao5o^oHxE^o^>^/MToAl^v^T/o$^E>^^i'^ 

erPA<t>5 A ArA E APy ON AMo I B 'XOK A I P iPAEPoJ Vj^^AMgi 



Chap. ao. 



HISTORY OF THE DESERTERS. 



45 



who, to the nnmber of two hundred and forty thousand, went 
over to the Ethiopians in the reign of king Psammetichus. 
The oanse of their desertion was the following: — Three gar- 
risons were maintained in Egypt at that time,^ one in the 
city of Elephantine against the Ethiopians, another in the 
Pelusiac DaphnsB,'^ against the Syrians and Arabians, and a 
third, against the Libyans, in Marea. (The very same posts 
are to this day occupied by the Persians, whose forces are in 
garrison both in Daphnae and in Elephantine.) Now it hap- 
pened, that on one occasion the garrisons were not reheved 
during the space of three years ; the soldiers, therefore, at 
the end of that time, consulted together, and having deter- 
mined by common consent to revolt, marched away towards 



"King Fsamaiicbns having como to 
Elephantine, those who wero with 
Fnunatichos, the son of Thooclos, 
wrote this. They sailed, and came to 
above Kerkis, to where tlie livcr 
risee (?).... the Egyptian Amaais. 
The writer is Damcarohun, the sun of 
Amoebichus, and Pelcphuts (?) the son 
of Udamua" (?). (This Ph looks 
rather like the old K or Q.) In the 
same place are several other inscrip- 
tioDB, some of the same style and 
time, and others written by Ph(x>ni- 
oians in their language, the date of 
which is unknown. If this was the 
Srd, instead of the 1st Psammctichas, 
"the Egyptian Amasis " may have 
been the general, afterwards king of 
Sgypt; for Herodotus, who ouly mcn- 
tlonB one Psammetichus, may have 
been wrong in supposing the deser- 
tioin of the troops took place under the 
Bon of Neco. This would bring the 
date of the inscription within 600 
B.C (See note ^ on ch. 161, and hist. 
notice App. ch. viii. § 34.) Inhere is a 
coin of Thrace of date about 550 B.C. 
which has the A (in Millingen), though 
many much later have not the long 
▼owelB. Coins and vases are no 
authorities against their use, as the 
archaic style was imitated to a late 
time. Some inscriptions, as that of 
Fotidea in the British Museam, as 



late as 432, have no H nor XI. The E 
is X2, and the Y is ^2; and it has 
been supposed that there was no A 
in public documents till the archon- 
ship of Euclid, n.c. 403. Hut the 
long vowels were used earlier by the 
Greeks of Asia Minor. The fl and 2 
were changed to w and C in the age of 
the later Ptolemies, and were re-intro- 
duced in the reign of Adrian. — [G. W.] 
For a further notice of the Great In- 
scription of Aboosimbel, see Note at 
the end of this Book. 

^ It was always the custom of the 
Egyptians to have a garrison stationed, 
as Herodotus states, on the frontier, at 
Elephantine, at Daphna) of Pelusium, 
and at Marea ; but in tho time of the 
victorious kings of the 18th dynasty 
others were stationed at Somneh, 
alwve the second cataract, and also 
further south in Upper Ethiopia, as 
well as in various parts of Asia, where 
they had extended their conquests, 
which last were only finally taken 
from them in tho time of Neco II., 
the son and successor of this Psam- 
metichus. — [G. W.] 

^ Daphnse, Daphn^, or Daphnes was 
16 Roman miles from Pelusium, ac. 
cording to the Itinerary of Antoninus. 
It was the Tahpanhes of Scripture. 
See Jer. xliii. 8; Ezek. xxz. 18. — 
[G. W.] 



46 



EXTENT OF KNOWN COURSE OF THE NILE. 



BookIL 



Ethiopia. Psammetichus, informed of the moyement, set 
out in pursuit, and coming up with them, besought them with 
many words not to desert the gods of their country, nor 
abandon their wives and children. "Nay, but," said one 
of the deserters with an unseemly gesture, " wherever we go, 
we are sure enough of finding wives and children." Arrived 
in Ethiopia, they placed themselves at the disposal of the 
king. In return, he made them a present of a tract of land 
which belonged to certain Ethiopians with whom he was at 
feud, bidding them expel the inhabitants and take possession 
of their territory. From the time that this settlement was 
formed, their acquaintance with Egyptian manners has tended 
to civilise the Ethiopians.* 

31. Thus the course of the Nile is known, not only through- 
out Egypt, but to the extent of four months' journey either by 
land or water above the Egyptian boundary; for on calcu- 
lation it will be foimd that it takes that length of time to 
travel from Elephantine to the country of the Deserters. 
There the direction of the river is from west to east.^ Beyond, 
no one has any certain knowledge of its course, since the 
country is uninhabited by reason of the excessive heat. 

32. I did hear, indeed, what I will now relate, from certain 
natives of Cyrene. Once upon a time, they said, they were 



• This would be a strong argument, 
if required, against the notion of 
civilization having come from the 
Ethiopians to Eg}'pt ; but the monn- 
ments prove beyond all question that 
the Ethiopians borrowed from Egypt 
their religion and their habits of civi- 
lization. They even adopted the 
Egyptian as the language of religion 
and of the court, which it continued 
to be till the power of the Pharaohs 
had fallen, and their dominion was 
again confined to the frontier of 
Ethiopia. It was through Egypt too 
that Christianity passed into Ethiopia, 
even in the age of the Apostles (Acts 
yiii. 27), as is sSbwn by the eunach of 



queen Candace (see note' on this 
chapter). Other proofs of their early 
conversion are also found, as in the 
inscriptions at Farras, - above Aboo- 
simbel, one of which has the date of 
Diocletian, though the Nobatse are 
said not to have become Christians 
till the reign of Justinian. The er- 
roneous notion of Egypt having bor- 
rowed from Ethiopia may perhaps 
have been derived from the return of 
the Egyptian court to Egypt after it 
had retired to Ethiopia on the invasion 
of the Shepherds.— [G. W.] 

' This only applies to th© white 
river, or western branch of the Nile. 
— [G. W.] 



Chap. 80-32. 



INTERIOR OF LIBYA. 



47 



on a visit to the oracular shrine of Ammon,® when it chanced 
that in the coarse of conversation with Etearchus, the 
Ammonian king, the talk fell upon the Nile, how that its 
sources were unknown to all men. Etearchus upon this 
mentioned that some Nasamonians^ had once come to his 
court, and when asked if they could give any information con- 
cerning the uninhabited parts of Libya, had told the following 
tale. (The Nasamonians are a Libyan race who occupy the 
SyrtiSy and a tract of no great size towards the east.^) They 
said there had grown up among them some wild young men, 



' This was in the modem Oasis of 
8ee-wah (Siwali), where remains of 
the temple are still seen. The oracle 
long oontinned in great repnte, and 
thongh in Straho's time it began to 
lo0e its importance (the mode of 
diTination learnt from Etruria having 
superseded the consultation of the 
distant Ammon), still its answers 
were sooghtin the solution of difficult 
qnestioas in the days of Juvenal, 
"after the cessation of the Delphic 
oraole." In consulting the God at the 
Oasis of Ammon, it was customary', 
says Qnintus Curtius, " for the priests 
to carry the figure of the God in a 
gilded boat, ornamented with nnme. 
roos silver patersB hanging from it on 
both sides, behind which followed a 
tiain of matrons and virgins singing a 
certain uncouth hymn, in the manner 
of the- country, with a view to propi- 
tiate the deity, and induce him to 
retam a satisfactory answer." See 
the boat or ark of Nou (Nof) in the 
Temple of Elephantine in Pi. 56, 57 of 
Dr. Young and the Egyptian Society. 
Of the appearance of the Grod ho says, 
" id quod pro Deo colitur, non eandetn 
effigiem habet, quam vulgo Diis arti. 
fioeSy accommodavcrunt, umbricnlo 
mazime similis est habitus, smaragdis 
et gemmis coagmentatus ; *' but the 
word umhriculo has perplexed all 
commentators. 

All the cultivable spots, abounding 
with springs, in that desert, are called 
Wab ; the chief of which are the See- 



wah, the Little Oasis, the Wah sur. 
named e' Dakhleh, i.e., **the inner," 
or western, and the Wah el Khargeh, 
"the outer Oasis," to the cast of it, 
which is the Great Oasis. The others, 
of £1 Hayz, Farafreh, and the Oases 
of the Blacks, in the interior, to the 
westward, are small, and some of them 
only temporarily inhabited ; but those 
above mentioned are productive, and 
abound in palms, fruit-trees, rice, 
barley, and various productions. They 
are not, as often supposed, cultivated 
spots in the midst of an endless level 
tract of sand, but abrupt depressions 
in the high table-land, portions of 
which are irrigated by rtmning 
streams, and, being surrounded by 
cliffs moi*e or loss precipitous, are in 
appearance not unlike a portion of 
the valley of the Nile, with its palm, 
trees, villages, and gardens, trans- 
ported to the desert, without its river, 
and bordered by a sandy plain reach- 
ing to the hills that surround it, in 
which stunted tamarisk bushes, 
coarse grasses, and desert plants 
struggle to keep themselves above the 
drifted sand that collects around 
them.— [G. W.] 

• This word seems to be *' Nahsi 
Amun" 01- " Negroes of Ammonitis," 
or Northern Libya ; Nahsi being the 
Egyptian name for the Negroes of 
Africa. See my note on ch. 182, Book 
iv.— [G. W.] 

> Vide infra iv. 172, 173. 



I.nTLE OASIS. 



..:, .ift± 




Chap. 82. 



INTERIOR OF UBYA« 



49 



the sons of certain chiefs, who, when they came to man's 
estate, indulged in all manner of extravagancies, and among 
other things drew lots for five of their number to go and ex- 
plore the desert parts of Libya, and try if they could not pene- 
trate further than any had done previously. (The coast of 
Libya along the sea which washes it to the north, throughout 
its entire length from Egypt to Cape Soloeis,* which is its 
furthest point, is inhabited by Libyans of many distinct tribes 
who possess the whole tract except certain portions which 
belong to the Phoenicians and the Greeks.® Above the coast- 



' ThiB is supposed by Ronnell to be 
Cape Cantin, near Mogiidor, on the W. 
coast of Africa ; bat, with great defer- 
ence to so high an authority, I am in. 
dined to think it Cape Spartel^ near 
Tangier, as the Persian Sata8i>es, con- 
demned by Xerxes to undertake the 
Toyage ronnd Africa, is said, after 
■ailing through the Straits of Gib- 
raltar (Pillars of Hercules) and don- 
bling the Libyan promontory called 
Soloeis, to have steered southwards, 
for here the southerly course evidently 
begins (see Book iv. ch. 42). Hcro- 
dotos, too, measures the breadth of 
Libya from Egypt to the extreme end 
of the northern coast, not to the moat 
westerly headland to the south of it, 
which too he is not likelv to have 
known ; and Aristotle (De Mundo, 3) 
shows the Greeks mciLsured the ex- 
tent of Africa E. and W., only along 
the northern const, by saying " it ex- 
tends to the Pillars uf llercules." — 
[G. W.] 

' That is, the Cyn^naica, and the 
possessions of the Phcpnicianri and 
Carthaginians, or more properly the 
Poeni, on the N. and W. coasts. Poeni, 
Punici, and Phoonices wore the same 
name of the race, o», or a?, and u 
liaving the same sound in Greek. 
Carthaginian signified properly the 
people of Carthage, as Tyrians did the 
''PhcBnicians of Tyre ; " for the Phooni- 
cians called themselves from the name 
of their towns, Tyrians, Sidouians, Ac. 
Cartha, the " city," was fiii?t applied 
to Tyre, from which llercules ob- 

voL. n. 



tained the title of Melcarthus, or 
Molek-Kartha, "Lord of the City," 
corrupted into Meliccrtes or Meli- 
cartus, ''who,*' Sanchoniatho sayn, 
" was Hercules,'* and who in a Pha»- 
nician inscription at Malta is called 
Adonin Mclkarth Baal Tznra, k"^]; 
h^fz mp'm piH "our Lord Melkarth, 
Baal of Tyre." 

Carthagona (Carthagina, Carthage) 
was Kartha Yena, the *' new city " 
(Kcuvii ir<^Aif), in o|)position to thr 
parent Tyre, or to Utica, i.e. Atflca, 
thfi " old" (city), which was founded 
before by the Phoenicians on th*? 
African coast about b.c. 1520, or ac- 
cording to Velleius Paterculus (i. 2), 
at the same time as Megara, n.r. 1131. 
Utica was pn)bably not so called till 
after the building of Carthage (as 
Musr-el-Atika received that name 
after the foundation of the new Musr, 
or Cairo). The "new town," Cartha- 
gena, was the " nova Carthago " of 
Dido (Ovid, Ep. Dido to ^.n. ; Virg. 
JEn. i. 36(5) ; but it was founded b.c. 
1259, long before Dido's supposed 
time. Some think it was built more 
tlian two centuries after Gades and 
Tartessus in Spain, and Velleius 
Paterculus says Gadi;s was a few 
years older than Utica. He dates 
the building of Carthage by Elissa, 
or Dido, 60 years before Itome, or 813 
B.C. (i. 6) ; but his authority is of no 
weight. (Cp. Justin, xviii. 5.) Car- 
tha is tho same as Kiriath, common 
in Hebrew names. Some object to 
the above derivation of Cartha-jcuu, 

E 



so 



CBOSSINQ THE DESERT. 



Book II. 



line and the country inhabited by the maritime tribes, Libya 
is full of wild beasts ; while beyond the wild-beast region there 
is a tract which is wholly sand, very scant of water, and 
utterly and entirely a desert.* The young men therefore, de- 
spatched on this errand by their comrades with a plentiful 
supply of water and provisions, travelled at first through the 
inhabited region, passing which they came t-o the wild-beast 
tract, whence they finally entered upon the desert, which they 
proceeded to cross in a direction from east to west. After 
journeying for many days over a wide extent of sand, they 
came at last to a plain where they observed trees growing ; 
approaching them, and seeing fruit on them, they proceeded 
to gather it. While they were thus engaged, there came upon 
them some dwarfish men,*^ under the middle height, who seized 



becanse jena or yenot ** now," is not a 
Semitic, but a Turk or Tartar word, 
and is properly yengi or yeki; and 
they prefer the Greek Carchedo as 
the name of the city, deriving it from 
Caer or Car, and hedish or hedithf 
*' new." The latter word is found in 
Bezetha, "New-town" (Joseph. Bell. 
Jud. V. 4). But whether jen^ is ad- 
missible or no, Cartha is the substan- 
tiye, as in Melkarth, or Molok Kartha, 
"Lord of the City" applied to Her. 
cules in Phoenician inscriptions, and 
found in Cai*teia and Kiriath. The 
resemblance of the name of its citadel 
Byrsa (said to have been called from 
the hide) to those of Borsippa, or Birs- 
Nimroud, and the Arab Boursa near 
Babylon, is singular. 

A record seems still to be preserved 
of the Phconician trade on the western 
coast of Africa, in the peculiar glass- 
beads found there, which arc known to 
l>e ancient, and are now highly prized. 
The Venetians send out a modern im- 
perfect imitation of them to Africa. 
They are also said to have been found 
in Cornwall and in Ireland. — (G. W.] 

* Vide infri, iv. 181, for the division 
of Africa into three regions ; and for 
the true character of the desert, see 
note on iv. 185. 

' Men of diminutive size reaUy exist 



in Africa, but the Nasamones probably 
only knew of some by report. Those 
to the S.W. of Abyssinia are called 
Dokos. Dr. Krapf says they have 
dark olive complexions, and live in a 
completely savage state, having 
neither houses, temples, nor holy 
trees, like the Gallas ; yet with an 
idea of a higher Being called Yer^ to 
whom they pray with their head upon 
the ground and their foot supportc<l 
upright against a tree, or a stone. 
They have no laws, and no arms, but 
feed on roots, mice, serpents, hone^', 
etc. They are about 4 feet high. 
They are not Negroes. (See Ethno- 
logical Journal, No. 1, p. 43, and No. 
2.) Some have thought the Simia 
Sylvanus of Africa gave rise to the 
story, agreeing as it does with their 
description by Photius (Cod. iii. Bibl. 
p. 8) : " ihr^ tl rpix&v htliatrvfiivovs Tiik 
icoarrhs rod a^fiaros.** The pigmies 
are mentioned by Homer (II. iii. 6) 
and others, and often represented on 
Greek vases. Homer and Aristotle 
(Hist. An. viii. 12) place them near 
the sources of the Nile, which might 
agree with the Dokos. Pliny (vi. 
19), Philostratus (Vit. Apoll. Ty. iii. 
47), and others, place them in India 
(see Ctesias Ind. § 11). Strabo (i. 
p. 50) says the fable was invented by 



Chap. 82, 33. GREAT RIVER THOUGHT TO BE THE NILE. 



SI 



them and carried them off. The Nasamonians could not 
understand a word of their language, nor had they any 
acquaintance with the language of the Nasamonians. They 
were led across extensive marshes, and finally came to a town, 
where all the men were of the height of their conductors, 
and black-complexioned. A great river flowed by the town,® 
running from west to east, and containing crocodiles. 

88. Here let me dismiss Etearchus^ the Ammonian, and 
his story, only adding that (according to the Cyrenseans) he 
declared that the Nasamonians got safe back to their country, 
and that the men whose city they had reached were a nation 
of sorcerers. With respect to the river which ran by their 
town, Etearchus conjectured it to be the Nile ; ® and reason 
favours that view. For the Nile certainly flows out of Libya, 
dividing it down the middle, and as I conceive, judging the 
unknown from the known, rises at the same distance from its 
mouth as the Ister.^ This latter river has its source in tlic 



Homer, who rcpreaonted them livinpf 
by the soarces of tho Nilo, whith(?r 
the cranes retirin;^ from the winter 
and snows of the north brought 
slaughter and death on the Pygmaean 
race. He thinks that certain little 
men of Ethiopia were the origin of tho 
fable (xvii. p. 1102), as Aristotle does 
(H. An. viii. 12), who callH them Tro- 
glodytSB. Pomp. Mela (iii. 8) places 
them very far south, and spcalcH of 
their fighting, with the crancH, " pro 
satis frugibus." (Cp. Strabo i. p. 53 ; 
xvii. p. 1162.) ^'Elian (Hist. An. 
TV. 29) has a fable of Juno turning 
their queen " Gerana'' into a cmne. — 
[G. W.J 

• It seems not improbable that we 
have here a mention of the river 
Niger, and of the ancient representa- 
tive of the mo<lern city of Thnbuctoo. 
See Blakesley ad loc. 

' If Et«archus was not a corruption 
of a native name, he must have been 
a Greek, probably from that Oasis 
having been conquered by the Cy- 
renseans.— [G. W.] 

• This larg^ river, which traversed 



I 



the centre of Africa, and abounded in 
crocodiles (ch. 22), probably repre- 
sented more than one of the rivers 
which run to the Atlantic from 
Central Africa ; and tho marah or 
lake it traversed was in like manner 
not confined to the Tchad, or any par- 
ticular one of those regions. One of 
Stnibo's lakes, from which the Nile 
comes in tho East (xvii. p. 1116), as 
well as his large lake Psebda, above 
Meroe, was evidently the modern 
Dombea of Abyssinia, the Coloo Palus 
of Ptolemy's Astaj)us, through which 
the Blue (or Black) Nile runs. Sec 
Plin. viii. 21, " Lake Nigris," and v. 9 ; 
and compare Sli*abo, xvii. p. 1162. — 
[G. W.] 

^ The meaning of this passage ha*i 
been mucli disputed, but Schweig- 
haonser's final decision upon it (Lex. 
Henxl. ad voc. fi^rpov)^ which is hero 
followed, may bo accepted as fairly 
satisfactory. Herodotus does not in- 
tend any such exact correspondency 
between the Nile and tho Danube as 
Larchcr (note aci loc.)^ much less such 
as Niebuhr (Scythia, p. 40, Engl. 



52 



COURSE OF THE ISTER. 



Book II. 



country of the Celts near the city Pyrene, and runs through 
the middle of Europe, dividing it into two portions. The 
Celts live beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and border on the 
Cynesians,^ who dwell at the extreme west of Europe. Thus 
the Ister flows through the whole of Europe before it finally 
empties itself into the Euxine at Istria,* one of the colonies of 
the Milesians.* 



Trans.) and Dablmann (Life, p. 65) 
imagined. He is only speaking of 
the comparative lenfith of the two 
streams, and conjectares that they are 
equal in this respect. Herein no 
doabt he exhibits his over-loye of 
symmetry (see note to Book iv. ch. 
181) ; but it is quite nnnecessary to 
suppose, with Niebnhr, that he con- 
sidered tho two etrcjams to correa- 
}K)nd in aU pointSf and bccnuso tlie 
Nile made an angle in its course above 
the country of the Deserters (ch. 31), 
regarded the Danube as making a 
similar angle in thd upper parts of 
Thrace. There is absolutely no indi- 
cation of his having entertained any 
such notion. His placing The sources 
of the Danube in the country of the 
Colts, near tho city Pyrene, implies 
no douVit a considerable error as to 
tho region from which that river 
flows, but it is intcres-ting ns exhibit- 
ing a dim acrqunintance with tho name 
and j)Osition of tho Pyrenoan nmge, of. 
which not only Hecataoiis, but even 
Scylax (Poripl. pp. 3-4), seems to 
have boon ignorant ; and which is (I 
believe) first mentioned by Polybins 
(ill. xxxix. § l, Ac). 

* The Cynesians are mentioned 
agaiit in iv. 4i) as Cynete?. They are 
a nation of whom nothing is known 
but their abode from very ancient 
times at the rxtreme S.W. of Europe. 
^erod(^rus of Heraclea, a contempo- 
rary of Socrates, who appears to have 
possoss^ed a fair knowledge of the 
Spanish Peninsula, si)()ke of them 
(Fr. 20) as dwelling the furthest to 
the W. of all the Spanish nations, 
and said thoy were bordered upon to- 
wards the N. by the Gletes {r\r,r€Sf 



query ? FoA^rat, Celts.) By the later 
geographers (Strabo, Pliny, Ptolemy) 
they are ignored altogether, yet 
! curiously enough they re-appear in 
I Avienus, a writer of the fifth century 
after Chri.st, nearly in their old settle- 
ments, on the banks of the Anas or 
Guadiana. (Ora Maritim. 202-223.) 

' If the Danube in tho time of 
Herodotus entered the Euxine at 
Jstria, it must have changed its course 
very greatly since he wrote. Istria, 
Ister, or Istriopolis (as we find it 
variously called) wtis situated near 
the modem Kostendjej 60 miles below 
tho most southerly of the Danube's 
present mouths. The name undoubt- 
edly remains in the modem Wisteri, 
on the road from Kostendje to Baba. 
dcufhf but the ancient town must have 
been nearer the coast — perhaps at 
Karaglak. (See Strab. vii. p. 461-2 ; 
Anon. Peripl. Pont. Eux. p. 157 ; 
Ptolem. iii. 10; Itin. Ant. p. 14, Ac.) 
It is perhaps conceivable that the 
Danube mav once have thrown out a 
bnmch from the angle in its course 
near Rassftva to the Bhic^k Sea near 
Kostendje^ in the line of the projected 
ship-canal ; but if so, great altera- 
tions in the height of the land must 
have taken place within the historic 
period, since at present tho Black Sea 
is separated from the valley of the 
Danube by a range of hills, whose 
elevation is at the lowest point 200 or 
300 feet. 

' According to Scymnus Chius (Fr. 
21) Istria was founded about tho time 
of the Scythian invasion of Asia (B.C. 
633) . Pliny calls it a most beautiful 
city (•' nibs pulcherrima," H. N. iv. 
11). 



Chap. 88-35. COMPARISON OF THE NILE AND ISTER. 



53 



84. Now as this river flows through regions that are 
inhabited, its course is perfectly well known; but of the 
Bonrces of the Nile no one can give any account, since Libya, 
the country through which it passes, is desert and without 
inhabitants. As far as it was possible to get information by 
inquiry, I have given a description of the stream. It enters 
Egypt from the parts beyond. Egypt lies almost exactly 
opposite the mountainous portion of Cilicia,* whence a lightly- 
equipped traveller may reach Sinope on the Euxine in five 
days by the direct route.^ Sinope lies opposite the place 
where the Ister falls into the sea.® My opinion therefore is 
that the Nile, as it traverses the whole of Libya, is of equal 
length with the Ister. And here I take my leave of this 
Bubject. 

85. Concerning Egj'pt itself I shall extend my remarks to a 
great length, because there is no country that possesses so 
many wonders,' nor any that has such a number of works 



* Cilicia was dividod into two por- 
tions, the eastern, or " Cilicia cain- 
pestria," and the western, or "Cilicia 
aspera." (^trab. xiv. p. 951.) Egyj)! 
does not really lie "opposite" — that 
is, in the same long-itiKlo with - the 
latter rojrion. It rather faccH Tam- 
phjlia, but Jf ei*odotnrt ^ivos all Africa, 
as far as the LcBser Svrtia, too 
easterly a position. (Vide inl'rA, iv. 
179, note.) 

* Suprk, i. 72, Bub fin. 

* This of coarse is neither tme, nor 
near the truth ; and it is dithcult to 
make out in what sense Herodotus 
meant to assert it. Perhaps he at- 
tached no very distinct geographical 
meaning to the word " o])]>()site." 

' By this 8tatem(?nt Herodotus pre- 
pares his rea<Iers for what he is about 
to relate ; but the desire to tell of the 
wonders in which it difftM'ed from 
all other countries led Herodotus 
to indulge in his h>ve of antithesis, 
so that in f*ome cases he confines to 
one sex what was done by lx)th (a 
singular instance being noted dowu 
by him as an invariable custom), and 



in others he has indulged in the mar- 
vellous at a sacrilico of truth. If, 
however, Herodotus had told us that 
tlie Eliryptian women (»njoyed greater 
lil)(?rty, confidence, and consideration 
than under the harcem svstem of the 
CrrtM^ks and Persians (Book i. ch. 136), 
h(» wouM have been fully justified, for 
the treatment of women in Egypt 
was far better than in Greece. The 
a.ssertion of Nymphodorus that So- 
Hostris, fearing the people, who had 
become very numerous, might revolt 
ajrainst him, obliged the men to adopt 
the occupat ions of women (in order to 
enervate the whole race during his 
reign), is too ridiculous to be worth 
eontnidicting. In many cases where 
Herodotus tells improbable tales, they 
are on the authority of others, or mere 
hearsay reports, for which ho at once 
declares himself not responsible ; and 
he justly ])leads that his history was 
not onlv a relation of facts, but the 
result of an " Iffropia^* or " inquiry," 
in which all he heard was inserted. 
We must, however, sometimes regi'Ct 
that he did not use his own judgment 



54 



ANTITHESIS OF THE SEXES. 



Book II. 



which defy description. Not only is the cHmate different from 
that of the rest of the world, and the rivers unlike any other 
rivers, hut the people also, in most of their maimers and 
customs, exactly reverse the common practice of mankind. 
The women attend the markets ® and trade, while the men sit 
at home at the loom ; ^ and here, while the rest of the world 
works the woof up the warp,* the Egyptians work it down ; 



and discard what mnst havo shown 
itself nnworthj of credit and of men- 
tion. For we {^ladlj allow that when 
he does offer his own reflections they 
are sonnd ; and too much credit can- 
not be given him for being so far 
above prejudice, and superior to many 
of the Greeks, who were too apt to 
claim the hononr of originating things 
they borrowed from others, or to 
derive from Greece what was of older 
date than themselves ; as, for instance, 
Thoth (Mercary) having gone from 
Arcadia " to Egypt, and given laws 
and learning to the Egyptians ** (Cic. 
Nat. Deor. iii.) ; and Actinas, the son 
of Sol, being an astronomer who went 
from Greece to Eg^pt, where he 
founded the city of Heliopolis. Hero- 
dotus also shows more fairness and 
judgment than those who claim for 
the Greeks many inventions and ideas 
evidently borrowed from the country 
they visited for instruction, and who 
forget to attribute to t^&_JGirceks 
some of their gi-oat merits : — as the 
emancipation of thelTuraan mind from 
the trammels of fixed and imvarying 
rules, which cramped genius and pre- 
vented improvement ; the invention of 
real history ; the establishment of taste 
in arts and literature ; and that de- 
velopment of the mind for which 
modem nations are so much beholden 
to them. In art, too, Greece was un- 
livalled, and was indebted for it to her 
own genius ; nor from the occasional 
adoption of some hints in architecture 
and ornamental designs, as well as 
certain branches of knowledge, at an 
tjarly period, can the origin of Greek 
taste be ascribed to Egypt or any 
other country. — [G. W.] 



* The market-place was originally 
outside the walls, generally in an open 
space, beneath what was afterwards 
the citadel or the acropolis ; as we 
see in the old sites of Greek and also 
Roman towns, as at Rome itself, 
whence perhaps called Forum. The 
same is still the case in some countries 
at the present day, as at Cattaro, in 
Dalmatia. 

This first antithesis is an instance 
of Herodotus confining to one sex what 
applies to both ; and the sculptures 
show that sedentary occupations were 
more followed by women than by men. 
— FG. w.] 

' This is one of the passages in our 
author where his words so closely re- 
semble those of Sophocles as to raise 
suspicion of plagiarism on the one 
side or the other. See note ' B. i. ch. 
32; and vide infdk, iii. 119.) The 
ancients generally seem to have be. 
lievod the charge of effeminacy brought 
by Herodotus against the Egyptians. 
Various writers repeat it, and one 
(Nymphodorus) declares its origin. 
(See the Scholiast on Soph. CBd. Col. 
337 ; and compare the advice said to 
have been given by Croesus to Cyrus, 
supr4, i. 155.) 

^ The foregoing remark, that a 
general conclusion is drawn from par- 
ticular and rare cases, applies also to 
this, as the Egyptians sometimes 
pushed the woof upwards, sometimes 
down ; and also to their mode of 
carrying burthens, for men almost 
always carried them on their shoulders, 
or on a yoke, like that now in use 
in Europe (see woodcut fig. 4 in note ' 
on ch. 136), and rarely on their heads, 
except bakers, as in other countries ; 



EMKIAL POSITION OF WOMEN. 



55 



the women likewise carry burthens upon their shoulders, while 
the men carry them upon their heads. They eat their food 
out of doors in the streets,^ bnt retire for private pvirposes to 
their houses, giving as a reason that what is unseemly, but 
necesBary, ought to be done in secret, but what has nothing 
tinaeemly about it, should be done openly. A woman cannot 



while verj few ii 

womui bearing a burthen < 

■faonlden.— [G. W.] 




and coold not be mentioned in con. 
tradistinction to e, Greek oastom. The 
Egyptians generall? dined at a small 
round table, having 
one leg (similar to 
the monopodinm), at 
which one or more 
pereoDB sat, and they 
ate with their Gngera 
like tho Greeks and 
the modem Arab*. 
Several dishes were 
placed upon I he table. 



md before 
1 theii 



Lting i 



say grace. (Joseph. 
Antiq. xii. 2. 12 ; ace 
(O At. Eg. W. vol. ii. 
. > - p. 302 to 415.) Athe- 
•^ n»us (Deipn. iv, p. 
, rr-" 150) speaks ot the 
' 3\ snmptuonHieBa of an 



' Egyptian feast, and 

""■ '■ says they had one 

* That they sometimes ate in the I kind of dinner or supper "at vhich 

fltreet is not lo l>e doubted ; but this there was no table, the dishes being 

was only the poorer class, as in other bronglit roond." — G. W,] 

parts of ancient and modcrD Europe, I 




BITPPOfiT or PAfiENTS. 



Kerve the priestly office,* either for god or goddess, but men 
are priests to both ; sons need not support their parents 



* Thangh men held the priesthood 
in Rgjpt, as in other coontries, women 
were not excluded from certain impor- 
ttnt daties in the lomplee, bb Hero- 
<1otnB also showi (olw. &i, 56) ; the 
qoeCDB made offeringa with tho biagai 




iiiid thn monumcnl8, OS well as Dio- 
iloras, show that an order of women, 
choBOn trcmi tho principal faniilioB. 
were omplojed in tho sorvice of the 
goda. It is of these that DiodoraH, 
and eTGQ Hcrodotue (i, 1S2), have told 
storioH tho absurdity of which is auifi- 
oientlr evident when we consider that 
queens and womoo of tho highest rank 
hold the b&i CO in the temple of Amun; 
and it is |>rohahlo that these were 
mombera of a sacred collci:^, into 
which they entered on the death of 
their husbands, in order to devoto 
thomselcfs to religious duties. It 
WHa perhaps then that they roceived 
tho title of " divino wife." or " god's 
wife i " which from the following for- 
mula^" tho royal dau^liter, the royal 
wife, the dirine (god's) wifo, tho god's 
tnalher," woald refer lo her relation- 
ihip to akingi aa do office could malcB 



any one the moiher of Amnn. The 
widow of Ames, however, seema to be 
called "Goddess wife of Amun;" 
which woald show them to be spoases 
of the deity. Tbey were al*o styled 
" god's hand," and " god's (the divine) 
■tar." Thoir chief office in the reli 
giona ceremonies was to eing tho 
praises of the deity, playing on va- 
riona inatrnmenta ; in the tomple the 
highest of their order, as qncetis and 
princeeses, held tho sistrB; end at 
TheboB they were called the minstrels 
and cliiofs of tho women of Amun, 
(On the Fallac 






IS.) A s 



i of n 



iriginatcd 
in early lime, and to 
tated afterwartls whcti 



in Egypt at 

have been ii 

tho real conventual system was a 

on foot by tho Christians in tho same 

country. Cp. the Vestal virgins at 

Home. (See woodcut No. II., noxt 

pafto.) 

Herodotos (ii. &l) apoota of two 
women, belonging to the Temple of 
Jupiter at Thebes, who foanded the 
ontclea of Ammon and Dodonu; and 
priestesses are montioncd ou the Ito- 
aetta atone, nnd in the [rapyrus of 
D'Anastasv. (See At. Eg. W. vol. i. 
p. 2C1,) Nor can this bo ascribed to 
innovations, among a poopto so jealous 
as the Kgyptiana of the intcrfei-enCG 
of foreigners in their religion. It 
most, huwcTer, be obiwrTcd that no 
woman, except the qaccu, attended in 
tho grand proce^fstona of a king'a coro- 
nntion, or on ajmilar occasions; and 
tbero is no ceremony in which women 
took the )iart thev did at tho Fana- 
thonaic festival of Athens. The mono - 
menta, however, show they did attend 
in processions in honour of Athor, as 
well aa of Bnbostia (infri, oh. 60) ; 
and ih the fmiorat pogeauta women 
performed a great part, being the 
mourners for the dead, independently 
of thoae hired, as at the present day. 
Two, indeed, held an important office 
on that occasion. (Woodcnt No. III. 

fig*. 1, a.) 



Chap. 86. PRACTICE OF SHAVING THE HEAD AND BEARD. 



57 



unless they choose, but daughters must, whether they choose 
or no.' 

86. In other countries tlie priests have long hair, in Egypt 

There was also a coremony per- ] jwiDted end of which they Btmck 

formed by a woman and a man, each i a^inst the ground ; and tluH appears 

holding the end of a rope tied in a ' also to have been of a religious cha- 

knot round a wotMlen pillar, the racter connected with the dead. (No. 



^i.\«?{r*tf^{l^-lli5 




58 



FOOD. 



Book II. 



their heads are shaven ; * elsewhere it is customary, in mourn- 
ing, for near relations to cut their hair close ; the Egyptians, 
who wear no hair at any other time, when they lose a relative, 
let their heards and the hair of their heads grow long. All 
other men pass their lives separate from animals, the 
Egyptians have animals always living with them;'' others 
make barley and wheat their food ; it is a disgrace to do so in 
Egypt,® where the grain they live on is spelt, which some call 



IV.) Women were not therefore ex- 
cluded from the service of religion ; 
and the fact of queens holding the 
sceptre suffices to prove it, every mo- 
narch being privileged, and obliged, 
to become a member of the hierarchy, 




No. IV. 

and to be initiated in the mysteries. 
Diodorus also describes Athyrtis, the 
daughter of Sesostris, so well versed 
in divination that she foretold to her 
father the future success of his arms. 
— [G. W.] 

^ Of the daughters being forced to 
support their parents instead of the 
sons, it is difficult to decide ; but the 
improbability of the custom is glaring. 
It is the son on whom the duty fell of 
providing for the services in honour 
of his deceased parent ; and the law 
of debt mentioned by Herodotus (in 
ch. 136) contradicts his assertion here. 
— [G. W.] 

* The custom of shaving the head as 
well as beard was not confined to the 
priests in Egypt, but was general among 



aJl classes ; and all the men wore wigs 
or caps fitting close to their headn, 
except some of the poorest class. In 
this the Egyptians wore unlike the 
" icafniK0fi6tnrr(u 'AxaioCs : " but the 
custom of allowing the hair to grow 
in mourning was not confined to 
Egypt; and Plutarch (Op. Hor. p. 
267) says that in misfortune the Greek 
women cut off their hair, and the men 
let it grow, contrary to their ordinary 
custom. He probably means long and 
negligently; for in most states the 
Greeks wore their hair moderately 
long ; young men and athletes short. 
Beards began first to be shaved in 
Greece in the time of Alexander. 
(Plut. Lysand. 1.) The habit of 
making a baldness between the eyes 
for the dead (Dout. xiv. 1), which wus 
forbidden by the Mosaic law, was not 
Egyptian, but Syrian.— [G. W.] 

^ Their living with animals not only 
contradicts a previous assertion oi 
their eating in the streets, but is con- 
trary to fact ; and if Herodotus really 
associated with any who were so badly 
lodged, he must have kept very bad 
company during his stay in Egypt. — 
[G. W.] 

^ Their considering it a " disgrace " 
to live on wheat and barley is equally 
extravagant ; and though they ali-io 
cultivated the holcus sorghum (or 
doora), and poor people may have 
used it, as at the present day, when 
they could not afford wheaten bread, 
it does not follow that the custom was 
obligatory, or ever adopted by an 
Egyptian of rank; and the assertion 
of Herodotus is much on a par with 
Dr. Johnson's definition of " oats." 




CIBCUHCI810N. 



59 



zea. Doagh they knead vitb their feet ;* but they mix mud, 
acd even take up dirt, vith their hands. They are the only 
people in the world — they at least, and such as have learnt the 



It U not known what the olyra 
reaJlj waa; FUd; shows it was not 
rioe, not tlie nme as i«a, as Hero- 
dotoa aappoaed, and it was probnblj 
the doDfu of modem EgTpt, nhioh is 
the only grain beaidSB wheat and 
barley r<prewnC«iI in the icnlptnrea 



(tboBgh (kii hsH been thought to be 
"flfti"). (See At. Eg. W. yol. ii. p, 
397.) Pliny (iriii. 7) nya. "farina 
.^gypto ei olyri oonticitur," but not 
of oworae to the eicliuiDn of other 
grain, aa he notioes wheat and barley 
tbeiv, and odds (iviii. 8), ".^gyptus 




fimilagineai cnnficit e tritico sno." 
Both wheat and barley aro noticed in 
Lower Egypt long before Horodotng" 
time (Sxod. ii. SI, 32), and the paint- 
ings of the Thcbaid prove that they 
were grown extensiTely in that part 
ot the coontry i they were among the 
offerings in the templpa ; and the 
king, at bis coronation, cutting some 
ears of wheat afterwards offered to 
the gods as the staple prodoction of 
Egypt, shows how groat a value waa 
■et on a grain whlcli Herodotus wonld 
lead us to suppose wa« held in abhor- 
rence. It is reniarkablo that tbough 
ciata are unknown in Eirypt the wild 
oat grows thtre.— [G. W.] 



the mad was aliio miiod with the feet, 
after having been broken up with the 
hoc, oa we see in the ropresentation of 




' That they trod the dough with 
their feet is true, fashioning it after- 
wards with the band into oakes ; bnt 




the brickmnkers at Thebes. See wood- 
cut, figa. 11, 13, in note' on oh. 136.— 
[Q.W.] 



6o 



CLOTHING — WRITING. 



Book II. 



practice from them^ — who use circumcision. Their men wear 
two garments apiece, their women but one.* They put on 
the rings and fasten the ropes to sails inside ; * others put 
them outside. When they write* or calculate,^ instead of going, 
like the Greeks, from left to right, they move their hand from 
right to left ; and they insist, notwithstanding, that it is they 



» Vide infrk, ch. 104. 

' The men having two dresses, and 
the women one, gives an erroneons im- 
pression. The osoal dress of men was 
a long upper robe and a short kilt be- 
neath it, the former being laid aside 
when at work ; while women had only 
the long robe. When an extra upper 
garment was worn over these the men 
bad three, the women two ; so that, 
instead of limiting the latter to one, 
he should have given to men always 
one more garment than the women. 
See woodcuts in notes on chs. 35, 37, 
and 81.— [G. W.] 

* The Greek jceUot generally corre- 
sponded to our " stays '* of the mast, 
Mpat to " braces,*' ir^5es to " sheets," 
and K€povxoi to " halliards ; " but He- 
rodotus only speaks of " the ropes and 
rings of the sails;'* and the; ancient 
custom of fastening the braces and 
sheets of the sails to rings within the 
gnnw^ale fully agrees with that still 
adopted in the Nile boats. (See notes 
1, », ch. 96.— [G. W.] 

* The Ejryptians wrote from right 
to left in the hieratic and demotic (or 
enchorial), which are the two modes 
of writing here mentioned. The Greeks 
also in old times wrote from right to 
left, like the Phoonicians, from whom 
they borrowed their alphabet. Tliis 
seems the natural mode of writing ; 
for though we have always been 
accustomed to write from left to 
right, we invariably use our pencil, in 
shading a drawing, from right to left, 
in spite of all our previous, habit ; 
and even our down-strokes in writing 
are all from right to left. The Arabs 
say "it is more reasonable to see 
where the pen is coming, than not to 
see where it is going." It was con. 



tinned by the Etruscans, the early 
imitators of the Greeks, to a veiy 
late period. Dr. Brugsch very inge- 
niously observes (Gram. Demot. pp. 
15, 16), that though in Demotic the 
general direction of the writing was 
from right to left, each individual 
loiter was formed from loft to right, 
as is evident in the unfinished ends of 
hori7X)ntal letters when the ink failed 
in the pen.— [G. W.] 

* In writing numbers in Hieratic 
and Enchorial they placed the units 
to the left, that is last, ac- 
cording to their mode of 
writing from right to left. 
Thus I85I would stand 
1581. In 18 they would 
first come to the ten, and 
in 13,432 they w. iild begin 
with the thouii.inda. The same mode 
of beginning with the largest numbir 
is followed in hieroglyphics (22i. 31), 
whether written , j^^ ^ c) D 3Z> • 



1 1 II 

MM 



n 



81 



from right to left, 
or from left to 
right. This is like 
our arrangement 
of the thousand 
first and the unit 



usisrJ^r 



O ^5 /. 



?> r 



last, in our writing from left to right. 
The Arabs, from whom we borrowed 
this, think we ought to have changed 
the arrangement, as we write in an 
opposite direction. But they borrowed 
their numerals from India (hence 
called by them "Hin^lee," "Indian"), 
and there the arrangement is as in 
our own, 133 being 



•^^^ 



Indian, 133. 



Chap. 86, 37. 



SUPERSTITION. 



6l 



who go to the right, and the Greeks who go to the left. They 
haTe two quite diflferent kinds of writing," one of which is 
called sacred, the other common. 

87. They are religious to excess, far beyond any other race 
of men,^ and use the following ceremonies : — They drink out 
of brazen cups,® which they scour every day: there is no 
exception to this practice. They wear linen garments, which 
they are specially careful to have always fresh washed.® They 



which are ungnlarly like the ordinal 
nnmbers of the Hieratic in Egypt — 



r^a 



Ilieratic, 133d- 
Both these resemble the Chinese, and 
the origin of the three numbers was 
eyldentlj from simple lines, 



converted into 




Tippoo Snltan, secinj? the inconsis. 
tenoy of following tho arranufeniont 
nsed in a lau^nago road frtnn l«»ft to 
right, altered it on some of hia lato 
coins, and placed the unit to tho rijjflit. 
There is no representation on Egyp- 
tian monuments of an abacus for cal- 
culating, like that of the Greeks. — 
[G. W.] 

* See note in Appendix, cii. v. 

' Tho extreme rclitrious views of 
the Egyptians became at length a 
gross suj)erstition, and were naturally 
n subject for ridicule and contempt. 
Lncian makes Momus ex])res8 his sur- 
prise that BO many persons were al- 
lowed to share divine honours, but is 
indignant at tho Egy]>tian crew of 
apes, ibises, bulls, and other ridicu- 
lous creatures who intruded them- 
selves into heaven, and wonders how 
Jupiter can allow himself to be cari- 





catured with rams* horns. Jupiter 
gives an answer worthy of an Egyp- 
tian i)riest, that they were mysteries 
not to be dcnided bv tho uninitiated 
(Deor. Con oil. s. 10). Juvenal and 
others take advantage of the same 
opening for ridicule. — [G. W.] 

' This, ]ut says, is the universal cus- 
tom, witliout exception; but we not 
only kn«»w that Jo>eph had a silver 
drinking-cup (Gen. xliv. 2, 5) but tho 
sculi>tures show tho wealthy Egyp- 
tians nsed glass, ]>orcel:iin, and gold, 
somotin)(;s inlaid with a coloured 
composition n»sembling enamel, or 
witli piveious stones. That persons 
wlio c()nld not afford cups of moro 
costlv materials hIiouUI have been 
contented with those of bronze is very 
probable: and Hellanicus (quoted by 
Ath. DeijHi. xi. p. 470 d) mentions tho 
phiale (saucer), cyathus, (upright 
handled cu])), andethanion (strainer), 
in Egypt (»f bronze; but, asiu Etruria, 
Gn^ece, and Rome, many drinking- 
enps were also of otlier materials. 
The bronze is often gilt, and long 
ladles (simpula) and other utensils 
are often found with tho gilding still 
visible ; an<l frngments of glass, por- 
celain, and other cups are common 
in Kgyj)t as in Italy. The custom 
then was not universal either in tho 
time of Herodotus, nor before, nor 
afterwards. See note ' on ch. 151.- 
[G. W.] 

' Their Attention to cleanliness was 
verv rernnrkable, as is shown bv their 
shaving: tho head and b(»ard, and re- 
movinif the hair fn)m tho whole body, 
by their fi'equcnt ablutions, and by 



- CLBAKLIMESS. 



practise circumcieion for the sake of clesnlineas, conBidering 
it better to be cleanly than comely. The priests shave their 



the atriot mlea mstitated to enscre it. 
Herodotiu soon Btt^rwards aayt the 
prieits WMhcdthemBc]rest«[ce bvbtj 
d&7 and twice every night in oold 
water; and Porphyry (de Abstin.iv. 7), 
bendce three ablntiung every da;, 
and an occawODol one at night, men- 
tiom a grand ceremony of pnrifiea. 
tion preTiDQS to their faatii, many of 
which lasted forty .two days, or even 
longer, dnriDfc which lime they ab- 
atained entirely from animal food, 
fioni herba, and TcgolBblea, and above 
all, from the indalgenco of the paE 
■iona. The anmc motive of cleanlinet 
led them to practise cirenmciaioi 
which IlorodotOBattem-DrdB montioni 
Nor wag thia confined to the prieats, 
ae wo learn from tho mnmiuiefl and 
from the acalptnreii, where it la made 
a diatinctivo mnrk between the E^p- 



tiana and their enemies ; and in later 
times, when Egypt cootainod many 
foreign aettlers, it woa looted npon as 
a distinctivo sign between the orthu- 
doi Egyptian and the etrangor, or thi- 
non. conformist. Konc therefore were 
allowed to Btndy all the secrets of 
Egyptian knowledge anloHH they had 
submitted to this rite ; and this pro- 
bably led to the notion that the 
priests alone wero circumcised. lu 
inetilDlion in Egypt reachea to the 
most remote antiquity : we And it ei- 
ieting at the eartieat period of which 

2400 years before our era, and then^ 
is no reason to doubt that it dated 
Btill earlier.— [G. W.J 

' The dress of the priests consisted, 
as Herodotus Btatea, of linen (eh. 81); 
bnt he docs not say thcv were con. 




CHAr.37. DBE8S AND SHOES OF THE PRIESTS. 63 

whole body every other day, that no lice or other impure thing 
may adhere to them when they are engaged in the service of 
the gods. Their drees ie entirely of linen,' and their shoes of 



fiiMd (aa some have BoppoBcd) to a 
■ingle robe ; aii<l whether walking 
abroad, or offiuiBting io the temple, 
thej were permitted to have more 
thao one garment. The high-pneBt 
Btjled Sam always wore a leopard -8 kin 
placed OTer the linen dron as bie 
oortame of office. (No. II.) llatarcb 
(de Ii. B. 4) agrees with Herodotu:* 



nao of thp (emplc. Bnt theBe were 
probably the Bacred robea for the 
BtatDoa of the gcids (Pint. Ho la. a. 
78) ; and the priestg may OQlv have 
been furki'lden 10 n 




in stating that their drcBs wan ft 
uid Dot of nocil; fur, lie aids 

take BO much pains to rein c 
hair from Ihoir body, to w n 
mode of the wool or hair of an m: 
and no Egyptian was ollowel 1 
a teinplo without taking ofT h s 
woollen cloak (Her. ii. 81) n r ci 
he be bnried in clothoa of that ma 
teri»1. Bnt thoagh their nndcr-gar- 
ment waa of linon, it did not prevent 
their wearing an npper one of cotton. 
Plinj (lii. 1) affirms that cotton 
dresaes were particularly agreeable to 
the priests ; and the Rosctta stono 
Bt«t«e that "cotton gnnnenta" were 
•opiJied bj the governmant for the 



(Pint, de Ib. a. 3 ; Apnl. Metam. lib. 
xi.). The Esyptian and Jewish priests 
were tho only onea (except perhaps 
tluwe of India) whose dresBoa were 
ordered to be of linen. That worn 
by the former was of the finest texture, 
and tho long robe with foil eleere!, 



64 



USE OF THE BATH. 



Book II. 



the papyrus plant : * it is not lawful for them to wear either 
dress or shoes of any other material. They bathe twice every 



which covered the body and descended 
to the ankles, was perfectly trans- 
parent, and placed over a short kilt 
of thicker quality reaching to the 
knees. Some wore a long robe of 
linen, extending from the neck to the 
ankles, of the same thick substance, 
and some officiated in the short kilt 
alone, the arms and legs being bare. 
Some again had a long thin dress, like 
a loose shirt, with full sleeves, reach- 
ing to the ankles, over which a 
wrapper of fine linen was bound, 
covering the lower part of the body, 
and falling in front below the knees ; 
the hieraphoroB, while bearing the 



sacred emblems, frequently wore u 
long full apron, tied in front with long 
bands, and a strap, also of linen 
passed over the shoulder to support 
it ; and some priests wore a long 
smock reaching from below the arms 
to the feet, and supported over the 
neck by straps. (No. I. fig. 4.) Their 
head was frequently bare, sometimes 
covered with a wig or a tight cap ; 
but in all cases the head was closely 
shaved. They had a particular 
mode of gouffreying their linen 
dresses (also adopted in Greece, to 
judge from the ancient statues and the 
vases, as well as in Etruria), wliich 





No. V. 



impressed upon them the waving lines 
represented in the paintings, and this 
was done by means of a wooden 
instrument, divided into segmental 
partitions I4 inch brood on its upper 
face, wliich was held by the hand 
while the linen was pressed upon it. 
One of them is in the Museum of 
Florence (fig. 2 gives the real size of 
the divisions). 

The fine texture of the Egyptian 
linen is fully proved by its trans- 
parency, as represented in the paint- 
ings, and by the statements of ancient 
writers, sacrod (Gen. xli. 42 ; and 
2 Chron. i. 16) as well as profane, 
and by the wonderful texture of a 
piece found near Memphis, part of 
which is in my possession. In general 
quality it is equal to the finest now 
made ; and for the evenness of the 
threads, without knot or break, it is 



far superior to any of modern 
manufacture. It has in the inch 540 
threads, or 270 double threads in the 
warp, and 110 in the woof, — a dis- 
parity which, as Mr. Thompson ob- 
serves, belonged to the Egyptian 
" system of manufacture." (See At. 
Eg. W. vol. iii. p. 120, Ac.) Pliny 
mentions four kinds of linen particu- 
larly noted in Egypt, the Tanitic, the 
Pelusia<3, the Butine, and the Ten- 
tyritic ; and the same fineness of tex- 
ture was extended to the nets of 
Egypt, which were so delicate that 
they could pass through a man's ring, 
and a single person conld carry a 
sufficient number of them to smTound 
a whole wood. (Ph"n. xix. 1. On tlio 
Byssus, see note* ch. 86.) The trans- 
parent fineness of the linen dresses of 
men and women in the Egyptian 
paintings recalls the remark of Seneca 



Chap. 87. ADVANTAGES ENJOYED BY THE PRIESTS. 



65 



day in cold water, and twice each night ; besides which they 
observe, so to speak, thousands of ceremonies. They enjoy, 
however, not a few advantages.® They consume none of their 



pillows are froqnontly fduiul in tlx* 
tombs, mado of ncacia, Hvcamon'. or 
tamariHk w(km1, f»r soinotimes of ala- 
baster; and thoy arc rcpn'scnfiMl 
among the fumiiurc of an Kjrvprian 
mansion, in the Tonibs of tlu- kin^rn, 
together with tlio ridifst sofjis and 
fantenils. Thoy nro .still uscmI in 
Ethiopia, and also in ])Ia(M'M distant 
from the Nile;, in Ja]>an, China, the 
Western Const of Africa, in ()talioit(» 
(Tahiti), and othrr fihiccs. Bnt soft 
pillows and lofty couchos \vt»ro also 
adopted in Egypt, to whicli lust they 

VOL. II. 



(de Benef. yii. 9) on *^ sericas vcstes," 
■o thin that a woman appeared as if 
iiaked.>-[G. W.] 

* Their sandaJs were made of the 
papyruB, or of other kinds of Cypems ; 
an inferior quality being of matted 
palm.lcaTes ; and they either slept on ! 
a aimple skin stretched on the ground | 
(East, in Homer. II. xvi. 235), or on ! 
a wicker bed made of palm-branches 
which Porphyry very justly says were 
called hai (de Abstin. iv. 7). On this 
bedstead, which was similar to tlie 
caffas of modem Egypt, made of the 
same materials, a nmt or a skin was 
spread for a mattress, and their head 
was supiwrted by a half cylindor of | 
wood in lieu of a pillow. Thcbo 




mounted by stops. Cp. 2 Kings i. 4 ; 
Ps. cxxxii. 3; Pix)v. vii. 16. — [G. W.] 

' The greatest of these was the {Miru- 
mount influence they exercised over 
the spiritual, and consetiuently over 
the teni]K>ral, ctaicerns of tlu» wholi' 
community, which was secured t<> 
them through their superior know- 
ledge, by the de|)eudence of all claHses 
on them for the instruction they choso 
to im))art, and by their exclusive 
right of possessing all the secrets of 
roligion which were thought to )>lacc 
them far above the rest of mankind. 
Nor did their |)ower over an indiviciual 
cease with liis life ; it would even 
reach him after death ; and their veto 
could ]iri'vent his l>eing buri<'d in his 
tomb, and consign his name to lasting 
infamy. They thus usuri)ed the 
power and ]>Iaee of the (Jods, wliose 
will thev atl««ct(?d to be coniniis.-^iiined 
to pronounce; and they acted as 
tliougli tlie coniniunity hiul been nuKle 
f(.»r tlnMr rule, and not their own office 
for I he benefit of th(» cotnmunitv. 
IViestcraft indi»ed is ulwavs odious, 
bnt es|K'eially when people are 
lan^rht to believe what tlie priests 
llienisclves know to be mere fable; 
and tli(» remark tif Cato, *' It appears 
stninire that <»ne priest (auj^'ur) can 
refrain from lamrhing when he hMiks 
al annihcr," niiL'ht well apply to those 
of Kirypt. (Cic. do Nat. I>e«>r. i. 2<); 
de l)iv. ii.) It mu>t however l>c 
a<lniitt(>d that tliev did not itiako a 
show of great sanctity, nor set thern. 
selv«'s above the customs <»f society, 
in order to increase their power over 
it ; thry were g(K»d husbands untl 
fatluTs, and tliev showed the hiyrhest 
regard for all s<ieial (hiliex. Alan- 
kind too, liad n<it then V)e»»n eu- 
lightonj'd bv C'hristianitv : and the 

• . ' ft • ' 

Eifvptian hienirchv liad lh<' merit of 

• ft t « 

having enjoined, praetisi'd, and en- 
suri'd monility, anil contrii)nted great- 
ly t(> tlu* welfare of the people they .-o 
long governed. — [(J. W.] 

F 



66 



FISH AND BEANS NOT EATEN. 



Book II. 



own property, and are at no expense for anything ; * but every 
day bread is baked for them of the sacred com, and a plentiful 
supply of beef and of goose's flesh is assigned to each, and 
also a portion of wine made from the grape.*^ Fish they are 
not allowed to eat ; ' and beans, — which none of the Egyptians 
ever sow, or eat, if they come up of their own accord, either 
raw or boiled "^ — the priests will not even endure to look on, 



* They were exempt from taxes, and 
were provided with a daily allowance 
of meat, com, and wine ; and when 
Pharaoh, by the advice of Joseph, took 
all the land of the Egyptians in lien of 
com (Gen. xlvii. 20, 22), the land of 
the pnests was exempt, and the tax of 
the fifth part of the produce was not 
levied upon it. Diodorns (i. 72) says 
the land was divided into three por- 
tions, one of which belonged to th6 
king, another to the priests, and the 
third to the military caste. — [G. W.] 

' Herodotus is quite right in saying 
they were allowed to drink wine, and 
the assertion of Plutarch (de Is. s. 6) 
that the kings (who were also of the 
priestly caste) were not permitted to 
drink it before the reign of Psammeti- 
chns is contradicted by the authority 
of the Bible (Gen. xl. 10, 13) and the 
sculptures ; and if on sonic occasions 
it really was not admitted into the 
temple of Iloliopolis, it was not ex. 
eluded from other temples, and wine 
was among the usual ofFerings made to 
the Gods. Herodotus tells us (ch. 39) 
that they began their sacrifices by a 
libation of wine ; and it is evident 
from the sculptures that it was also 
admitted into the tomples of the Sun, 
or at least at his altar in other temples. 
And though Hecataeus asserts that the 
kings were allowed a stated qnantity, 
according to the regulations in the 
sacred books (Plut. de Is. s. 6), they 
wore reported by the Egyptians to 
have exceeded those limits, as in the 
case of Mvcerinus and Amasis. (Her. 
ii. 133, 174.) Of the kings and the 
laws respecting them, see At. Eg. W. 
vol. i. p. 249-255, and compare notes 
on chs. 18, 60, 63, 77.— [G. W.] 

^ Though fish were so generally 



eaten by the rest of the Egyptians, 
they were forbidden to the priests, 
and when on the 9th day of the Ist 
month (Thoth), a religious ceremony 
obliged all the people to eat a fried 
fish before the door of their houses, 
the priests were not even then ex- 
pected to conform to the general cus- 
tom, but were contented to bum theirs 
at the appointed time (Plut. de Is. s. 
7). The principal food of the priests, 
as Diodorus justly states, was beef and 
goose, and the gazelle, ibex, oryx, and 
wild-fowl were not forbidden ; but 
they " abstained from most sorts of 
pulse, from mutton, and swine's flesh, 
and in their more solemn pnrifications 
they even excluded salt from their 
meals '* (Plut. de Is. 8. 5). Garlick, 
leeks, onions, lentils, peas, and above 
all beans, are said to have been ex- 
cluded from the tables of the priests. 
See Diod. Sic. i. 81, 89 ; Plut. de Is. s. 
8 ; Juv. Sat. XV. 9.— [G. W.] 

7 Diodorus (i. 89) is more correct 
when he says that some only of the 
^o^P^i^^i^ abstained from beans, and 
it may be doubted if they grew in 
Egypt without being sown. The cus- 
tom of forbidding beans to the priests 
was borrowed from Egypt by Pytha- 
goras. Cicero (de Div. i. 80) thinks 
it was from their disturbing the mind 
during sleep. In like manner the pro- 
hibition against eating swine's flesh 
and fish was doubtless from the desire 
to abstain from food which was apt to 
engender cutaneous disorders in per- 
sons of sedentary habits, while the 
active life of other classes (having the 
" dura messorum ilia") enabled them 
to eat the same things without en- 
dangering their health. This will not, 
however, account for mutton being 



CsAP. 87. 



ATTENDANCE ON THE GODS. 



^7 



since they consider it an unclean kind of pulse. Instead of a 
single priest, each god has the attendance of a college, at the 
head of which is a chief priest ; ® when one of these dies, his 
son is appointed in his room. 



forbidden in tho Thobaid, which is 
the most wholesome meat in Ef^pt ; 
and we can only BnppoBo it was owing 
to sheep having been few in nnmber 
at the time the law was first made ; 
when thej were anxions to enoonrage 
the breed for the sake of the wool, and 
feared to lessen their nnmber, as was 
the case with the cow both in Egypt 
and India. The name ic^ofiof was also 
applied to the seeds of tho Nolnmbiam 
or Indian Lotos. See noto^ on ch. 92. 
--[O. W.] 

% This is fally confirmed by the 
Bcnlptnres. They were not, however, 
always replaced at their death by their 
sons ; and thoagh this was often the 
case, a son might become a priest of 
another deity, and have a high(«r or 
lower grade than his father. Ho conld 
also be a priest duriug his father's 
lifetime, and numerons sons could nut 
expect the same office as their father. 
The son of a priest was gonerally a 
priest also ; and when an elder son 
puccecde<l to the pamo office held l)c- 
fore by hi.«* father, it id very posniblo 
that he inherited the same dress of in- 
vestiture, which was also the cnstoni 
of the Jews (ExckI. xxix. 29) ; but a 
priest's son might be a military man. 

The priests had various grades. The 
chief priests held the first post, and 
one of them had an office of great im. 
portance, which was usually fulfilled 
by the king himself. He was the pn)- 
phet and officiating high priest, and 



a 



had the title of "^'em," in 



addition to that of high priest, and 
he was distinguished by wearing a 
leopard's skin over his ordinary robes. 
(See n. * ch. 37, woodcut No. II.) He 
does not appear to have ranked above 
chief-priests, being mentioned after 
them on the Rosetta stone, but to 



have been one of them in a particular 
capacity. He might also be a chief- 
priest of one God, and .SVm of another ; 
and one in a tomb at Thebes is called 
" chief -priest of Amnn, iSfem in the 
temple of Pthah, superior of the 
priests of the up)>cr and lower conn, 
try ; " and his father was chief -priest 
without the additional office of Hem. 
The prophets were particularly versed 
in all matters relating to the cere- 
monies, the worship of the Gods, the 
laws, and the discipline of the whole 
order, and they not only [ircsided over 
the temple and the sacred rites, but 
directed tho management of the sacred 
revenues. (Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. p. 
758.) In tho solemn i)rocession» they 
had a conspicuous part ; they bore 
tho holy hydria or water-jar, which 
was frequently carried by tho king on 
similar occasions, and they with the 
chief-})rie8ts were the first whoso 
opinion was consulted respecting the 
introduction of any new measure con. 
nected with r(?ligi<m, as wo find in the 
decree of tlic Rosetta stone, which 
wOvS "established by the chief priests 
and prophets, and tlioso who have 
acce.ss to tho adytum to clothe tho 
G(kIs, and the j)t(?rophora}, and the 
sacred scribes, and all the other 
priests .... assembled in tlie temple 
of Memphis." Some of tho principal 
functionaries *' in tho solemn proces- 
sions" are thus mentioned by Clemens 
(Strom, vi. p. 757) : " Tlie singer 
usually goes first, bearing the symbols 
of music, whoso duty is said to be to 
carry two of the books of Hermes .... 
he is followed by the Horoscopns, 
bearing in In's hand the measure of 
time (hour-glass), and the palm 
(branch), the symbols of astrology 
(astronomy) .... next comes the 
Hicn)grammat (sacred scribe) having 
feathers on his head (see woodcut fig. 
9, note * on ch. 37), and in his hands a 
book (papyrus) with a ruler (palette) 



68 



TESTING OF MALE KIKE. 



Book II. 



88. Male kine axe reckoned to belong to Epaphus,® and are 
therefore tested in the foUowing manner : — One of the priests 
appointed for the purpose searches to see if there is a single 
black hair on the whole body, since in that case the beast is 
unclean. He examines him all over, standing on his legs, 
and again laid upon his back ; after which he takes the tongue 
out of his mouth, to see if it be clean in respect of the 
prescribed marks (what they are I will mention elsewhere ^ ) ; 
he also inspects the hairs of the tail, to observe if they grow 
naturally. If the animal is pronounced clean in all these 
various points, the priest marks him by twisting a piece of 
papyrus round his horns, and attaching thereto some sealing- 



in which is ink and a reed for writing 
(fig. 1), then the etolistes, bearing the 
cubit of justice (fig. 2), and the cup of 
libation (fig. 3) . . . and lastly the 
Prophet, the president of the temple, 



who carries in his bosom a water- jar, 
followed by persons bearing loaves of 
bread." See procession in pi. 76 of 
At. Eg. W. vol. vi. ; and below, note 9 
on ch. 58.— [G. W.] 





f 



® Epaphus, Herodotus says (in ch. 
153), is the Greek name of Apis, of 
which it is probably only a corruption 
(see also B. iii. ehs. 27, 28). In exa- 
mining a bull for sacrifice, he adds, 
they admitted none but those which 
were free from black hairs; ana** 
Maimonidos states that " if only two 
white or black hairs wore found lying 
upon each other, the animal was con- 
sidered unfit for sacrifice " (Maim, de 
VaccA rufil, c. 1). This calls to mind 
the law of the Israelites, commanding 
them to ''brinpi a red heifer without 
■em was no blemish" (Numb. 
Lix. 2) . But the sculptures show that 
bulls with black, and n;d, or white 
spots, were commonly killed both for 
the altar and the table, and the only 
jtrohibition seems to have been against 
killing heifers ; and to ensure a regard 




for them they were held sacred (see 
below, nJ ch. 41). It was on this 
account that Moses proposed to go 
three days into the desert, lest the 
anger of the Egyptians should bo 
raised on seeing the Israehtes sacri- 
fice a heifer (Exod. viii. 20) : and by 
this very opposite choice of a victim 
they were made unequivocally to de- 
nounce, and to separate themselves 
from, the rites of Egypt. — [G. W.] 

* It is not at all clear that the refer- 
ence is to iii. 28, as the commentators 
generally suppose (see Larcher, Bahr, 
and Blakesley ad loc.) : for Herodotus 
is there describing, not the animal 
which might be offered to Apis, but 
the animal which was regarded as an 
incarnation of Apis. Perhaps we have 
here, as in yii. 213, a promise that is 
unfulfilled. 



Chap. 88> 39. 



IfANNER OF SACRIFICE. 



69 



clay, which he then stamps with his own signet-ring.* After 
this the beast is led away; and it is forbidden, under the 
penalty of death, to sacrifice an animal which has not been 
marked in this way. 

39. The following is their manner of sacrifice : — They lead 
the victim, marked with their signet, to the altar where they 
are about to offer it, and setting the wood alight, pour a 
libation of wine upon the altar in front of the victim, and at 
the same time invoke the god. Then they slay the animal,® 



' The sanction given for sacrificing 
a bnll was by a papyrus band tied by 
the priest round the horns, which he 
stamped with his signet on soaling- 
clay. Docnments sealed ¥nth fine clay 
and impressed ¥nth a signet are very 
common ; bnt the exact symbols im- 
pressed on it by the priest on this 
occasion are not known. Castor says 
they consisted of a man kneeling with 
his hands tied behind him, and a 
Bword pointed to his throat, which 
was probably this (of woodcnt) , though 
it has not been found on a seal. The 
clay nsed in closing 
and sealing papyri is 
of very fine quality. 
A similar kind was 
employed for official 
seals by the Greeks 
and Assyrians. On signet-rings see 
my note on B. iii. ch. 41. — [G. W.] 

' We learn from the sculptures that 
the victim, having its feet tied to- 
gether, was thrown on the ground ; 
and the priest, having placed his hand 
on its head (as in Levit. i. 4; iii. 8), 
or holding it by the horn, cut its 
throat, apparently from ear to ear, as 
is the custom of the Moslems at the 




present day. The skin was then re- 
moved, and after the head had been 
taken away, the foreleg or shoulder, 
generally the right (as in Levit. viii. 
26), was the first joint cut off. This 
was considered, and called, the chosen 
part (Sapt)y and was the first offered 
on the altar. (Cp. 1 Sam. ix. 24; 
Levit. vii. 33; viii. 25.) The other 
parts were afterwards cut up ; and 
the shoulder, the thigh, the head, the 
ribs, the rump, the heart, and the kid- 
neys, were the i)rincipal ones placed 
on the altar. The head, which Hero- 
dotus says was either taken to the 
market and sold to strangers, or 
thrt)wn into the river, is as common 
on the altars as any other joint, and 
an instance sometimes occurs of the 
whole animal being placed upon it. 
We may therefore conclude that the 
imprecations ho says were called down 
upon the head were confined to cer- 
tain occasions and to one particular 
victim, as in the case of the s^pegoat 
of the Jews (Levit. xvi. 8, 10, 21), 
and it was of that particular animal 
that no Egyptian would eat the head. 
It may not have been a favourite 
joint, since we find it given to a poor 





C) ^0 





SD 





No. 1. 



IMPRECATIONa 



And cutting off bis head, proceed to Hay the body.* Next tbey 
take the bead and beaping mp ecat oqb on t if there is a 



man for hodigh kgatbs 

the gnesta p rt h waa an 

KgTpliU], re gn and iH 

in the pain g« a torn a Th bea 
of the earl m 8 h d oaa 

(woodentN V)— [G W] 



466) ry m ar They drew 

back h ad d ki ed aod aftrrr 
kinn g be ff the legB 

Oilf^ ) wh h be g wrapped up in 




DISEMBOWELLING AND BURNING. 



market-place and a body of Greek traders in the city, tbey 
carry it there and sell it instantly ; if, however, there are no 
Greeks among them, they throw the head into the river. The 
impreeation is to this effect : — They pray that if any evil is 
impending either over those who sacrifice, or over luiiversal 
Egypt, it may be made to fall upon that head. These 
praotices, the imprecations upon the heads, and the libations 
ot wine, prevail all over Egypt, and extend to victims of all 
sorts ; and hence the Egyptians will never eat the head of any 
- animal. 

40. The disembowelling and burning are, however, different 
in different sacrifices. I will mention the mode in use with 
respect to the goddess whom they regard as the greatest,^ and 



the fat (cKnl) folded double, the; I ((higha and Rbouldcm) were bnrot, 

plaoed portiODS of raw moat thereon ; \ and they had ta^to'd the " inward 

sn old man then burnt it on split parts," they cut the rest into SDUtll 

wood, and poured black wine on it, pieces, and put them on ultcwcrs 

while the ;oaii{( mea beuide him held (apits), niafltin); them cleverly, and 

fire-pronged apite. When the legs, | took all off apiin."—[G. W.] 




' HarodotuB here evidently alladea 
t« biB, as he shows in cha. 59, 61, 
where he Bpeaks of her f6te at Baairia; 
bat ho afterwards confounds her with 
Atbor (ch. 41). This ia very i 
ewwble in the historian, einoe t 
attributes of those two Goddesaea t 
often K) closely connected that i 



I waa, however 

Dondera Athor haa very 
appea 



y the 



itingnisl 



•oolptDree, nnleaa their i 



I the 



though still a distinct Goddess, as id 
shown by each of th*Mn having a 
tempio at that place. Horodoina (in 
ch. 41) Bays that cowa were sacrod to 
lais, whose statuea had the head of 
that utiiiud ; but it wtia to Atbor, the 



72 



cows SACRED TO ISIS. 



Book II: 



honour with the chiefest festival. When they have flayed 
their steer they pray, and when their prayer is ended they 
take the paunch of the animal out entire, leaving the intestines 
and the fat inside the body ; they then cut off the legs, the 
ends of the loins, the shoulders, and the neck; and having 
HO done, they fill the body of the steer with clean bread, honey, 
raisins, figs, frankincense, myrrh, and other aromatics.® 
Thus filled, they bum the body, pouring over it great quan- 
tities of oil. Before offering the sacrifice they fast, and while 
the bodies of the victims are being consimied they beat them- 
selves. Afterwards, when they have concluded this part of 
the ceremony, they have the other parts of the victim served 
up to them for a repast. 

41. The male kine, therefore, if clean, and the male calves, 
arc used for sacrifice by the Egyptians universally ; but the 
females they are not allowed to sacrifice,'^ since they are sacred 



Venu8 of Egypt, that they were 
Kacred ; and it is only when ono adopts 
the attributes of the other, that Isis 
has the hoad of the spotted cow of 
Athor, or that this Goddess takes the '•. 
name of Isis. Plutarch savs Isis was ■ 
called Mntlj, Athyri, and Mothuer (de 
Irt. 8. 56). That Herodotus was really 
describing Athor and not Isis is shown 
by tli(» city where the cattle were sent | 
bein^T Atnrbechis. (See below note* 
(»n ch. 41). The Roman poets made a 
double error in confounding Isis with 
Athc-r, and even with Juno, whence 
" nivcH Satuniia vaccA." Great hon- 
<iurrt were also paid to the Cow of 
Atlicr at Momemphis, where Venus 
waft particularly worshipped : and 
wherever she had a temple a sacred 
Cow was kept , as Strabo says was the 
case at Momemphis as well as other 
places in the Delta ; and at Chusse, a 
fcmall village in the Hermopolito nome 
where Venus was worthipped under 
the title of Urania.— [G. W.] 

* The custom of filling the body with 
oi^es and various things, and then 
homing it all, calls to mind the Jewish 
burnt offering (Levit. viii. 25, 26). — 
[G.W.] 



' In order to "prevent the breed of 
cattle from being diminished : but 
some mysterious reason being assigned 
for it, the i)eople were led to respect 
an ordonnanoe which might not other, 
wise have been attended to. This 
was the general system, and the 
reason of many things being held 
sacred may be attributed to a neces- 
sary precaution. It is indeed dis- 
tinctly stated by Porphyry (de Abstin. 
ii. s. 11), who says, "the Kgyptian.s 
and Phoenicians would rather eat 
human flesh than that of cows, on 
account of the value of the animal, 
though they both sacnficc and eat 
bulls ; " and the same was doubtless 
the origin of a similar superstition in 
India. In another place Porphyry 
(iv. 7) says the same thing, and adds 
" that certain bulls were held in the 
same veneration, while others werei 
preserved for labour." Some years 
ago no one was allowed to kill a calf 
in Egjpt, and a permission from the 
government was required for the 
slaughter of a bull; but this soon 
degenerated into a mere tax, and oowa 
and calves were permitted to be killed 
on the payment of a duty. In India 



Chap. 40, 41. 



STATUE OF ISIS. 



73 



to Isis. The statue of this goddess has the form of a woman 
but with horns like a cow, resembling thus the Greek repre- 
sentations of lo;® and the Egyptians, one and all, venerate 
cows much more highly than any other animal. This is the 
reason why no native of Egypt, whether man or woman, will 
give a Greek a kiss,® or use the knife of a Greek, or his spit, or 



and Thibet the veneration for the 
cow is aa remarkable as in Eg^pt. 
Jerome also remarks, *' In ^gypto et 
Fk^sBstinA propter bourn raritatem 
nemo vaccam comedit '* (ii. adv. Jovin. 
7). Porphyry (de Abstin.) says the 
first who sacrificed did not offer 
animals, but herbs and flowers ; and 
(de Sacrif. ii.) flour, honey, and fruits. 
— [G. W.] 

•• This name is evidently connected 
with Ehe, "the Cow," of the Egyp- 
tians, which was given to one of 
their goddesses; but the remark of 




Eustathius that ** lo, in the language 
of the Ai-gives, is the moon," is ex- 
plained by its being the Egyptian 
name lohj " the moon," which, though 
quite distinct from Ehe, agrees well 
with lo being looked upon by the 
Greeks as the moon, and with the sup- 
posed relationship of the Eg}'ptian8 
and the Argives, who wore said to 
have been a colony taken by Danaus 
from the Nile. lo is reiwrted to have 
visited Egypt in her wanderings, and 
to have been changed into Isis, in the 
city of Coptos, where she was wor- 
shipped under that name. (See Died, 
i. 21 ; and comp. Ovid Met. i. 588, 
747 ; Pi-opert. ii. Elog. 28. 17 ; and 
At. Eg. W. vol. iv. p. 382, 388, 390; 
vol. V. p. 195.) Tlie story of her hav- 
ing given birth to Epaphus (the Apis 
of Egypt) was probably a later ad- 
dition : but her wandering to the Nile, 
like the fable related by Herodotus 
(Book i. ch. 5). points to the connexion 
between Egypt and Argos. The name 
loh, or Aah, written Iho, or Aha, is an 
instance of the medial vowel at the 
end of a word in hieroglyphics. (See 
below, n. *, and App. ch. vi. § 16.) 
— [G. W.] 

'The Egyptians considered all fo- 
reigners unclean, with whom they 
would not eat, and particularly the 
Greeks. ** The Egyptians might not 
eat bread with the Hebrews, for that 
is an abomination unto the Egyptians" 
(Gen. xliii. 32) ; and the same pre- 
judice is continued by the Hindoos, 
and by many of the Moslems, to the 
present day. But the last have grtk- 
dations, like the ancient Egyptians, 
who looked with greater horror on 
those who did not out the throat from 
ear to ear of all animals used for food. 
-[G. W.] 



74 



SEPULTURE OF KINE. 



Book II. 



his cauldron, or taste the flesh of an ox, known to be pure, if it 
has been cut with a Greek knife. When kine die, the following 
is the manner of their sepulture : — The females are thrown into 
the river ; the males are buried in the suburbs of the towns, 
with one or both of their horns appearing above the surface 
of the ground to mark the place. When the bodies are 
decayed, a boat comes, at an appointed time, from the island 
called Prosopitis,^ — which is a portion of the Delta, nine 
Bchoenes in circumference, — and calls at the several cities in 
turn to collect the bones of the oxen. Prosopitis is a district 
containing several cities ; the name of that from which the 
boats come is Atarbechis.^ Yenus has a temple there of much 



* Some sappoBe the town of Pros6- 
pitis to have been also called Nicinm. 
The island was between the Canopic 
and Sebennytic branches, at the fork, 
and on the west side of the apex of 
the Delta. It was there that the 
Athenians, who came to assist the 
Egyptians against the Persians, were 
bodeged, b.c. 460-458. (Thacyd. i. 
109.) It is not to be supposed that 
all the balls that died in Egypt were 
carried to Atarbcchis to bo bnried ; 
and mnch less that all the bodies of 
heifers were thrown into the river. 
Like other animals they were em. 
baJmed and baricd in the place where 
they died, and tlieir mnmmies are con- 
sequently funnd at Thebes and in other 
parts of the country. The Egyptians 
were particular in preventing any- 
thing remaining above ground, which 
by putrefaction could taint the air; and 
this was the reason of thoir obliging 
eyery town to embalm whatever died 
there. It is probable that villages 
near Atarbechis sent the carcases of 
bolls to that city, which led Herodotus 
to suppose that all places did so ; as 
other animals were sent from different 
Tillages in the neighhowrhood to the 
chief city, where they were sacred. 
To pollute the Nile with dead carcases 
would have been in the highest degree 
inconsistent in a people so particular 
on this point ; and the notion of Hero- 



dotus can only be explained by thoir 
sometimes feeding the crocodiles with 
them. The prejudice in favour of the 
river still remains in Egypt, and even 
the Moslems swear '*by that pure 
stream."— [G. W.] 

* Athor being the Venus of Egypt, 
Atarbechis was translated Aphnxlilo- 
polis. It was composed of atar or 
athor, and hechi or hek, " city," which 
occurs again in Baalbek, the city of 
Baal, or the Sun (Heliopolis) ; Rabck, 
the Assyrian name of the Egyptian 
Heliopolis, from the Egyptian He or lia, 
** the sun." This Aphroditopolis is sup- 
posed to have been at the modem Shib. 
been, in the Isle of Prosdpitis, between 
the Canopic and Sebennytic bi-anches 
of the Nile, on an offset of the latter, 
called Thermuthiac, which formed the 
western, as the Sebennytic did the 
eastern, boundary of the Isle of 
Natho. There were other towns called 
Aphroditopolis in Upper Egypt. Athor 
signifies, as Plutarch says, " Horns* 
habitation," Thy-hor, or Teihor, THI- 
ZOP, the origin of the name Thueris, 
who, however, was made into another 
person (Plut. de Is. s. 56, and 19). 
As the morning-star she issued from 
the mountain of Thebes under the 
form of a spotted cow, and as the 
evening-star she retired behind it at 
night. She also represented Night, 
and in thia capacity received the sun 



Crap. 41, 42. GOATS OFFERED IN THE THEBAIS. 



75 



sanctity. Great numbers of men go forth from this city and 
proceed to the other towns, where they dig up the bones, 
which they take away with them and bury together in one 
place. The same practice prevails with respect to the inter- 
ment of all other cattle — the law so determining ; they do not 
slaughter any of them. 

42. Such Egyptians as possess a temple of the Theban 
Jove, or live in the Thebaic canton,^ offer no sheep in sacri- 
fice,* but only goats ; for the Egyptians do not all worship the 



at his setting into her arms as ho 
retired behind the westeni monntain 
of Thebes. It was from this that the 
.western part of the citj was called 
Pathjris, " belonging to Athor," who 
presided over the west. (On Athor 
see At. Eg. W. vol. iv. 386 to 394 ) 
Her great importance is shown by the 
many cities dedicated to her in Upper 
and Lower Egypt, as well as temples 
in other places, from the earliest times 
to the Ptolemies and Csesars ; and 
Yenns was the great goddess of 
PhoBnicia and other countries. — [G. W.] 

' On the cantons or nomes of Egypt 
see note ^ on ch. 164. It has errono- 
onsly been supposed that each nome 
"was kept distinct from the others 
by the difference of religion and 
rites." It is true there was a chief 
god of the nome ; but cities of 
different nomes were often dedicated 
to the same deity ; and even a city 
might have a chief god who was not 
the one of the nome, as Eileithyia was 
in her city within the nome of Apol- 
linopolis. The numerous divinities 
worshipped throughout Egypt were 
also admitted as contemplar gods in 
any part of the country. See note * 
on this chapter. — [G. W.] 

* Sheep are never represented on 
the altar, or slaughtered for the 
table, at Thebes, though they were 
kept there for their wool ; and Plu- 
taich says " none of the Egyptians 
eat sheep, except the Lycopolites" 
(de Isid. s. 72). Goats were killed, 
bat the Theban gentry seem to have 
preferred the ibex or wild goat, the 



oryx, the gazelle, and other game. 

These, however, were confined to the 

wealthier classes ; others lived princi- 

cipally on beef, Nile geese, and other 

wild fowl ; and some were satisfied 

with fish, either fresh or salted, with 

an occasional goose or a joint of meat ; 

and the numerous vegetables Egypt 

produced appeared in profusion on 

every table. Lentil porridge was, as 

at present, a great article of food for 

the poor, as well as the raphanus (figl) 

(Heix)d. ii. 125), " cucumbers (or 

gourds), melons, and leeks, onions, and 

garlick" (Num. xi. 5), of which the 

gourd (kua, Arabic fciiz), melon (ahtikh, 

Arabic hatikh), onion (husly Arabic 

husl), and garlick (t5m, Arabic tdm) 

retain their names in Egypt to the 

present day. They had also fruits 

and roots of various kinds; and 

Diodorus (i. 80) says that children had 

merely " a little meal of the coarsest 

kind, the pith of the papyrus, baked 

under the ashes, and the roots and 

stalks of marsh-weeds.'' Beef and 

goose, ibex, gazelle, oryx, ffli4 wild 

fowl were also presented to^tne gods ; 

and onions, though forbidden to the 

priests, always held a prominent place 

on their altar, with the^i^l (raphanus^ 




76 



OSIRIS, THE GREEK BACCHUS. 



Book n. 



same gods,*^ excepting Isis and Osiris, the latter of whom they 
say is the Grecian Bacchus.* Those, on the contrary, who 
possess a temple dedicated to Mendes,"^ or belong to the 



figs. 7, S), and gourdB (figs. 5, 6), 
grapes, figs (especially of the syca- 
more, figs. 3, 4), com, and yarioas 
flowers. (See ch. 39, woodcnt No. II.) 
Wine, milk, beer, and a profosion of 
cakes and bread, also formed part of 
the offerings, and incense was presented 
at every great sacrifice.— [G. W.] 

' Though each city had its pre- 
siding deity, many others of neigh- 
bouring and of distant towns were also 
admitted to its temples as contemplar 
gods, and none were positively ex- 
cluded except some local divinities, 
and certain animals, whose sanctity 
was confined to particular places. In 
one city Amun was the chief deity, as 
at Thebes; in another Pthah, as at 
Memphis ; in another Be (the sun), as 
at Heliopolis ; and some cities which 
were consecrated to the same deity 
were distinguished by the afl5x " the 
great " " the lesser," as Aphroditopolis, 
and Diospolis, Magna, and Parva. 
Many again bore a name not taken 
firom the chief god of the place ; but 
every city and every sanctuary had 
its presiding deity, with contemplar 
gods, who were members of the gene- 
ral Pantheon — those of a neighbouring 
town generally holding a conspicuous 
post in the temple, after the chief 
deity of the place. Each town had 
also a triad composed of the great 
god of the place and two other 
members. Many local deities scarcely 
went beyond their own city or nome ; 
and some animals, sacred in one pro- 
vince, were held in abhorrence in 
another. Thus, the inhabitants of 
Ombos, Athribis, and the Northern 
Crocodilopolis (afterwards called Ar- 
sinoS), near the Lake Moeris, honoured 
the crocodile ; those of Tentyris, Hera- 
cleopolis, and Apollinopolis Mi^na 
were its avowed enemies ; and as the 
Ombites fought with the Tentyrites 
in the cause of their sacred animal, 
PC K war was waged between the 



Oxyrhinchites and Cynopolites in con- 
sequence of the former having eaten a 
dog, to avenge an afEront offered by 
the Cynopolites, who had brought to 
table the sacred fish of Oxyrhinchus, 
(Plut. de Isid. v. 44.) The reason of 
these local honours was not originally 
connected with religion ; and the sanc- 
tity of the crocodile, and of certain 
fish, at Crocodilopolis, Oxyrhinchus, 
and other places distant from the 
Nile, was instituted in order to induce 
the inhabitants to keep up the caoals. 
All, it is true, worshipped Osiris, as 
well as his sister Isis, for as he was 
judge of the dead, all wore equally 
amenable to his tribunal ; but it can- 
not be said that he and Isis were the 
only deities worshipped throughout 
Egypt, since Amun, Pthah, and the 
other great gods, and many also of the 
second, as well as of the third order, 
were universally venerated. — [G. W.] 

• See below, note * on ch. 48. " Osi- 
ris," says Diodorus, *' has been con- 
sidered the same as Sai-apis, Bacchus, 
Pluto, or Ammon ; others have thought 
him Jupiter ; many Pan ; " and he 
endeavours to identify him with the 
sun, and Isis with the moon. But 
these notions were owing to similari- 
ties being traced in the attributes of 
certain gods of the Greek and Egyp- 
tian iantheons, and one often pos- 
sessed some that belonged to sevoi'al. 
Thus the principal character of Osiris 
was that of Pluto, because ho was 
Judge of the dead, and ruler of Amenti 
or Hades ; and he was supposed to bo 
Bacchus, when he lived on earth, and 
taught man to till the land. — [G. W.] 

' The mounds of Ashmourij on the 
canal leading to Mdnzalehf mark the 
site of Mendes. The Greeks con- 
sidered Pan to be both Mendes and 
Khem ; they called Chemmis in Upper 
Egypt Panopolis, and gave the capital 
of the Mendesian nome to Pan^ who 
was said by Herodotus (ch. 46) to havo 




CHiLP. 42. 



SHEEP OFFEBED AT MENDES. 



77 



Mendesian canton, abstain from offering goats, and sacrifice 
sheep instead. The Thebans, and such as imitate them in 
their practice, give the following account of the origin of the 
custom : — ** Hercules, " they say, ** wished of aU things to see 
Jove, but Jove did not choose to be seen of him.® At length, 
when Hercules persisted, Jove hit on a device — to flay a ram, 
and, cutting off his head, hold the head before him, and cover 
himself with the fleece. In this guise he showed himself to 
Hercules.'* Therefore the Egyptians give their statues of 
Jupiter the face of a ram : ^ and from them the practice has 



been figured with the head and logs of 
a goat. Unfortunately no monument 
remains at Ashmoun to give the name 
and form of the god of Mendes ; but 
it is certain that he was not Khem, 
the "Pan of Thcl)e8 " (niv e^/3«v), 
who had the attributes of Priapus, 
and was one of the great gods. Man- 
doo again (or Munt), whose name 
appears to be related to Mendes, had 
the head of a hawk : and no god of 
the Egyptian Pantheon is re))resentcd 
with the head and legs of a goat. 
The notion is Greek ,• and Jablonski 
is quite right in saying that Mendes 
did not signify a " goat." There is a 
tablet in the British Museum (No. 
356) with a goat represented much in 
the same manner as an Apis ; but the 
legend over it contains no reference 
to Mendes. Khem, like the Greek 
Pan, was " universal nature ; " and as 
he j)resided over everything generated, 
he was the god of vegetable as well 
as animal life ; and though the god of 
gardens had with the Greeks another 
name, he was really the same deity 
under his phallic form. — [G. W.] 

* This fable accords with the sup- 
posed meaning of the name of Amun, 
which Manetho says was " conceal- 
ment ; " but the reason of the god 
having the head of an animal would 
aiiply to so many others, that it ceases 
to do so to any one in particular. 
HecatsBus derived Amun from a word 
signifying ** come," in allusion to his 
being invoked (Plut. de laid. 5. 9) ; 
and lambliohus says it implies that 



which brings to light, or is manifested. 
Amoni means " envelope " and ahwine 
is " come."— [G. W.] 

® See above, notes **, •, on ch.' 29. 
The God Noum (Xou, Noub, or Nef), 
with a ram's head, answered to Jupi. 
ter, and he was the first member of 
the Triad of the Cataracts, composed 
of Noum, Sate, and Anoukc (Jaj)iter, 
Juno, and Vesta). Amun again was 
also considered the same as Ju}iiter, 
because ho was the King of the Gods; 
and it was from his worship that 
Thebes received the name of Dies- 
polis, " the city of Jove," answering 
to No-Amun or Ami^nna of the Bible 
(Jer. xlvi. 25 ; £zek. xxx. 14, 15, 16), 



the Amun-6i (" abode 
of Amun"), 






1/VNA/V i 

and Noum, 



or Araun-ei Na (*' the 
great abode of Amun " 
or'*Amun-^i" only?) of 
the sculptures. Amun 
having botli some of tlie attributes of 
Jupiter, naturally became confounded 
by the Gn^eks ; and the custom of one 
god occasionolly receiving tlie attri- 
butes of anotiier doubtless led them 
into error. Th<j greatest interchange, 
however, was between Amun and 
Khem ; but as this was only at The- 
bes, and little known to the Greeks, 
the same misapprehension did not 
take place, and Klieni by the Greeks 
was only considered to be Pan. Yet 
Pan again was supposed by them to 



78 



SACRIFICE OF A RAM AT THEBES. 



Book II. 



passed to the Ammonians, who are a joint colony of Egyptians 
and Ethiopians, speaking a language between the two ; hence 
also, in my opinion, the latter people took their name of 
Ammonians, since the Egyptian name for Jupiter is Amun. 
Such, then, is the reason why the Thebans do not sacrifice 
rams, but consider them sacred animals. Upon one day in 
the year, however, at the festival of Jupiter, they slay a single 
ram, and stripping off the fleece, cover with it the statue of 
that god, as he once covered himself, and then bring up to the 
statue of Jove an image of Hercules. When this has been 
d one^ the whole assembly beat their breasts in mourning for 
the^am, and afterwards bury him in a holy sepulchre. 

43. The accoimt which I received of this Hercules makes 
him one of the twelve gods.^ Of the other Hercules, with 



be Mendes; and the two names of 
Aman and Amnnre, given to the same 
god, wonld probably have jxjrplexed 
the Greeks, if they had happened to 
perceive that additional title of Amnn. 
It is, however, only right to say that 
the Ethiopians frequently gave the 
name of Aman to the ram -headed 
Nonm, and, being their greatest god, 
was to thorn what Jnpitcr was to the 
Greeks. See my note on Book iv. ch. 
181. -[G. W.] 

* Here again the same confusion 
occurs, from- the claims of two gods 
to the chardfcter of Hercules — Khons, 
the third member of the Theban 
Triad, and Moui, who is called " Son 
of the Sun." The latter was the god 
of Sebonnytus, where he was known 
under the name of Gem, Sem, or Gem- 
nouti, wlicnce the Coptic appellation 
of that city Gemnouti. There was 
another Heracleopolis, the capital of 
a nome of the same name, which is 
now marked by the mounds of And- 
sieh, the Hn6s of the Copt«, a little 
to the south of the entrance to the 
Fy<5om. Moui appears to be the 
splendour or force of the sun, and 
hence the god of power, a divine 
attribut^i — the Greek Hercules being 
strength, a gift to man. The Egyp- 
tian Hercules was the abstract idea of 



divine power, and it is not therefore 
surprising that Herodotus could learu 
nothing of the Greek Hercules, who 
was a hero unknown in Egypt. The 
connexion between strength and heat 
mav be traced even in the Greek ap- 
pellation of Hercules. Alcides, his 
patronymic (taken from his grand- 
father Alcseus) and the name of his 
mother Alcma>na, were derived from 
iXicfij " strength j " and Hercules may 
even be related to the Semitic har, 
hark, "heat," or "burning" (analo. 
gous to the Teutonic /lar, "fire"), 
and perhaps to aor, *• light," in He- 
brew, or to the Hor (Horus) of Egypt. 
The Etruscans called him Herkle, or 
Ercle. In the Hebrew, "Samson" 
recalls the name of Sera, the Egyptian 
Hercules. Hercules being the sun, 
the twelve labours of the later hero 
may have been derived from the 
twelve signs of the zodiac. . Hercules, 
as Herodotus, Macrobius, and others 
state, was particularly worshipped at 
Tyre ; " but," adds Macrobius, " the 
Egyptians venerate him with the most 
sacred and august rites, and look upon 
the period when his worship was first 
adopted by them as beyond the reach 
of all memorials. He is believed to 
have killed the Giants, when in the 
character of the valoar of the gods ho 



Chap. 42, 43. GRECIAN AND EGYPTIAN HERCULES. 



79 



whom the Greeks are familiar, I conld hear nothing in any 
part of Egypt. That the Greeks, however (those I mean who 
gave the son of Amphitryon that name), took the name* from 
the Egyptians, and not the Egyptians from the Greeks,® is I 
think clearly proved, among other arguments, by the fact 
that both the parents of Hercules, Amphitryon as well as 
Alcmena, were of Egyptian origin.* Again, the Egyptians 
disclaim all knowledge of the names of Neptune and the 
Dioscuri,^ and do not include them in the number of their 



fought in dofencc of Heaven ; '* which 
accords with the title of a work called 
** Semnnthis," written by ApoUonides 
or Horapius (in Theophil. Antioch. ad 
Antolyc. 2. 6), describing the wars of 
the Gods against the Giants, and re- 
calls the Egy|)tian title of the god of 
Sebennytns. Cicero mentions one 
Ilercnles who was '• Nilogenitus ; " 
but HercLles was derived by the 
Greeks from the Phoenicians rather 
than from Egypt. See note"^ on ch. 
4^, and note* ch. 171.— [G. W.] 

* Herodotus, who derived his know- 
ledge of the Egyptian religion from 
the professional interpreters, seems to 
have regarded the vord " Hercnles " 
as Egyptian. It is scarcely necessary 
to 'say that no Egyptian god has a 
name from which that of Hercnles 
can by any possibility have been 
formed. The word ('HpcucX^y) seems 
to l>e pure Greek, and has been 
reasonably enough derived from "Hpa, 
" the goddess Juno,"' and kXcos *' glory " 
(see Scott and Liddell's Lexicon, p. 
597). 

^ See the last note but one. The 
tendency of the Greeks to claim an 
indigenous origin for the deities they 
borrowed from strangers, and to sub- 
stitute physical for abstract beings, 
readily led them to invent the story 
of Hercules, and every clignus Hndice 
nodus was cut by the interposition of 
his marvellous strength. Even the 
Arabs call forth some hero to account 
for natural phenomena, or whatever 
wonderful action they think right to 
attribute to man ; an<l the opening of 



the Straits of Gibraltar is declared by 
Edrisi to have been the work of Alex- 
ander the Great ; any 8tu]>endoiui 
building is ascribed to Antar; and 
Solomon (like Melampus in Greek 
fable) is supposed to have explained 
the language of animals and birds — a 
science said by Philostratus to have 
been learnt from the Arabs by Apol- 
lonins Tyanajus (i. 14). In order to 
account for the discrepancies in the 
time when Hercules was supposed to 
have lived, the Greeks made out three, 
the oldest being the Egyptian and the 
son of Jove, another of Crete, and the 
youngest was the hero, also a son of 
Jove. Some Latin writei-s (as Varro) 
increased the number to forty-three. 
The Cretan Hercules was also related 
to the god of Egypt ; and the latter, 
as Moni, was intimately connected 
with the funeral rites, and was gene- 
rally painted black in the tombs of 
Thebes.— [G.W.] 

* The parentage of the former was 
Alcsous, Perseus, Jupiter, and DanaS, 
Acrisius, Abas, Lynceus (wlio married 
a daughter of Danaus), -/Egyptus, the 
twin-brother of Danaus, the son of 
Belus. Alcmena was daughter of 
Elect ryon, the son of Perseus. This 
accords with what Herodotus men. 
tions (ch. 91) of Perseus, Danaus, and 
Lynceus having been natives of Chem. 
mis, and connects them all with the 
sun.— [G. W.] 

^ Herodotus is quite right in saying 
that these gods were not in the Egyp- 
tian Pantheon. See note ' on ch. 50, 
and note* ch. 91.— [G. W.] 



8o 



AGE OF THE EGYPTIAN HERCULES. 



Book II. 



gods ; but had they adopted the name of any god from the 
Greeks, these would have been the Ukeliest to obtain notice, 
since the Egyptians, as I am well convinced, practised naviga- 
tion at that time, and the Greeks also were some of them 
mariners, so that they would have been more likely to know 
the names of these gods than that of Hercules. But the 
Egyptian Hercules is one of their ancient gods. Seventeen 
thousand years before the reign of Amasis, the twelve gods 
were, they affirm, produced from the eight : ® and of these 
twelve, Hercules is one. 

44. In the wish to get the best information that I could on 



' This \r the soppoeed period from 
HercaloH to AmasiH ; and 15,000 wore 
reckoned from Bacchus to Amasis 
(ch. 145). According to Manctho, the 
Egyptians believed that the gods 
reigned on earth before men. The 
first were Valcan, the Snn, Agatho- 
dssmon, Chronos (Satam), Osiris, 
Typhon (or Seth), Horns (which fonr 
last are found also in this order in the 
Turin Papyrus). The royal authority 
then continued through a long suc- 
cession to Bytis (or Bites), occupying 

Ynn. Ymn. 

13,900 years 13,900 

Then alter the Gods reigued 

Heroes 1255 

Other kiiiRs 1817 

30 o(A«r ( r) Memphitc kingnl 790 

lOThinltca 350 

Manes and demigods . . 5813 

Snm . . . 11,000 or really 11.025 

Total 24,925 

which agrees very nearly with the 
sum given by Ensebius, from Mane- 
tho, of 21,90<), from the beginning of 
the reign of Vulcan to Menes. 

Synoellus, n^nin, on the authority 
of Manetho, gives the reigns of the 
gods thus : — 

RHimed yem. Reduced fhun 

1. Vulcan . . . 727* 9000 

a. Helios .... 80^ 992 

3. Agathodtemon. . 50/, 700 

4. Chronos .... 40^ 601 

5. Osiris and Isis . . 35 433 

6. Typhon .... 29 359 

7. HoruB the demigod 25 309 

994 reduced from 12,294 



8. Mars the demigod 23 

9. Anubis id 17 

10. Hercules id 15 

11. Apollo id 25 

12. Ammon id 30 

13. Tithoes id 27 

14. Zusos id 32 

15. Jupiter id 20 

Years reduced to . . . .189 
from about 2338. 



In this list the relative positions of 
Osiris (Bacchus) and Hercules do not 
agree -with the statement of Hero- 
dotus ; and in deducting the sums of 
12,294 + 680 (to the end of Hercules' 
reign) =12,974 from the total rule of 
the gods, or 24,925, we have 11,951 
years ; and this added to the 2799 of 
Manetho's lists, from Menes to the 
end of Amasis, gives 14,750 years 
from Hercules, or 15,418 years fi-om 
Osiris to the end of Amasis. But it 
sufficiently appears from the names 
in the above list that it is not even 
certain the Egyptians calculated in 
this manner; and the Turin Papyrus 
gives, after Horus, Thoth (who seems 
to have reigned 7220 years), and 
Thmei, and apparently Horus (the 
younger) ; after whom seems to come 
the first King Menes; or a summation 
of demi-gods, followed by the name of 
Menes. It is however possible that 
Herodotus was told of some list simi- 
lar to the one above. See Tn. P. K. W., 
p. 7 to 11.— [G. W.] 



Chap. 48, 44. 



VISIT TO THE TEMPLE AT TYRE. 



8l 



these matters, X made a voyage to Tyre in Phoenicia, hearing 
there was a temple of Hercules at that place,'' very highly 
venerated. I visited the temple, and found it richly adorned 
with a number of offerings, among which were two pillars, one 
of pure gold, the other of emerald,® shining with great 



"^ The temple of Hercnles at Tyre 
was yexy ancient, and, according to 
Herodotus, as old as the city itself, or 
2300 years before his time, i.e. abont 
2755 B.C. Hercnles presided over it 
nnder the title of Melkarth, or Melek- 
Kartha, "king" (lord) of the city. 
(See note' on ch. 32.) Diodoms also 
(i. 24) speaks of the antiqnity of Her- 
cnles; and his antiqnity is fnlly estab- 
lished, in spite of the donbts of Plu- 
tarch. (De Herod. Mai.). The Phoe- 
nicians settled at the Isle of Thasos, 
on account of its gold mines, which 
they first discovered there (Herod, vi. 
46, 47 ; Apollodor. iii. 1), as they were 
the first to visit Britain for its tin. 
Fansanias says the Thasians being of 
Phcenician origin, coming with Agenor 
and other Phoenicians from Tyre, 
dedicated a temple to Hercules at 
Olympia. They worshipped the same 
Hercules as the Tyrians (Pausan. v. 
xxv. § 7), and ApoUodorus (iii. 1) 
states that Thasos, son of Poseidon 
(Neptune), or, according to Phere- 
cydes, of Cilix, going in (juest of 
Europa, founded the Thracian Thasus. 
Phoenix went to Phoenicia, Cilix to 
Cilicia, Cadmus and Telcphus to 
Thrace. The Melcarthus mentioned 
by Plutarch (do Is. s. 15) as a king of 
Byblos, and his queen Astarte, were 
the Hercules and Awtarto (Venus) of 
Syria ; the latter called also Saosis 
and Nemanoun, answering to the 
Greek name Athenais. The Temple 
of Hercules is supposed to have stood 
on the hill close to the aqueduct, 
about 1^ mile east of the modern 
town, which last occupies part of in- 
sular Tyre taken by Alexander. The 
temple marks the site of the early 
city. As the Temple of Hercules at 
Tyre was the oldest of that deity in 
Syria, BO that qf Venus Urania, or 

VOL. II. 



Astarte, at Askalon, was the oldest of 
that goddess. 

In 2 Maccabees iv. 18, 20, mention 
is made of a great game every fifth 
year, kept at Tyre, with sacrifices to 
Hercules. The absurdity of connect- 
ing the name Melicertes with "honey," 
as in the Gnostic Papyrus, is obvious. 
(See note' on ch. 83.) The sea deity, 
Melicertes of Corinth, afterwards 
called PalsBmon, was only an adapta- 
tion of a foreign god. The Tyrian 
Hercules was originally the sun, and 
the same as Baal, " the lord," which, 
like Melkarth, was only a title. Her- 
cules and Venus (Astarte) were really 
nature deified, one representing the 
generating, or vivifying, and the other 
the producing principle ; hence the 
mother goddess. The sun was chosen 
as the emblem of the first, and the 
earth of the second, or sometimes the 
moon, being looked upon as the com- 
panion of the sun. This nature system 
will explain the reason of so many 
gods having been connected with the 
sun in Egypt and elsewhere; as 
Adonis (Adonai, " our Lord ") was the 
sun in the winter solstice. — [G. W.] 

® This pillar is mentioned by Theo- 
phrastus (Lap. 23), and Pliny (H. N. 
XXX vii.' 5). The former expresses an 
opinion that it was false. 

[It was probably of glass, which is 
known to have been made in Egypt at 
least 3800 years ago, having been 
found bearing the name of a Pharaoh 
of the 18th dynasty. The monuments 
also of the 4th dynasty show the same 
glass bottles (see woodcut, fig. 7, p. 129) 
were used then as in later times, and 
glass-blowing is represented in the 
paintings from the 12th to the 26th 
dynasty, and also in those of the 4th 
at the tombs near the Pyramids. 
Various hues wore given to glass by 



82 



THE EMERALD PILLAR. 



Book II. 



briUiancy at night. In a conversation which I held with the 
priests, I enquired how long their temple had been built, and 
found by th.eir answer that they, too, differed from the Greeks. 



the "EgYptihUBy and tbis inyention be- 
cune in after times a gpreat favonrite 
at Rome, where it was much sought 
for ornamental pnrposeS) for bottles 
and other common ntensils, and even 
for windows, one of which was dis- 
covered at Pompeii. (Gomp. Seneca, 
Ep. 90; de Benef. vii. 9; and de YiA, 
iii. 40.) The manofactore appears to 
have been introduced under the Em- 
pire. Thoy also cut, gpround, and en- 
graved glass, and had even the art of 
introducing gold between two surfaces 
of the substance; specimens of all 
which I have, as well as of false 
pearls from Thebes, scarcely to be dis- 
tinguished from real ones, if buried 
the same number of years. Pliny 
even speaks of glass being malleable. 
The glass of Egypt was long famous 
(Athen. xi. p. 784 c), and continued so 
to the time of the Empire. Strabo 
(xvi. p. 1077) mentions its many 
colours, and one very perfect kind 
which could only be made with a par- 



ticular vitreous earth found in that 
country ; and the ruins of glass fur- 
naces are still seen at the Natron 
Lakes. Of all stones, says Pliny, the 
emerald was the most easily imitated 
(zxvii. 12) ; and the colossus of Sarapis 
in the Egyptian Labyrinth, 9 cubits 
(between 13 and 14 feet) high, and 
others mentioned by Pliny (xxxvii. 5) 
were doubtless of glass ; like the KiBiya 
XWT^ of Herodotus (infra, ch. 69. See 
At. Eg. W. vol iii. p. 88 to 107). 
There seems every probability that 
glass was first invented in Egypt ; and 
fires lighted frequently on the sand in 
a country producing natron, or sub- 
carbonate of soda, would be more 
likely to disclose the secret than the 
solitary accident of sailors using 
blocks of natron for supporting their 
saucepans on the sea-e^oro of Syria, 
as stated by Pliny (xxxvi. 65). Pliny's 
nitrum is " natron," and the natron 
district was called Nitriotis. — [G. W.] 




Parti. 




Part 2. 



ClUP. 44. THE THASIAN HERCULEa 83 

They said that the temple was built at the same time that the 
city was founded, and that the foundation of the city took place 
two thousand three hundred years ago. In Tyre I remarked 
another temple where the eame god was worshipped as the 
Thasian Hercules. So I went on to ThasoB,* where I found a 
temple of Hercules which had been built by the Fhcenicians 
who colonised that island when they sailed in search of 
Europa.* £veu this was five generations earher than the 
time when Hercules, son of Amphitryon, was bom in Greece. 
These researches show plainly that there is an ancient god 
Hercules ; and my own opinion is, that those Greeks act most 



' Tliasos, which Btill retains its 
name, is a. amoll island ofl iho Thi'BciaD 
coast, oppuaite to the moath of the 
Nertas (Jfarosu), It eoems to hft»e 

(infra, Yi. 4fi, 17). 

' Thifl aiRnifipa oiploring the " west- 
ern lands," Enropa beinK Kreb ((he 
Arabic jfiarl.), ■' the west. " It is the 
eame word as Krebae, or " darkness ; " 
and Earopa is said to bo x<"l" '''>' 
Simui, ft <!K0Ttirli—EipBiit6r, axaTiirir. 
(Hcsych. comp. Enr. Iph. in Tanr. v. 
62G.) The same word occurB in Hc-_ 
brow, where STf signifiea " mixed, ' or 
" ^rey oolonr," and is applied (0 the 
evening, and Hun-sctting, to the raven 
bM to the Arabs; — "the mingled 
people (Arabs) that dwell in the 
desert." (Jerem. iit. 20, 24.) Tho 
story of Earopa was really Phtenician 
colonisation, represented as a princess, 
carried to Crete, their fimt and nearest 
colony, by Jupiter, imder the form ot 
a ball, where she became the mother 
of Minos. Hence Earopa is called by 
" - -- "■ .iv. 321) a daogbt 



ethe 
d thei: 



I'hi 



1 oolon 



isider her 



1 there 



There can be no doabt that tho namo 
ot the "Arabs" was also given from 
their living at tho vststemmnst part of 
Asia ! and their own word Uharb, the 
" West," is another form ot the origi- 
nal Somitio name Arab. The Arabs 



two t_y^ Ghar}},t^yd.rabi 

the Hebrew sip, " raven ; " which last 
is called by them ghonib !faoA, "Noah's 
crow." The name Arab, " western," 
may either have been given them bya 
Semitic people who lived more to the 
East, or even by themBelves. The 
Arabs called tho North " Shemdl," or 
'^ the left," \.f. looking towards san- 
rise; and yenifn means "tho right." 
The Portugnese title, " Prince of tho 
Algarres," is from al Oliarb, " the 
West." The Egyptians called Hadea 
"Amcnti;" and the name for the 
" West," E<nent, shows the same reU- 
tinnahip as between Ereboa and the 
West. Again, " Hesperia," the Greek 
name for Italy, was the "West," like 
the fabled gardens of the Hesperido* ; 
and the Phcenidans, Greeks, and 
others, talked of " the Wett " as we do 
of " the East:' The name of Cadmns, 
the PhccDician who ^re letters t^ 
Greece, is of similar import 1 and he is 
a mythical, not a real, pcraonaf^. His 
name Eadm aignifies the *' East," as 
in Job i. 3, where Beni Ktutm are 
"sons ot the East," and Cadmns was 
therefore repntod to be a brother of 
Eoropa. Kadm, or Kndeem, also 
siffEifieB "old" in Hebrew, aa in 
Arabic ; and the name in thia eonae too 
might apply to Cadmus. In Semitic 
languages tbt 'East, old, befnr/, to prt- 
sent, to ji fnnrari], a foot, Ac, are all 
related.— [G. W.] 



84 



HERCULES THE GOD — HERCULES THE HERO. Book IT. 



wisely who build and maintain two temples of Hercules,^ in 
the one of which the Hercules worshipped is known by the 
name of Olympian, and has sacrifice offered to him as an im- 
mortal, while in the other the honours paid are such as are 
due to a hero. 

45. The Greeks tell many tales without due investigation, 
and among them the following silly fable respecting Hercules : 
— ''Hercules," they say, "went once to Egypt, and there the 
inhabitants took him, and putting a chaplet on his head, led 
him out in solemn procession, intending to offer him a sacrifice 
to Jupiter. For a while he submitted quietly ; but when they 
led him up to the altar and began the ceremonies, he put forth 
his strength and slew them all." Now to me it seems that 
such a story proves the Greeks to be utterly ignorant of the 
character and customs of the people. The Egj'ptians do not 
think it allowable even to sacrifice cattle, excepting sheep and 
the male kine and calves, provided they be pure, and also 
geese. How, then, can it be believed that they would sacrifice 
men?® And again, how would it have been possible for 



' Later writers made three (Diod. 
Sic. iv. 39), six (Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 
16), and even a greater nnmber of 
Hercaleses. In Greece, however, 
tomplcH seem to have been erected 
only to two. (See Pausan. v. xiv. § 7 ; 
IX. xxvii. § 6, &c.) 

* Herodotns here denies, with rea- 
son, the possibility of a people with 
laws, and a character like those of the 
Egyptians, having human sacrifices. 
This very aptly refutes the idle tales 
of some ancient authors, which, to our 
Borprise, have even been repeated in 
modern times. The absurdity of 
Amosis having been the first to abo- 
lish them is glaring, since the Egyp- 
tians had ages before been sufficiently 
civilized to lay aside their arms, and 
to have institutions incompatible with 
the toleration of a human sacrifice. 
The figures of captives on the facades 
of the temples slain by the king, often 
hastily supposed to be human sacri- 
fices, are merely emblematic represen- 



tations of his conquests, which there- 
fore occur also on the monument^ of 
the Ptolemies. It is possible that in 
their earliest days they may have had 
human sacrifices, like the Greeks and 
others; and tiie syml)olic group mean- 
ing a " Victim " (supra, n. ^ on ch. 38) 
may have been derived from that cus- 
tom. Some notion may bo had of the 
antiquity of Egyptian civilisation, if 
we recollect the period when the 
Greeks first went about the city un- 
armed, and how far they had advanced 
before that took place. The Athenians 
were the first Greeks who did this ; 
and some wore arms even in the time 
of Thucydides. (Thucyd. i. 5.) It is 
not long since. modern Europe discon- 
tinued the custom, and the Dalmatian 
peasants are still armed. If IIei*odo- 
tus had submitted every storj' of 
Greek ciceroni to his own judgment, 
and had rejected those that were in- 
admissible, he would have avoided 
giving many false impressions rospeot- 



Chap. 44-47. EGYPTIAN DISLIKE OF SWINEHERDS. 



85 



Hercules *alone, and, as they confess, a mere mortal, to destroy 
so many thousands ? In saying thus much concerning these 
matters, may I incur no displeasure either of god or hero ! 

46. I mentioned above that some of the Egyptians abstain 
from sacrificing goats, either male or female. The reason is 
the following : — These Egyptians, who are the Mendesians, 
consider Pan to be one of the eight gods who existed before the 
twelve, and Pan is represented in Egypt by the painters and 
the sculptors, just as he is in Greece, with the face and legs of 
a goat.* They do not, however, believe this to be his shape, 
or consider him in any respect unlike the other gods ; but they 
represent him thus for a reason which I prefer not to relate. 
The Mendesians hold all goats in veneration, but the male 
more than the female, giving the goatherds of the males 
especial honour. One is venerated more highly than all the 
rest, and when he dies there is a great mourning throughout 
all the Mendesian canton. In Egyptian, the goat and Pan 
are both called Mendes. 

47. The pig is regarded among them as an unclean animal, 
so much so that if a man in passing accidentally touch a pig, 
he instantly hurries to the river, and plunges in with all his 
clothes on. Hence, too, the swineherds, notwithstanding that 
they are of pure Egyptian blood, are forbidden to enter into 
any of the temples, which are open to all other Egyptians ; 
and further, no one wiU give his daughter in marriage to a 
swineherd, or take a wife from among them, so that the swine- 
herds are forced to intermarry among themselves. They do 
not offer swine ^ in sacrifice to any of their gods, excepting 



ing the Egyptians (as in chaps. 46, 
121, 126, 131, and other places). On 
hnman sacrifices in old times, see 
note* on ch. 119.— [G. W.] 

* In the original, " with the face of 
a goat, and the legs of a he-goat,'' — 
which seems to be a distinction with- 
out a difference. No Egyptian god is 
really represented in this way (At. Eg. 
W. i. p. 260) ; bnt the goat, according 
to some Egyptologers, was the symbol 



and representative of Khom, the Pan 
of the Egyptians. (See Bunsen's 
Egypt, vol. i. p. 374, and compare 
notes ^, •, on ch. 42.) 

' The pig is rarely represented in 
the sculptures of Thebes. The flesli 
was forbidden to the priests, and to all 
initiated in the mysteries, and it 
seems only to have been allowed to 
others once a year, at the f^te of the 
full moon, when it was sacrificed to 



86 



SWINE SACRIFICED TO THE MOON. 



Book II. 



Bacchus and the Moon, whom they honour in this way at the 
same time, sacrificing pigs to both of them at the same full 
moon, and afterwards eating of the flesh. There is a reason 
alleged by them for their detestation of swine at all other 
seasons, and their use of them at this festival, with which I 
am well acquainted, but which I do not think it proper to 
mention. The following is the mode in which they sacrifice 
the swine to the Moon : — As soon as the victim is slain, the tip 
of the tail, the spleen, and. the caul are put together, and 
having been covered with all the fat that has been found in the 
animaFs belly, are straightway burnt. The remainder of the 
flesh is eaten on the same day that the sacrifice is offered, 
which is the day of the full moon : at any other time they 
would not so much as taste it. The poorer sort, who cannot 
afford live pigs, form pigs of dough, which they bake and offer 
in sacrifice. 

48. To Bacchus, on the eve of his feast, every Egyptian 
sacrifices a hog before the door of his house, which is then 
given back to the swineherd by whom it was furnished, and 
by him carried away. In other respects the festival is cele- 
brated almost exactly as Bacchic festivals are in Greece,® 



tho Moon. The Moon and Bncchus 
(supposed to bo Isis and Osiria) were 
tho only deities to whom it was sacri- 
ficed, if we may believe Plutarch, who 
pretends that this ceremony com- 
uiemorated tlie finding of the body of 
Osiris by Typhon, when he was hunt, 
injr by the light of the moon. (Do Is. 
8. 18.) Tho reason of tlie meat not 
lK?in^ eaten was its unwholesomeness, 
on which account it was forbidden to 
the Jews and Moslems; and the pre- 
judice naturally extended from the 
animal to those who kept it, as at pre- 
sent in Tndia and other ])arts of tho 
Fast, where a llindtx) or a Moslem is, 
Ike an ancient Ejyyptian, defiled by 
the touch of a pig, and looks with 
horror on those who tend it and eat its 
flesh. On this point a remarkable dif- 
ference existed between tho Egyptians 
and Greeks ; and most people would 



scruple to give to a swineherd tho 
title "divine" (as Homer does), even 
though they might not feel the same 
amount of prejudice as the Egyptians. 
Pigs are not found in the Eg\'ptiau 
sculptures before tho time of the 18th 
dynasty ; but this is no pr(X)f that 
they were not known in Egypt before 
that time.— [G. W.] 

« Plutarch (de Is. ss. 12 and 36), in 
speaking of tho Paamylia, attributes 
to Osiris what really belongs to the 
god Khem — the generative principle ; 
and Herodotus also evidently alludes 
to Osiris on this occasion. The reason 
of this may be that the attributes of 
various gods were not very distinctly 
explained to foreigners, who were 
taught nothing but what was said to 
relate to Isis and Osiris, in whose 
mysteries several myths were com- 
bined, and others added which tended 



FEAST OF BACcmra 



excepting that the Eg^ptianB have no choral dances.^ They 
alBO use, instead of phalli, another invention, conBisting of 



to mystify r&ther th&n to explain 
them: for it is evident that the 
Graekg did not imilerstand the nature 
of 'the Egyptian gods, and many of 
the eventd. related by them in the 
hiatory of OHirig are at variance with 
the monnmentB of Egypt. Bacehns 
IB oertaiuly the god of the Greeks who 
Dorreaponda to Osiris, and his dying 
and rising again, his being pnt into a 
chast and thrown into the sea, and 



the InBtrnotiona he gave to mankind, 
Bie evidently derived from the Btorr 
of OeiriB s and the " historieH on which 
the most aotemn faaats of Baoohns, 
the Titonia and Nnktelia, are foondad, 
exactly coireapond {as PIntarch says, 
de Is. a. 36) with what are related of 
the cuttin)!- to pieces of OsiriB, of his 
rising again, and of his new life." 

Wreaths and festoons of ivy, or 
rather of the wild convolvnlna, or of 




the periploca secamone, oftou appear 
at Egyptian fitea. For ivy is not a 
plant of the Nile, though PIntarch 
savs it was there called chenosiris, or 
" plant of OsiriB " (de Is. 9. 37 ; Diod. 
i. 17), and the leavea being aotoetimes 
represented hairy, are in favonr of 
its being the sacamme (flg. *). It 
may have been chosen from some 
quality attributed to its milky jnioe, 
like the toma of India, a juice ex- 
tracted from the asctepicu acida, 
nhich plays a divine part in the 
Vedas, and is mentioned in the Zend- 
Avesta of Persia. (See Jonr. Americ. 
Or. Sec. vol. iii. No. 2, p. 299.) 

The thyrana is shown by PIntarch 
to be the btaff (fig. 1), often bonnd by 
a fillet, to which the apottod skin of a 
leopard is suspended near the Kgnre of 
Osiris ; for it is the same that the 
high priest, clad in the leopard skin 
dress, carries in the processions (Pint, 
de Is. s. 36). Another form of it is 
tho head of a water-plant (similar to 
tliat in fig. 3), to which Athenteus 
(Deipn. V. p. 196) evidently allndes 
when he speaks of some cola 



ing the form of pnlm-trccs. 
of the IhyTiae. 

The adoption of the pi 
head tho spear of Bacchna 



ishav. 



in the use of the resinous matter ] 
into nine-skins, and afterwards ii 
amphoTEe; but the tbyrsoB was e 



imageB a cubit high, palled by stringB, wbich the women 
cany round to the villages. A piper goes in front ; * and the 



repreMQted u a wpeax hmnag Hm 
point " ooncealed in iTj Ie«TM : " 
"Pampineis agiUit Telatam fmndibni , 



Egyptian instmiDeiit. It was plajol 
by men (Bg. 6 i and woodcat in n. ', 
ch. 68, figs. 3, 6). bnt the doDblD-]>i]>c 
mora frequently by womeii jnee wuhI- 
CQt No. III. flg- 3.) The latter wan a 




((Hid, Met. iii. 6S7; comp. 
XL 27, ftc. Diodor. iii. 6i. Athen. 
Deipn. xir. Otl A.) Thoa the poetd 
geoerallj deecribo it, aa well u the 
paintiDKi on Greek Taaea : and if the 
pine-cone was preferred for tiatuet of 
Baochai, that was probably from its 
being belter Bolted to Bcalptnrp. The 
reaemblBncc of the nrbris, and the So- 
mitic name of tho Icopnrd, nitnr, is 
Htrikiiig, tbe ciu- of BacrhiM beinic 
drawn by IcoimrdBi and Bocbart 
pointa to the analofty between Xe- 
brodea, a title of Bncclinx and Nimrod, 
who ia called by Philo.Jndiciu " Ke- 
brU." The piae.eono was adopted 
by the Arab:! as an ornament in archi- 
tecture at an early time, and passed 
thence to t'ashmire Bhawls and em- 
broidery. — , G. W.] 

^ The rciuijn^ x'^P^*' hero iB prefer 
able to xo'fvr, for the Greeka did 
aaoriflco a pig at the festivala of Bac 
chus, as their autbora and acnlptnreB 
ahow. The rptrria conaiBted of an oi 
a Bbeep, and a piff, like the Roman 
novc<<iuriIin;and EnglatMaB on Horn 
Od. n. 156, BBiB the Iihncans Bacn 
ficed three jiiirs at the IcoKt of the 
now moon.— [G. W.J 

• The ingtrutnent oaed was probably 
the donble-pipe i bnt aome oooaider Jt 
the Ante (properly the irAa7laiA«t, or 
oUigtia (iMa), which waa »i y> ui 




OF THE IHAGE. 







^/ 



c^^ 









(7. 



9^^w!:ie-/^ 






^ w 




MiXAHPUS TAUQHT THE GREEKS 



women follow, singing IiymnB in honour of Bacchus. They 
give a religiouH reason for the pecaliaritiee of the image. 

rOTj common iniitrunicnt wltb the I ut Modem KK]r]>t. The flute, how- 
Graeki, anil its nin»j and droning ercr, was a cumiDon instrameDt in 
toDoii BTO atill fcujit up in (he Zuuiara \ Egjpi on ucnid oocuiuna (see wood' 




Chap. 48, 48. 



THE WORSHIP OF BACCHUS. 



9« 



49. Melampus,^ the son of Amytheon, cannot (I think) have 
been ignorant of this ceremony — nay, he must, I should 
conceive, have been well acquainted with it. He it was who 
introduced into Greece the name of Bacchus, the ceremonial 
of his worship, and the procession of the phallus. He did not, 
however, so completely apprehend the whole doctrine as to be 
able to communicate it entirely ; but various sages since his 
time have carried out his teaching to greater perfection. 
Still it is certain that Melampus introduced the phallus, and 
that the Greeks learnt from him the ceremonies which they 
n3w practise. I therefore maintain that Melampus, who was 
a wise man, and had acquired the art of divination, having 
become acquainted with the worship of Bacchus through 
knowledge derived from Egypt, introduced it into Greece, with 
a few shght changes, at the same time that he brought in 
various other practices. For I can by no means allow that it 
is by mere coincidence that the Bacchic ceremonies in Greece 
are so nearly the same as the Egyptian — ^they would then 



cut in n.*, ch. 58), and one or more 
mosical inBtmments were present at 
every Egyptian procession. The clap- 
ping of hands and the crotala^ the 
tambonrine, and the harp, wore also 
commonly introduced on festive occa- 
eions, as well as the voice, which 
Eomctimes accompanied two harps, a 
single pipe, and a flute ; nnd when 
soldiers attended, they had the trum- 
pet and drum (woodcut No II. figs. 
1, 2). A greater variety of instru- 
ments was admitted at private parties ; 
the harp of four, six, seven, to twenty, 
two strings ; the guitar of three ; the 
lyre of five, seven, ten, and eighteen 
strings; the double-pipe, the flute, the 
square and the round tambourine, the 
crotala or wooden clappers, were very 
common there ; but cymbals appear 
to have becm mostly used by the min- 
strels of certain deities. The lyres 
were of very varied sharp tone, and 
they may be supposed to answer to 
the nabl, sambuc, and •* ten "-stringed 
ashur of the Jews. The varietjes of 
lyres in Nos. IV., V., and VI. may 



serve to illustrate some of the nume- 
rous instruments mentioned by Julius 
Pollux (iv. 9), AthensDus (iv. 25), and 
other ancient writers. The sistrum 
was peculiarly a sacred instrument, 
and it was to the queen and princesses 
that its use was entrusted, or to other 
ladies of rank who held the impoitant 
office of accompanying the king or the 
high priest, while making libations to 
the gods. See above, note * on ch. 
35, and At. Eg. W. vol. ii. p. 222 to 
327 on the music and instruments of 
the Egyptians.— [G. W.] 

^ Either Melampus, as some main- 
tain, really existed, and travelling 
into Egypt brought back certain cere, 
monies into Greece; or he was an ima- 
ginary personage, and the fable was 
intended to show that the Greeks bor- 
rowed some of their religious cere- 
monies from Egypt. The name 
" blackfoot " would then have been 
invented to show their origin. The 
name of Egypt, Chemi, signified 
" black."— [G. W.j 



92 



NAMES OF THE GREEK GODS FROM EGYPT. Book II. 



have been more Greek in their character, and less recent in 
their origin. Much less can I admit that the Egyptians 
borrowed these customs, or any other, from the Greeks. My 
belief is that Melampns got his knowledge of them from 
Cadmus the TjTian, and the followers whom he brought from 
Phoenicia into the country which is now called Boeotia.^ 

60. Almost all the names of the gods came into Greece 
from Egypt.* My inquiries prove that they were all derived 



^ The settlement of a bodv of 
PhoBnicianB in the conntry called after, 
wards Boootia, is regarded by Hcrodo- 
tas as an ondoubtcd fact. (See, be- 
sides the preHcnt passage, y. 57-8, 
where the Gephyncans are referred to 
Uiis migration.) He does not, how. 
ever, seem to have had a very distinct 
notion as to the coarse by which the 
strangers reached Greece (compare ii. 
4'lv with iv. 147). Some modems, as 
C. O. Miillcr (Orchom. ch. iv. pp. 113- 
122), Welcker (Ueber eine Kretische 
Colonie in Theben), and Wachsmnth 
(Antiq. i. 1, § 11), entirely discredit 
the whole story of a Phoenician settle, 
ment, which they regard as the inven- 
tion of a late era. Others, as Mr. 
Grote (Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 357), 
profess their inability to determine 
the qaestion. Bat the weight of 
modem anthoritv is in favour of the 
tmth of the tradition. (See Niebuhr's 
Lectures on Ancient History, vol. i. p. 
80 ; Thirlwall's Hiat. of Greece, vol. i. 
ch. 8, pp. 68-9 ; Kenrick's Phoenicia, 
pp. 98-100; Bahr, note on Herod, v. 
67, Ac.) The princij>al arguments on 
this side are the following : — 1. The 
nnanimons tradition. 2. The fact that 
there was a race called Cadmeians at 
Thebes from very early times, claim- 
ing a Phoenician descent, combined 
with the farther fact that " Cadmeian" 
woald bear in the Phoenician tongue a 
meaning unintelligible to mere Greeks, 
but which in the early legend it was 
certainly intended to have, — Cadmus 
coming in search of Europe being 
clearly D-jn Kedein, " the East," seek. 

ing to discover any LVe6, " the West." 



3. The fact that the earl^' worship at 
Thebes was that of Phoenician deitiop, 
as the Cabin (see note 'on ch. 51), 
and Minerva Onca (Cf. Paasan. ix. xii. 
§ 2, and xxv. § 6 ; ^schyl. S. c. Th. 
153 and 496; Euphorion ap. Steph. 
Byz. ad voc. * Oy Kotai ; Hesych. ad 
voc. "0770, Ac). And, 4. The occur- 
rence of a number of Semitic words in 
the provincial dialect of Boeotia, as 
'EAicur for Zths or the Supreme God 
(compare Heb. rfifn^ " God ") ; fidyya, 
" woman " or " girl " (Heb. roa " wo- 
man " or " daughter ") ; &x<^ (com- 
pare the M13 of the Talmud), a measure 
of capacity which the Persians and 
Boeotians seem both to have adopted 
from the Phoenicians (cf. Aristoph. 
Acharn. 108, Hesych. ad voc. &x<t*^ 
and iLx<^yas, Pollux, x. 164), irl^a "a 
pomegranate" (comp. Arabic sidra), 
Ac. The name Thebes itself is also 
tolerably near to van Thehez (Judg. ix. 

50), a Canaanite tcwn, which the LXX. 
call 0^/3f}s, though this resemblance 
may be accidental. Bochart, however, 
identifies the two names, and regards 
Thebes as so called from its *' mud," 
ya, since it was situated in a marnh. 
(See his Geograph. Sac. Part. II. 
book i. ch. 16.) The cumulative force 
of those arguments must be allowed to 
be very great. 

' See below, note • on ch. 51. There 
is no doubt that the Greeks borrowed 
sometimes the names, sometimes the 
attributes, of their deities from Egypt ; 
but when Herodotus says the names 'of 
the Greek gods were always known in 
Egypt, it is evident that he does not 
mean they were the same as the Greek, 



Chap. 49, 50. EGYPTIANS PAY NO HONOURS TO HEROES. 



93 



from a foreign source ; and my opinion is that Egypt furnished 
the greater number. For with the exception of Neptune and 
the Dioscuri,^ whom I mentioned above, and Juno, Vesta, 
Themis, the Graces, and the Nereids, the other gods have been 
known from time immemorial in Egypt. This I assert on the 
authority of the Egj^ptians themselves. The gods, with whose 
names they profess themselves imacquainted, the Greeks re- 
ceived, I believe, from the Pelasgi, except Neptune. Of him 
they got their knowledge from the Libyans,* by whom he has 
been always honoured, and who were anciently the only people 
that had a god of the name. The Eg}^tians differ from the 
Greeks also in paying no divine honoiu^ to heroes.* 



since he gives in other places (chaps. 
42, 59, 138, 11 h 156) the Egyptian 
name to which those very gods agree, 
whom he mentions in Egypt. Nep- 
tune, the Dioscuri, the Graces, and 
Nereids, were certainly not Egyptian 
deities ; but Juno was Sate, Vesta 
Anouke, and Themis was not only an 
Egyptian goddess, but her name was 
taken from Thmei, the Egyptian god. 
dees of *' Justice " or '* Truth ; " fi*om 
which the Hebrew derived the word 
Thummim, translated in the Septua- 
gint by dA^0cia. The name Nereids 
was evidently borrowed from the idea 
of "water; "and though the word is 
only traced in yriphsj " moist," in 
Nereus, the Nereids, yaphsf ''liquid," 
and some other words in ancient 
Greek, it has been retained to the 
present day, through some old pro- 
vincialism, and y(p6y or vfpphy still 
signifies ** water " in the Romaic of 
modern Greece. Comp. the Indian 
name for ** water," and the divine 
spirit, Nara\ian{a)y i.e. "flouting "on 
the waters" at the beginning of time 
in Hindoo mythology ; also the Ntr- 
hudday Ac., and na/ir, "river," in 
Arabic. One of the Greek Vulcans 
mentioned by Cicero (de Nat. Deor. 
iii. 22) " was the Egyptian Phthas ; " 
one sun was the gcxl of Heliupolis 
(ibid. 21), and other deities were from 
the same Faitheon. — [G.VV.J 



' Comp. the two deities A<;vin, hav- 
ing no particular names, but called 
simply Ai^vinau^ " the two horsemen," 
found in the Vedas of India and in 
the Zend-Avesta. (Jour. Americ. Or. 
Soc. vol iii. No. 2, p. 322.)— ro. W.] 

* Cf. iv. 188. 

' Herodotus is quite correct in say- 
ing the Egyptians jmid no divine hon- 
ours to heroes, and their creed would 
not accord with all the second and 
third lines of the Golden Verses of 
Pythagoras : 

*A^afaTotn fiiv wuStra Beow i-o;if> vr ituKettrrat 
TifAa' Kat atfiov of,notf' tirrir' Upttav u*{avovit 
Tovf re Karax^oi'towt a* fit dai/iiOfav. itrvoua 

No Egyptian god was supposed to 
have lived on earth as a mere man 
afterwards deified (infra, n.*, ch. 143) ; 
and the tradition of Osiris having 
lived on earth im])lied that he was a 
manifestation or Avafar of the Deity 
— not a real being, but the abstract 
idea of goodness (like the Indian 
Booddha). The religion of the Egyp- 
tians was the worship of the Deity in 
all his atti-ibutes, and in those things 
which were thought to {)artake of his 
essence ; but they did not transfer a 
mortal man to his place, though they 
allowed a king to pay divine honours 
to a deceased predecessor, or even to 
himself, his human doing homage to 
his divine nature. The divine being 



94 



GREEK RELIGION DERIVED IN PART 



Book II. 



61. Besides those which have been here mentioned, there 
are many other practices whereof I shall speak hereafter, 
which the Greeks have borrowed from Egypt.* The peculiarity, 



like the Dirns Imperator of the 
Romans, and a respect was felt for 
him when good, which made them 
sacrifice all their dearest interests for 
his service : he was far abore all mor- 
tals, as the head of the religion and 
the state ; and his f oneral was cele- 
brated with nnnsaal ceremonira (Dio- 
dor. i. 71, 72.) Bnt this was not 
divine worship. They did however 
commit the error of assigning to em- 
blems a degree of veneration, as re- 
presentatives of deities, which led to 
gross superHtition^ as types and relics 
have often done ; and though the Mos- 
lems forbid all " partnership " with 
the Deity in adoration, even they can- 
not always, pre vent a bigoted venera- 
tion for a saint, or for the supposed 
footstep of •' the Prophet."— [G. W.] 

• We cannot too mach admire the 
candoar of Herodotus in admitting 
that the Greeks borrowed from the 
Egyptians, and others who preceded 
them ; for, as Bacon justly observes, 
** the writings that relate these fables 
being not delivered as inventions of 
the writers but as things before be- 
lieved and received, appear like a soft 
whisper from the traditions of more 
ancient nations, conveyed through the 
flutes of the Grecians." 

Diodorus (i. 96) makes the same re- 
mark, and affirms that " Orpheus in- 
troduced from Egypt the greatest 
part of his mythical ceremonies, the 
orgies that celebrate the wanderings 
of Ceres, and the whole fable of the 
shades below. The rites of Osiris 
and Bacchus were the same ; the 
punishment of the wicked, the Elysian 
Fields, and all the common fictions, 
were copied from the Egyptian fune- 
rals ; " and he says the same of the 
Aoherusian lake, Charon, Styx, and 
" many other things mentioned in 
fable." Herodotus expressly gives it 
as his opinion that nearly all the 
names of the gods were derived from 
Egypt, and shows that their cere- 



monies (chaps. 81, 82) and science 
come from the same source. This is 
also stated by many ancient writers. 
Lnoian (de DeA Syr.) says "'the Egyp- 
tians are reputed the first men who 
had a notion of the gods and a know- 
ledge of sacred afl^irs and 

sacred names." The same is men- 
tioned by the oracle of Apollo quoted 
by Eusebius. Comp. lamblichus (de 
Myst. s. 7, ch. v.), and others. Ari- 
stotle (de Ccelo, ii. 12) shows the obli- 
gations of the Greeks to the Egyptians 
and Babylonians for information re- 
specting all the heavenly bodies ; and 
these two people are mentioned by 
Cicero (de Div. i. 42), Pliny (vii. 56). 
and others as the groat and earlie^it 
a8tix)nomers. Herodotus (supra, ch. 
4) ascribes to the Egyptians the in- 
vention of the ye^r, as well as geo- 
metry; and Maorobius says that 
Ca)sar was indebted to Egypt for his 
correction of the calendar ; " Nam 

Julius Caesar siderum mot us 

. . . . ab iEgyptiis disciplinis hausit." 
(Saturn, i. 18.) Strabo (xvi. p. 1076; 
xvii. p. 1118) ascribes astronomy and 
arithmetic to the Sidonians, and the 
origin of them to night sailing and 
reckonings at sea, as geology to the 
Egyptians, from which two people 
they went to Greece : and Pliny (v. 
12) says the Phoenicians invented 
letters, astronomy, and naval and war- 
like arts. Comp. Pomp. Mela, i. 12.) 
Diodorus (i. 98) states that " Pytha- 
goras learnt holy lore, geometry, the 
science of numbers, and the trans- 
migration of souls into animals from 
Egypt .... and (Enopides derived 
the obliquity of the sun's path from 
the priests and astronomers there." 
(Comp. Pint. PI. Ph. iii. 13. See note 
on ch. 109, in App. ch. vii.) Diodorus 
(i. 81, and 28) even thinks " the Chal- 
dseans obtained their knowle<lge of 
astrology (astronomy) from the priests 
of Egypt;" but, on the other hand, 
Josephns states that " it went from 



Chap. 51. 



FROM THE PELASGI. 



95 



however, which they observe in their statues of Mercury they 
did not derive from the Egyptians, but from the Pelasgi ; from 
them the Athenians first adopted it, and afterwards it passed 
from the Athenians to the other Greeks. For just at the time 
when the Athenians were entering into the Hellenic body,^ the 
Pelasgi came to live with them in their country,® whence it 
was that the latter came first to be regarded as Greeks. 
Whoever has been initiated into the mysteries of the Cabiri® 



the Chaldsoans to Egypt, whence it 
proceeded to Greece." (See n.*, ch. 
123, and App. ch. vii.)— [G. W.] 
' Vide sapra, i. 57, and 58, note '. 

* The Pelasgi here intended are the 
Tyrrhenian Pelasgi, who are men- 
tioned again, iv. 145, and vi. 138. 
(See Thucyd. iv. 109 ; and cp. Ap. to 

• Nothing is known for certain re- 
specting the Cabiri. Most anthorities 
agree that they varied in number, 
and that their worship, which was 
yery ancient in Samothracc and in 
Phrygia, was carried to Greece from 
the former by the Pelasgi. Some 
believe them to have been Ceres, Pro- 
serpine, and Pluto ; and others add a 
fourth, supposed to be Hermes ; while 
others suppose them to have been 
Jupiter, Pallas, and Ilormos. They 
were also worslupped at an early time 
in Lemnos and Imbros. Some think 
they were an inferior order of gods, 
but were probably in the same man- 
ner as the third order of gods in 
Egypt, who in one capacity ranked 
even above the great gods. The name 
Cabiri was doubtless derived from the 
Semitic word kahir, '* great," a title 
applied to Astart^ (Venus), who was 
also worshipped in Samothrace, to- 
gether with Pothos and Phaeton, in 
the most holy ceremonies, as Pliny 
says (xxxvi. 5) . The eight great gods 
of the Phoenicians, the offspring of 
one gpreat father, Sydik, the *' just," 
were called Cabiri, of whom Esmoun 
was the youngest, or the eighth (as 
his name implies) ,the shmouriy " eight," 
of Coptic, and the " theman " or 



« 



saman" ^Loj of Arabic, and rabjB^ 



of Hebrew. This Esmoun was also 
called Asclepius. Damascius says, 
"Ori 6 iv Bripvr^ ^<riv *haKKriwihs ovk 
farriy "EXAiji' oM Aly&mos &XXcC ris 
imx^pios ^oiyt|. SoS^y y^ hyivomo 
ircuScf ots Aio<rKo6povs kpfiiivtvovai koI 
Kafi€ipovs, OvTos KdWurros itv B4taf 
koDl vtaifias iZtly h^idycurros^ iptifitvos 
ytyovtyf &s ^aiv 6 fivBos, *K<rrpo¥ini\s 
Btov ^oiyiaariSj fiifrphs $*&y. EiuBtos rt 
Kvvrtytrtuf 4v rcutrH* reus vdtrcus hrdHii 
i$t<Laaro r^y Bthv abrhv iKKvvriyfrodaaM 
ical <l>4vyoyra ^iri8i(6icou(rav ical ^i} icotra- 
Kri}\fOfifyriP, ktroriiAVn '$rf\fKfi r^v cunhs 
a^ToS 'KaiZo<nt6pov ^wriv. 'H Z\ r^ ircC0ct 
tr*piaXy4\<Taxrti koX Ooiwya icaA^<rcura rhv 
vtayiffKoy rp re ^Moy6ftif Btpfj.^ iya^orwv 
p^arcura 6*hv ixulriafVt "Eafiovvoy inrh 
^otylKooy otyofuuTfifvoy i'wl rji B^p/x^ rrjs 
^(W^s. Oi Si rhy''E(riJUtvyoy liySooy iL^iov- 
<riy kpfij\vtv9iyy 5ti {(7800s ^y r^ SaSuic^f 
vois. Dainascii Vit. Isidori (k Photio 
Excerpt.), 302. This mention of Es- 
moun with Palestine reminds us of 
the account in the Bible that the 
Philistines came of an Eg}'ptian stock. 
Ashmonn would thus be made a son 
of Mizraim Ccomp. Sanchoniatho), as 
in Arab tradition. Herodotus men- 
tions the Egyptian Cabiri at Memphis 
(iii. 37), whose temple no one was 
permitted to enter except the priest 
alone : they were said to be sons of 
Vulcan or Pthah (as tlie Egyptian 
Asclepius called Emephy or Aimothph, 
also was), and, like that god in one of 
his characters, were represented as 
pigmy figures. It is not impossible 
that the Cabiri in Egypt were figured 
as the god Pthah-Sokar-Osiris, who 
was a deity of Hades ; and the three 
names he had agree with the supposed 



g6 THE PELASGI A.DOFT THE Book U. 

wUl undorRtaiid wliut I mean. Tlte Siimothraemns rccoivetl 
these myfiteries from the Pelangi, who, before they went to Uve 
in Attica, were dwellerfi in Samothriice, and imparteil their 
rcUgiuii!) eeremouioB to the inhahitautH. The Athenians, then, 
who were the firbt of all the (jreeks to make their statucn of 
Mereiu^ in this way, leamt the practice from the Pelasjiians ; 
and by this people a religioiia account of the matter is giTcn, 
which is explained in the Suinothracian mysteries. 

52. In early times the PeliisKi, as I know by information 
whitili I (;ot at Doduna, offered sncriticeH of uU kindK, and 
prayed to the gods, but had no diijtinct namen or appellations 
for them, since they had never heard of any. They called 
tlieiD Rodsi (6to(, dieiwsers), becanse they lia<l dis^^o^ed and 
arranged all things in such a beautiful order.' After a long 



iinmbrr nf tlio Cnl>iri of Sanintlimrp. < 
The nimiliiT N niiKlit nl«o be tli(ni(tht 
lu ncrnrd wilh (hnl nt tbp c-ifrlil K^'ot 
fpidii ul Eirvjit. (Seti my nute on 
B. iii. rli.'37.) O'hmonno^in, tlip i 
Coptic and miiili-m nmnc of IIwiui). 
pnli« in K)iy|>t. BipnifTinft tlip "two ' 
otghtH," won ciinnectcd wilh the title 
<>f Thiith "T llcmip!!, "lunl of tlio 
ei(thlrfjri..ii-;'--|tl.W.i 

'Tlu- Knnii' ilpriviitiuti in fHvon bT 
Etintnlliiiirt (n<l Horn. II. |i. 1M<H- 
51), una liv Cli'nu'nt nf Ali-xniidrin 

(Ccnc-ml U-!i.-f ..r lh« llnx-kxiIriiTiI th« 

thn t-'.-U tiv-t wiii-«liipptil wen.' thi- *nn, 
mnm. uiid Hinrs. (Si'p Pint, (-ratvl. 
p. 3ft7, C. U. Ktvui. Mngn. ml t.'h;. 
Ml, ClciRonH. Ati-i. Cohort, ad Gent. 
p. «, Stiotn. ii-. 23. p. 6.13.) Bnih 
ttwM (lerivnticma are purely fiiDciful, 
b«*iBg rrfermco to ilie Grwk Ian. i 
» BAi ic a form of ' 



l.ilhiiniiinn irjr'rav,Ae. Sfii isamcTi' 
Ni>ft.>nn<l form of Ctit or <lpi'<'. nnnlo. 
pniK tri i|r(viai, ^Mst, ; 9iu, Sul1^u'1'. 
["i'' ; Bipm, thtrt ; Btfu, ilr'j; Biife. 
li.uit; &c. Witli tbo words Zrii aitd 
Sfit ni' may connect the old Gorinnn 
UchI /I'll, or Tiut, wIuMO umiiu! under the 
IntliT nf the two fomw a|)|H»in in oiir 
won) THriulaii. Sanacritsfholnrvtrat'C 
thmu' mnnv nindifii^ilioiiK of B kiiikIo 
wonl !■> an oM root Jir, whk'h tl 



U'U a 



Mue, 



ml Dui' 



tlic flri^ BubKlanlivo forniiMl from tli 
verb, nuiuit " lijrfil," or "the fhiniii 
t>nn," ono of tlio carlipKt ubji.clM ■ 
wimliip in nimit ciinntrips. 




fnrmntinn fnan ilir, and lina n 
tiiinv nliBlmct «cnHO than iltiiiHf,\Mag 
" briiHil. lirillinnt, divine," nnd thimcu 
pnnniiitt on to tho more idea of GihI. 
8tti in Urcpk, nnd Driiir in I^ntin, nrc 
till- ('xnct etiuivoloula of this tcrrni. 
(Stc I'mfcHrtir Jim MidlorV nrticlo on 
Ciinipnmtii.-e Fliih.loK^- in the Edin- 
buriu:h Kcviuw, So. 11)3, Art. 1. pii. 
33ljj.) 

The stntttment of Ilcnidotus that 
the I'clDKKi " mllcil the Oiila Stel, 
becauiia tlicr lind diii|ioitod aud nr- 
raiiMVd nil thinKn in such n benntifnl 
ordrr." nhowH thiit bt (xmmdcrcd thi-m 
to hare B|K>kcn a langungo uonrty 
akin to the Qrevk. 



Chap. 51-53. 



EQYPTIAN NAMES OF GODS. 



97 



lapse of time the names of the gods came to Greece from 
Egypt, and the Pelasgi learnt them ; only as yet they knew 
nothing of Bacchus, of whom they first heard at a much later 
date. Not long after the arrival of the names they sent to 
consult the oracle at Dodona about them. This is the most 
ancient oracle in Greece, and at that time there was no other. 
To their question, ** Whether they should adopt the names 
that had been imported from the foreigners?" the oracle 
replied by recommending their use. Thenceforth in their 
sacrifices the Pelasgi made use of the names of the gods, and 
from them the names passed afterwards to the Greeks. 

53. Whence the gods severally sprang, whether or no they 
had aU existed from eternity, what forms they bore — these 
are questions of which the Greeks knew nothing until the 
other day, so to speak. For Homer and Hesiod were the first 
to compose Theogonies, and give the gods their epithets, to 
allot them their several offices and occupations, and describe 
their forms ; and they lived but four hundred years before my 
time,* as I believe. As for the poets who are thought by some 
to be earlier than these,® they are, in my judgment, decidedly 



• The date of Homer has been va- 
riooBlj stated. It is plain from the 
expressions which Herodotus here 
uses that in his time the general 
belief assigned to Homer an earlier 
date than that which he considered 
the tme one.- His date would place 
the poet abont B.C. 880-830, which 
is very nearly the moan between the 
earliest and the latest epochs that are 
assigned to him. The earliest date 
that can be exactly determined, is 
that of the author of the life of Homer 
usually published with the works of 
Herodotus, who places the birth of 
the poet 622 years before the invasion 
of Xerxes, or B.C. 1102. The latest 
is that of Theopompus and Eaphorion, 
which makes him oontempx)rary with 
Gyges— therefore b.c. 724-686. (For 
further particulars, see Clinton's F.H. 
voL i. pp. 146-7 ; and Ap. p. 359.) Pro- 
bability is on the whole in favour of a 

VOL. n« 



date considerably earlier than that 
assigned by our author. 

The time of Hesiod is even more 
doubtful, if possible, than that of his 
brother-poet. He was made before 
Homer, after him, and contemporary 
with him. Internal evidence and the 
weight of authority are in favour of 
the view which assigns him a com- 
paratively late date. (See Clinton, i. 
p. 359, n. o.) He is probably to-be 
placed at least 200 or 300 years after 
Homer. 

' The *' poets thought by some to 
be earlier theui Homer and Hesiod*' 
are probably the mystic writers, Olen, 
Linus, Orpheus, Mussous, Pamphos, 
Olympus, Ac, who were generally 
accounted by the Greeks anterior to 
Homer (Clinton, i. pp. 341-4), but 
who seem really to have belonged to a 
later age. (See Grote, vol. ii. p. 161.) 



98 



MYTH OF THE TWO BLACK DOVES. 



Book II. 



later writers. In these matters I have the authority of the 
priestesses of Dodona for the former portion of my state- 
ments ; what I have said of Homer and Hesiod is my own 
opinion. 

54. The following tale is commonly told in Egypt concerning 
the oracle of Dodona in Greece, and that of Ammon in Libya. 
My informants on the point were the priests of Jupiter at 
Thebes. They said " that two of the sacred women were once 
carried off from Thebes by the Phoenicians,^ and that the story 
went that one of them was sold into Libya, and the other into 
Greece, and these women were the first founders of the oracles 
in the two countries." On my inquiring how they came to 
know so exactly what became of the women, they answered, 
*'that diligent search had been made after them at the time, 
but that it had not been found possible to discover where they 
were; afterwards, however, they received the information 
which they had given me." 

55. This was what I heard from the priests at Thebes ; at 
Dodona, however, the women who deliver the oracles relate 
the matter as follows: — "Two black doves flew away from 
Egj'ptian Thobes, and while one directed its flight to Libya, 
the other caime to them.^ She alighted on an oak, and sitting 
there begun to speak with a human voice, and told them that 
on the spot where she was, there should thenceforth be an 
Oracle of Jove. They understood the announcement to be 
from heaven, so they set to work at once and erected the 
shrine. The dove which flew to Libya bade the Libyans to 
establish there the oracle of Ammon." This likewise is an 



* SiH^ tlio next note. This carryinpf 
off priost cesses from Thebes is of 
course n fable. It may refer to the 
aondiiif;: out and establishing an oracle 
in the newly .discovertni West (Europe) 
through the Pluvnieians, the mer. 
ohants and explorers of those days, 
who wero in alliance with Egypt, sup- 
plied it with many of the productions 
it requiretl from it her countries, and 
enabled it to ex[X)rt its manufaotaras 



in their ships. — [G. W.] 

' The two doves appear to connect 
this tradition with the Phcenician 
Astart^ who appears to be the Baal- 
tis or Diond of Byblus. If the rites 
of DodAna were from Egypt, they 
were not necessarily introduced by 
any individual from that country. 
The idea of women giving out oracles 
ia Greek, not Egyptian. — [G. W.] 



Cbap. 58-56. 



HERODOTUS EXPLANATION OF IT. 



99 



oracle of Jupiter. The persons from whom I received these 
particnlars were three priestesses of the Dodonfieans,^ the 
eldest Promeneia, the next Timaret6, and the yomigest 
Nicandra ; and what they said was confirmed by the other 
DodonsBans who dwell aromid the temple.^ 

56. My own opinion of these matters is as follows : — I think 
that, if it be true that the Phoenicians carried off the holy 
women, and sold them for slaves,^ the one into Libya and the 
other into Greece, or Pelasgia (as it was then called), this last 
must have been sold to the Thesprotians. Afterwards, while 
undergoing servitude in those parts, she built under a real oak 
a temple to Jupiter, her thoughts in her new abode reverting 
— as it was likely they would do, if she had been an attendant 
in a temple of Jupiter at Thebes — to that particular god. 
Then, having acquired a knowledge of the Greek tongue, she 
set up an oracle. She also mentioned that her sister had been 
sold for a slave into Libya by the same persons as herself. 



• Were it not for the traditions of 
the priesteBses that Doddna was in- 
debted to Egypt for its oracle, we 
should at onoo discredit what appears 
so veiy improbable; but the Greeks 
would scarcely have attributed its 
origin to a foreigner, unless there had 
been some foundation for the story ; 
tmd Herodotus maintains that there 
was a resemblance between the 
oracles of Thebes and Doddna. It is 
not necessary that the stamp of a 
foreign character should have been 
strongly impressed at Dod6na; and 
the influence of the oracle would have 
been equally great without the em- 
ployment of a written language, or 
any reference to particular religious 
doctrines with which those who con. 
suited the oracles of Amun, Delphi, 
and other places did not occupy them- 
selves.— [6. W.] 

7 The templo of Dod6na was de- 
stroyed B.C. 219 by Dorimachus when, 
being chosen general of the ^tolians, 
he ravaged Epirus. (Polyb. iv. 67.) 
Ko remains of it now exist. It stood 
at the base of Mount Tomams, or 



Tmarus (Strabo, vii. p. 476 ; Plin. ii. 
103), on the borders of Thosprotia, 
and was said to have been founded by 
Deucalion. The name Timaret^ is 
here given by Herodotus to one of the 
priestesses. Strabo says the oracles 
were given out by a class of priests, 
called Selli (the Helli, according to 
Pindar), who were remarkable for 
their austere mode of life, and thought 
to honour the Deity by a bigoted 
affectation of discomfort, and by 
abjuring cleanliness; whence Homer 
says, n. xvi. 233— 

Zcv Ava, ^M^MVoue, TleXavftKit ti|\60i vaiwv 
Zoi vaiova' vrro^nTcu avivtSvoittt xoMo«vva» 

— in which impure piety they were 
very unlike the cleanly priests of 
Egypt. The sacred oaks of Dod6na 
call to mind those of tho Druids. 
The ^rryhs is not the beech, but an 
oak, so called from its acorn, which 
was eaten. — [G. W.] 

® Comp. Joel iii. 6, where the 
Tyrians are said to have sold Jewish 
children "to the Grecians." (Beni. 
lonim.)— [G. W.] 



lOO 



SOLEMN ASSEMBLIES INTRODUCED 



Book II. 



57. The DodonsBans called the women doves because they 
were foreigners, and seemed to them to make a noise like 
birds. After a while the dove spoke with a human voice, 
because the woman, whose foreign talk had previously sounded 
to them like the chattering of a bird, acquired the power of 
speaking what they could understand. For how can it be 
conceived possible that a dove should really speak with the 
voice of a man ? Lastly, by calling the dove black the 
Dodonseans indicated that the woman was an Egyptian. And 
certainly the character of the oracles at Thebes and Dodona 
is very similar. Besides this form of divination, the Greeks 
learnt also divination by mean of victims from the Egyptians. 

58. The Egyptians were also the first to introduce solemn 
assemblies,^ processions, and litanies^ to the gods ; of all 



*** Solemn assemblies" were nn- 
merociB in Egypt, and were of varioas 
kinds. The grand assemblies, or great 
pAnegjries, wore held in the large 
nails of the principal temples, and 
the king presided at them in person. 



Their celebration was apparently 
yearly, regulated by the Sothic, or 
by the vague year; and others at the 
new moons, when they were con- 
tinued for several successive days, 
and again at the full moon. There 




Ko.L 



were inferior panegyrics in honour of 
different deities every day during 
certain months. Some great pane- 
gyries seem to have been held after 
very long |>eriods. Many other cere- 
monies also took place, at which the 
king presided ; the greatest of which 



was the procession of shrines of the 
gods, which is mentioned in the 
Bosetta Stone, and is often repre- 
sented in the sculptures. These 
shrines were of two kinds : one was 
an ark, or sacred boat, which may be 
called the great shrine, the ofeher a 



FfiOM EQTPT INTO OBEECE. 



which the GreekB were taught the use by them. It Bsemfi to 
me a enfficieut proof of this, that in Egypt thwe practices 



■ort of oanopy. The; were Attended 
by the chief priest, or prophet, clad 
in the leopard gkin ; they irere borne 
on the ibonldera of several priests, by 
means of staves sometimSB pasBing 
through metal rings at the side, and 
being token into the temple, were 
plaoed on a table or stand prepared 



tor the purpose. The same mode of 
carrjing the ark was adopted bj the 
Jews (Jothntt iii. 12 1 1 Chron. it. S, 
and IG ; 2 Sam. xv. 21 ; 1 Esdr. i. i) ; 
and the gods of Babylon, as well sa 
of Egypt, were bome and " set in 
their plaoe" in a similar manner. 
(Is. ilvi. 7; Barnch vi. 4, and 26.) 




Apnleins (Met. li. 260) describes the 
■acred boat and the high prieat hold- 
ing in hia hand a lighted torch, an 
egg, and anlphnr, after which the 
(sacred) scribe read from a papyms 
certain prayers, in presence of the 
assembled paatopkuri, or members of 
the Baored Collie ; which agrees 
well with the ceremony described on 



Some of the sacred boats or arks 
oontained the emblems of life and 
■lability, which, when the veil was 
diKwn aside, were peitially seen g and 



others oontained the sacred beetle of 
the BDD, overshadowed by the wings 

of two Ggnres of the goddess Thmei, 
or "Truth," which call to mind the 
chembim (liernbim) of the Jews. The 
shrines of some deities differed from 
those of others, thoagb most of them 
had a -ram's head at the prow and 
stem of the boot ; and that of Pthah. 
Sokor.Osiris was marked by its singn- 
lor form, the centre haviDg the head 
ot the hawk, hia emblom, rising from 
it in a shrond, and the prow termina- 
tiqg in that of on oryi. It wsa 



ASSEMBLIES FREQUENT IN EQTPT. 



I n. 



have been establiBbed from remote antiquity, while in Greece 
they are only recently known. 

S9. The Egyptians do not hold a single solemn assembly, 
but several in the course of the year. Of these the chief, 
which is better attended than any other, is held at the city of 



oarried ia the mne ma 

prieata. The god Hon 

ttio Greek Charon, is 

ptx exooUaacc of the eacred boats, as 

TlshDii is of the Indian aik. (See 

aij note on Pthah-Sokar-Oairii, in B. 

iii. ch. 87, and on the ark of Isis, see 

DOte*oiioh.61.) 

The Niloa, or Festival ot the Inun- 
dation ; the harrost ; the ffitea in 
honour of the gods; the royal birth- 
dajB 1 and other annual aa well aa 
monthly testirals, nore oelebratod 
vith great eplondonr ; and the procea- 
aiou to the tennpleB, when the dedica- 
loiy oSerinf^ wore proaonted by the 
king, or by the hiRh prieat, the pablio 
holidays, the new moona, and nama- 
roua oocaiional fAtcB, kept throngh- 
oat the year, aa treU aa the many 
aaaambliea aucoeaaiToly held in differ- 
«( otttes throDghoat tho country, 
folly justified the remark that the 
R^fyptians pair) creator attention tt 



diTine matters than any other people. 
And those, as Herodotns obserros, had 
been already eslnblisbod long before 
»ny similar cDstom aiiated in Greooe. 
-to. W.] 

' The mode ol approaching the 
deity, and the oeremonias pecformod 
in the solemn procoBsions Tariod in 
Egypt, as in Greeoe (Procl. Chreato- 
math. p. 881, Gd,), where persons 
sometimes sang hymns to tho sound 
of the lyre, aomotimcB to the flute, 
and with danoos. These last were 
the rforSlia, which, as well aa tho 
former (soe woodcut 1 in oh. 48), aro 
reprosenttid on tho monauients of 
^K7Pt- Sometimes tho harp, guitar, 
and flates, wore played vrhilo the hij^h 
priest offered inoense to the gods. 
The song of tho Egyptian pnests h-os 
oalled in their laagaage Pnan (Cleui. 
Peodagog. iii. 2),* which is evidently 
an Bjcyjitian word, having tho article 
Pi profinod.— [G. W.] 




Chap. 58-60. BOAT PROCESSION AT FEAST OF BUBASTIS. 



103 



Bubastis^ in honour of Diana.® The next in importance is 
that which takes place at Baslris, a city situated in the very 
middle of the Delta ; it is in honour of Isis, who is called in 
the Greek tongue Demeter (Ceres). There is a third great 
festival in Sius to Minerva, a fourth in Heliopolis to the Sun, 
a fifth in Buto ^ to Latona, and a sixth in Papremis to Mars. 

60. The following are the proceedings on occasion of the 
assembly at Bubastis : — Men and women come sailing all 
together, vast numbers in each boat, many of the women with 



^ Bubastis, or Pftsht, corresponded 
to the Greek Diana. At the # ■ 
Speos Artemidos (near Beni 
Hassan) she is represented r 
as a lioness with her name ^ 
" Pasht, the lady of the cave." 
At Thebes she has also the 
head of a lioness, with the 




name F&sht, thus written 



!l 



At Bnbastis the name of the chief 
goddess whose figure remains appears 

to read Bnto, and is thus ^ ^^ 
written ^ -K 

and here she may have the character 
of Bnto or Latona. They both have 
the same head, though it is difficult to 
distinguish between that of the lioness 
and the cat. It is indeed pi*obable 
that both these animals were sacred 
to and emblems of Pasht. The notion 
of the cat being an emblem of the 
moon was doubtless owing to the 
Greeks supposing Bubastis the same 
as Diana, but the moon in £Igypt was 
a male deity, the Ibis-headed Thoth ; 
and another mistake was their con- 
sidering the Egyptian Diana the sister 
pf Apollo. Remains of the temple 
and city of Bubastis, the " Pibeseth " 
(Pi-basth) of Ezekiel zxx. 17, are^till 
Rccn at Tel Basta, *' the mounds of 
Pasht," so called from its lofty mounds. 
(See below, n. •, ch. 138.) At the 
Specs Artemidos numerous cat mum- 
mies were buried, from their being 



sacred to the Egyptian Diana. — 
[G. W.] 

' Herodotus (infra, ch. 156) sup- 
poses her the daughter of E^uschus 
(Osiris) and Isis, which is, of course, 
an error, as Osiris had no daughter, 
and the only mode of accounting for 
it is by supposing Horus, the son of 
Osiris, to have been mistaken for the 
sun, the Apollo of the Greeks, whose 
sister Diana was reputed to be. The 
goddess Bubastis, or Pasht, is called 
on the monuments " beloved of Pthah," 
whom she generally accompanies, and 
she is the second member of the great 
triad of Memphis. Bubastis, the city, 
was only the Egyptian name Pasht, 
with the article III prefixed, as in the 
Hebrew Pi-basth ; and the change of 
P into B was owing to the former 
bein^ pronounced B, as in modem 
Coptic— [G. W.] 

* Vide infra, note ' on ch. 155. The 
Goddess mentioned at Bnbastis should 
be Buto; as her name occurs there, 
and so frequently about the pyramids, 
which were in the neighbourhood of 
Letopolis, another city of Bnto, or 
Latona. The city of Buto Herodotus 
here speaks of stood between the Se- 
bennytic and Bolbitino branches, near 
the Lake of Buto, now Lake Boorlos. 
The Sebennytic branch appears here 
to have been divided into several 
channels, as one of them passed, 
according to Herodotus and Ptolemy, 
near to Buto, which was at no great 
distance from the Canopic branch, 
where it separated from the Bolbitine. 
(See Rennell, ii. p. 168).— [G. W.] 



104 



FEAST OF ISIS AT BUSIRIS. 



Book II. 



castanets, which they strike, while some of the men pipe 
during the whole time of the voyage ; the remainder of the, 
voyagers, male and female, sing the while, and make a 
clapping with their hands. When they arrive opposite any 
of the towns upon the banks of the stream, they approach the 
shore, and, while some of the women continue to play and 
sing, others call aloud to the females of the place and load 
them with abuse, while a certain number dance, and some 
standing up xmcov^r themselves. After proceeding in this 
way all along the river-course, they reach Bubastis, where 
they celebrate the feast with abundant sacrifices. More 
grape-wine ^ is consumed at this festival than in all the rest of 
the year besides. The number of those who attend, counting 
only the men and women, and omitting the children, amounts, 
according to the native reports, to seven hundred thousand. 
61. The ceremonies at the feast of Isis in the city of Busiris® 



' This is to be distingaished from 
boor, aJyos KplQivos, " barley -wine," 
both of which were made in great 
qoantities in Egypt. The most noted 
were those of Mareotis, Anthylla, 
Ph'nthine, Coptos, and the Teniotic, 
Sobennytic, and Alexandrian ; and 
many were noticed in the offerings 
made in the tombs and temples of 
Egypt. Among them wine of the 
** Northern Country " is mentioned, 
and that long before the Greeks car- 
ried wine to Egypt. In later times, 
when the prejudices of the Egyptians 
had begun to relax, a trade was estab- 
lished with the Greeks, and Egypt 
reooiyed wine from Greece and PhoB- 
nicia twice every year (Herod, iii. 6), 
and many Greeks carried it direct to 
Naucratis. (See note^ on oh. 18 and 
note • on 37 ; and on beer, n. *, ch. 77. 
On the wines of Egypt, see At. Eg. 
W. vol. ii. p. 158 to 170.) The wine- 
preBses and offerings of wine in the 
tombs at the Pyramids show wine was 
made in Egypt at least as early as the 
4th dynasty.— [G. W.] 

• There were several places called 
BuBiris in Egypt (Died. i. 17 ; i. 88 ; 
Flin. T. 10; and zzzvi. 12). It sig- 



nifies the burial-place of Osiris, and 
therefore corresponds in meaning to 
Taposiris, a Greek name given to an- 
other town on the sea-coast to the W. 
of Alexandria. Many places claim the 
honour of having the body of Osiris, 
the chief of which were Memphis, 
Busiris, Philae, Taposiris, and Abydus 
(Plut. do Is. s. 21). The Busiris men- 
tioned by Herodotus stood a little to 
the S. of Sebennytus and the modem 
AhooseeVy the Coptic Busirif of which 
nothing now remains but some granite 
blocks since used as the thresholds 
of doors, and a few stones, one of 
which is of very early time. This is a 
sepulchral monument, probably of the 
time of the 4th dynasty, which has 
the funeral eye on each side. There 
was also a Busii-is near the Pyramids, 
which gave its name to the modem 
AhoostTt near which the burial-place 
of Apis, called Apis-Osiris, has lately 
been discovered. The city of Isis was 
lower down the river, and it is more 
probable that the fdte of Isis was held 
there than at Busiris. It is now called 
Behaytf and its site is marked by the 
ruins of a granite temple, the only 
one, except that at Bubastis, entirely 



Chap. 60, 61. 



CEREMONIES AT THE FEAST. 



105 



have been already spoken of. It is there that the whole 
multitude, both of men and women, many thousands in 



another 

Middle 

conse- 

rains of 




- o 



built of that beaatifnl and costly 
material, which was doabtless thonght 
worthy to sacceed " the very large 
temple to Isis" mentioned by Hero- 
dotus — for it was built daring the 
reign of the Ptolemies. It was for- 
merly called Iseum, and by the ancient 
Egyptians Hebai or Hebaitf of which 
Isis is always called in the sculptures, 
" the Mistress." Hehai sig- 
nified a ^'panegyry," or as- 
sembly, and this was the real 
meaning of the name of the 
place. Osiris is also some- 
times called in the legends 
there, "Lord of the land of 
Hebai." There was 
ancient town, in 
^STV^i apparently 
crated to Isis, the 
which are now called Hayhee. 
On a wall at Behdytj probably once 
part of the sdkos, is a remarkable bas- 
relief of the ark of Isis, in the centre 
of which the Goddess sits on a lotus- 
flower, a female standing on either 
side with outstretched wings ; below 
the same three are kneeling, and under 
this are the Goddess or Genius Mert 
or Milt, with the usual four kneeling 
figures (one with the head of a man 
and three with jackals' -heads) beating 
themselves, illustrating what Hero- 
dotus says in ch. 40. This was done 
in honour of Osiris, whose death was 
lamented, as that of Adonis (Adoni ; 
cp. Judg. i. 5; Josh. X. I) by the 
Syrians, alluded to in Ezekiel (viii. 
14) : — " There sat women weeping for 
Tammilz." This last name, meaning 
"concealed," may be related to the 
Atmoo of Egypt, who answers to ** Sol 
Inferus ; " and the mention (in Ezek. 
viii. 16) of men worshipping "the 
Sun" (though it should have 
the West, rather than towards 
East") seems to confirm this, 
notes ^ and * on chaps. 85 and 
The temple of Bebdyt is now so com- 
pletely destroyed that it is difficult to 
ascertain its exact plan; the stones 



been 

"the 

(See 

171.) 



are thrown together in the greatest 
confusion, and a man can go down 
beneath them to the depth of 12 to 15 
feet. None seem to be in their origi. 
nal places, though some of the door- 
ways can be traced ; and fragments 
of cornices, and ceilings, with the 
usual white stars on a blue ground, 
lie in a mass heaped one on the other. 
The force and labour employed in its 
destruction must have been very 
great. All the remaining sculptures 
are of the time of Ptolemy Philadel- 
phus, and it is probable that the 
temple was rebuilt in his reign of 
those unusual materials, which would 
have justified the remark applied by 
Herodotus to that of Bubastis, that 
many temples were larger but few so 
beautiful, and which prove that the 
Egyptians then, as before the time of 
Herodotus, sought to honour Isis with 
monuments worthy of her importance. 
The sculptures in relief on the granite 
show the immense labour bestowed 
upon them, and some of the hiero- 
glyphics on the architraves are 14 
inches long. On the cornices are the 
names of Ptolemy alternating with 
three feather ornaments forming an 
Egyptian triglyph, and one of them 
has the heads of Isis alternating with 
kings' names. The large columns 
were surmounted by heads of Isis, 
like those of Dendera, but with the 
remarkable difference that they were 
of granite ; and on the bases of the 
walls was the not unusual row of 
figure of the God Nilus, bearing vases 
and emblems. The sculptures mostly 
represent offerings made to Isi^ '(fre- 
quently with the emblem of Athor), 
to Osiris, Anubis, and the crocodile- 
headed God ; and the hawk-headed 
Hor-Hat is figured in one place leading 
up the King to the presence of Isis, 
who is styled " defender of her brother 
(Osiris)." A crude brick wall sur- 
rounded the temenos or sacred enclosure, 
in which the temple stood, and which 
had as usual stone gateways. — [G.W.] 



io6 



FESTIVAL AT SAIS. 



Book II. 



number, beat themBelves at the close of the sacrifice, in honour 
of a god, whose name a religious scruple forbids me to 
mention.^ The Carian dwellers in Egypt proceed on this 
occasion to still greater lengths, even cutting their faces with 
their knives,® whereby they let it be seen that they are not 
Egyptians but foreigners. 

62. At Sais,' when the assembly takes place for the sacri- 



7 This was Osiris ; and men are often 
represented doing this in the paint- 
ings of the tombs. See the preceding 
note, and n. ''^ chap. 85. — [G. W.] 

* The cnstom of catting themselves 
was not Egyptian : and it is therefore 
evident that the command in Leviti- 
ens (six. 28; xxi. 5) against making 
"any cnttings in their flesh" was not 
directed against a cnstom derived 
from Egypt, bnt from Syria, where 
the worshippers of Baal ''cut them- 
selves after their manner with knives 
and lancets" (lances), 1 Elings xviii. 
28.— [G. W.] 

* The site of SaYs is marked by 
lofty mounds, enclosing a space of 
great extent. (See n. ^ ch. 169, and 
n. •, ch. 170.) Its modem name 8a, 
or Sa-eUHn^ar, " Sa of the stone," 
from the mins formerly there, shows 
it was derived from the ancient Ssa, 
or Sa^s, of which Neith (Minerva) is 
said in the legends to be the '* Mis- 
tress ; " showing that Plato is right in 

calling Neith the Minerva of 
Sais (TimsDus, p. 22, A.). 
She is sometimes called Neit- 
Ank, or Onk, in which we 
■^^P recognise Onka, the name 
j^ gi ven to the Boeotian Minerva, 
according to Platarch, and 
confirmed by -^schylns, who calls her 
Onka Pallas, and speaks of a gate at 
Thebes, called Oncsean after her (Sept. 
c. Theb. 487). It is also called On- 
csoan by Apollodoros ; bnt Euripides, 
Paosanias, and Statins call it Ogygian. 
The scholiast on ^schylns says Cad- 
mus founded a temple there to the 
Eg^tian Minerva, who was called 
Onosea. This temple and name are 
also mentioned by the Schol. Pind. 01. 
ii. 44, who says the name is Phoeniciui. 




Pausanias also calls it Phoenician (ix. 
12, 2), and uses it as an argument to 
prove Cadmus was a Phoenician and 
not an Egyptian, as some supposed 
(See Gale and Selden). But Onk is 
the name of the Egyptian Vesta, made 
into Anonkd by the Greeks, who is 
shown to be a character of Neith or 
Minerva by the hieroglyphic legends. 
Anoukd was a very ancient goddess, 
and the third person of the triad at 
the first cataract. Nepthys, N6b-t-di 
(" the lady of the house ") , has even 
the title of Ank in a legend at Den- 
dera; she was also a character of 
Vesta, with whom she agrees as 
daughter of Saturn and Bhea (Seb 
and Netpe), and was protectress of 
the hearth ; one of many proofs how 
much the deities of different orders 
have in common with each other; 
Nepthys being connected with Neith, 
as Isis, the mother of the child, is 
with Mauty "the mother" goddess. 
Plutarch (de Is. s. 9) mentions an in- 
Bcription in the temple of Minerva — 
** I am everything which has been, 
which is, and which will be, and no 
mortal has yet lifted my veil ; " but 
he is wrong in considering the still 
unveiled or the unmarried goddess the 
same as Isis, and in saying the latter 
was called by the Egyptians ^^ Athena" 
signifying " I proceeded from myself " 
(de Is. s. 62). Nor did the Egyptians 
attribute the gift of the olive to 
Minerva, but to Mercury (Diodor. i. 
16). StiU less is Zeth, " olive," of the 
Hebrew (the Arabic ZH, " oil," Z^toun, 
" olive ") related to the name of Sais. 
Neith is often represented with a bow 
and arrows, being, as Proclus says (in 
Tim.), groddess of war as well as of 
philosophy ; and her holding the seep- 



Chap. 61-63. 



FESTIVAL AT PAPREBOS. 



107 



fices, there is one night on which the inhabitants all bum a 
multitude of lights in the open air round their houses. They 
use lamps in the shape of fiat saucers filled with a mixture of 
oil and salt,^ on the top of which the wick floats. These bum 
the whole night, and give to the festival the name of the Feast 
of Lamps. The Egyptians who are absent from the festival 
observe the night of the sacrifice, no less than the rest, by a 
general lighting of lamps ; so that the illumination is not con- 
fined to the city of Sais, but extends over the whole of Egypt. 
And there is a religious reason assigned for the special honour 
paid to this night, as well as for the illumination which accom- 
panies it. 

63. At Heliopolis * and Buto ' the assemblies are merely for 
the purpose of sacrifice ; but at Papremis,* besides the sacri- 



tre of the male deities is consistent 
with her being " apa*y60riKvs** Pliny 
says Minerva was armed to show that 
both male and female natures can 
porsae every virtue. Some think 
*A0riva a transposition of the Egyptian 
N]?e.--[G. W.] 

* The oil floated on water mixed 
with salt. This fdte of lamps calls to 
mind a Chinese as well as an Indian 
cnstom. It is remarkable that Homer 
mentions no one bat Minerva with an 
oil-lamp (Odys. zix. 84) ; and her 
figure is sometimes attached to the 
upright terra-cotta lamps of the Etrus- 
cans. (See Batrachom. 179, Strab. 
ix. 396, Plut. Sympos. viii. 716 E, 
Pausan. i. 26, 7.) There was a festival 
or race of torches at Athens (Aristoph. 
Wasps 1203, Frogs 131, 1087, 1098, 
and Sch.) , but this was quite different 
from the fSte of lamps at SaYs. Strabo 
(ix. p. 574) speaks of the old temple 
of Minerva Polias in the Acropolis of 
Athens, in which a lamp was always 
kept burning. The Minerva and Yul. 
can of Athena were supposed to have 
been derived from Eg^ypt. — [G. W.] 

' Plutarch asserts that when the 
sacrifices were offered at Heliopolis, 
no wine was allowed to be taken into 
the temple of the sun ; but this may 



only signify that they were forbidden 
to drink it in the temple, "it being 
indecent to do so under the eyes of 
their lord and king" (de Is. s. 6). 
See note 'on ch. 37.— [G. W.] 

' See n. * on ch. 69 and n. ' on ch. 
155. 

* Paprdmis is not known in the 
sculptures as the name of the Egyp. 
tian Mars ; and it may only have been 
that of the city, the capital of a nome 
(ch. 165) which stood between the 
modem Menzaleh and Damietta in the 
Delta. It was here that Inaroe routed 
the Persians (infra, iii. 12) ; and it is 
remarkable that in this very island, 
formed by the old Mendesian and the 
modem Damietta branches, the Cru- 
saders were defeated in 1220, and 
ag^ain in 1249, when Louis IX. was 
taken prisoner. The deity who seems 
to have borne the most resemblance 
to Mars was Mandoo; Banpo (sup- 
posed to be Remphan) and Anta being 
the god and goddess of war. Honu- 
rius, a name of Mars, which is also 
unknown in the sculptures, may be 
a corruption of Horus. The hippopo- 
tamus was sacred to Mars, and is said 
to have been worshipped at Paprdmis 
(ch. 71). Macrobius considers Mars 
the sun, which ag^rees with the charao- 



io8 



FIOHT WITH STICKS. 



BooiII. 



ficee and other rites vluch are performed there as elsewhere, 
the following custom is obeerTed : — When the sun is getting 
low, a few only of the priests continue occupied about the 
image of the god, while the greater number, armed with 
wooden clubs, take their station at the portal of the temple. 
Opposite to them is drawn up a body of men, in number above 
a thousand, armed hke the otliers with clubs, consisting; of 
persons engaged hi the performance of their vows. Tlie image 
of the god, which is kept in a small wooden shrine covered 
with plates of gold, is conveyed from the temple into a second 
sacred building the day before the festival begins. The few- 
priests still in attendance upon the imago place it, together 
with the shrine containing it, on a four-wheeled car,^ and 
begin to drag it along ; the others, stationed at the gateway of 
the temple, oppose its admission. Then the votaries come 
forward to espouse the quarrel of the god, and set upon the 
opponents, who are sure to offer resistance. A sharp fight 



ter of Mandoo or Mandoo-Be (Satnm. 
i. 19). Some nippr«e the fonifiod 
tOWD of [brfem (Primie-pam) to have 
been called from liim.— [G. W.] 



» Tliw 



of uni 



the E)(Tptian eculptures ; but a reprc- 
a^DtHtiuii of B car bcariup; a biiibII 
•hrino in a boat, fonnd on tho band- 
sgen ot a mammy belunjfinK to Signor 
d'Athanaei, ccoms tu lie eiiniUir to tlic 
one mentioned by HerodotuB, with 



this difference, that the fignre ri 
tenting tbe doceaKCd is rvcmnbcM 
atead of being the ataoding inia) 
a doily. Foor-wheeled can wore 



rii (rots) " wheel." Peli'.r is an 
form of qualaor, the Gulbii:' / 
jEolio Piium, Sanecrit L'ha'. 
[G. W,] 




Chap. 68-e5. EGYPTIAN VENERATION FOR ANIMALS. 



109 



with clubs ensues, in which heads are commonly broken on 
both sides. Many, I am convinced, die of the wounds that 
they receive, though the Egyptians insist that no one is ever 
killed. 

64. The natives give the subjoined account of this festival. 
They say that the mother of the god Mars once dwelt in the 
temple. Brought up at a distance from his parent, when he 
grew to man*s estate, he conceived a wish to visit her. Ac- 
cordingly he came ; but the attendants, who had never seen 
him before, refused him entrance, and succeeded in keeping 
him out. So he went to another city and collected a body of 
men, with whose aid he handled the attendants very roughly, 
and forced his way in to his mother. Hence they say arose 
the custom of a fight with sticks in honour of Mars at this 
festival. 

The Egyptians first made it a point of religion to have no 
converse with women in the sacred places, and not to enter 
them without washing, after such converse. Almost all other 
nations, except the Greeks and the Egyptians, act diflferently, 
regarding man as in this matter under no other law than the 
brutes. Many animals, they say, and various kinds of birds, 
may be seen to couple in the temples and the sacred precincts, 
which would certainly not happen if the gods were displeased 
at it. Such are the arguments by which they defend their 
practice ; but I nevertheless can by no means approve of it. 
In these points the Egyptians are specially careful, as they are 
indeed in everything which concerns their sacred edifices. 

65. Egypt, though it borders upon Libya, is not a region 
aboimding in wild animals.^ The animals that do exist in the 



* This was thonght to be eztraor- 
dinaiy, because Airioa abounded in 
wild animals (infra, iy. 191«2) ; but it 
was on the west and sonth, and not on 
the confines of Egypt, that they were 
nomerons. Thongh Herodotus abstains 
from saying why the Eg^tians hold 
some animals sacred, he explains it in 
some deg^ree by obsenring that Eg^ypt 



did not abound in animals. It 
therefore found necessary to ensure 
the preservation of some, as in the 
case of cows and sheep ; others were 
sacred in consequence of their being 
unwholesome food, as swine, and cer. 
tain fish ; and others from their utility 
in 'destroying noxious reptiles, as the 
cat, ichneumon, ibis, rulture, and 



no 



QUABDIANSHIP OF ANIMALS. 



Book n. 



oountry, whether domesticated or otherwise, are all regarded 
as sacred. If I were to explain why they are consecrated to 
the several gods, I should be led to speak of religions matters, 
which I particularly shrink from mentioning; the points 
whereon I have touched slightly hitherto have all been intro- 
duced from sheer necessity. Their custom with respect to 
animals is as follows : — For every kind there are appointed 
certain guardians, some male, some female,^ whose business 
it is to look after them ; and this honour ^ is made to descend 



flUoon tribo : or for somo particular 
purpose, as tho crocodile was sacred 
in places distant from tho Nile, where 
the canals roqairoil keeping ap. The 
Muno is statoil by roq>hyr7 (de Sacri- 
fioiia) and Cicero (Nat. Deor. i. SG), 
who says that the castom of ** repre- 
•enting tho gi>ds with the heads of 
oxen, binls, and other creatures, was 
iiitrodm>c<l in order that the people 
might abstain from eating them, or 
for some other mysterions reason.'* 
In this they observed certain gra- 
dations. All that are said to have 
been worshipped did not really receiye 
that honour. Si^me were in them- 
■eWec saonnl, being UxtktHl ujx^n, as 
Strabo and IVrphvrv- sav, **n^allv to 
be gods«" as the bull Apis«and others ; 
tome wen^ only rt^pn*sout at ions of 
certain deities, and nianv weiv mere 
emblems. PivHlorus and Cieero also 
attribute their worship to their utility 
to man : but the same satisfactory 
reason is u\H to Iv found in all castas. 
See aKn-e, note* on oh. 42. — \i. W/. 

' Women wen* proliably employed 
to gire the fixnl to many of the ani> 
mals ; but tln^ curators ap^nvir to have 
been men of the sai^erdotal c]a&». 
Diodorus s)H>aks of ix^rtain revenues 
€ar the sup|K*rt of the saored animals, 
beaide«> the donations of the devout : 
and he descriU«s their feeding the 
hawks by thn^wiug up the nu?at cut 
into small |mves: tho cats and ich- 
nennoas being fini with brvad s<«kked 
in milk, or with fish cat up fcv them. 
Swn in the prc«oni day cats ar« fed 
nl (he KadiV ci^orc and m the XaAjj^t'i 
(c«nwr.market^ of the Khan KhAUvl. 



in Cairo, from funds left for the pur- 
pose. See At. Eg. W. vol. v. p. 165— 
[G. W.] 

^ Herodotus and Diodorus agree in 
representing the office of feeding the 
saored animals as an honourable one : 
"and so far," says Diodorus, **are 
they from declining or feeling ashamed 
openly to fulfil this office, that they 
pride themselves upon it, going iu 
procession through the towns and 
country, with the distinguishing marks 
of their occupation, as if they were 
partakers of the highest honours of 
the gods. And being known by n 
peculiar emblem belonging to each, 
the people perceive, on their appivach, 
of what animal they have the care, 
and show them respect by bon-ing to 
the gn^nnd, and by other marks of 
honour" (i. 83). The expense incur- 
red for the maintenance of these 
animals was often very great, an>l 
their funerals were sometimes per. 
formed in so sumptuous a manner, 
that thev cost the curators more than 
they had the means of paying : and 
when in foreign countries, the Egyp- 
tian armv was never known to leave 
behind it the cats and hawks, even 
thousrh thev had a difficult v in obtain* 
ing the means of transport : and thev 
were always bivught back to Egyp:. 
to be buried in hv ly ground. In cuc- 
seqnence of various reaA-ns for th-.» 
Inspect or the hc«:iiiiy fel: towani? 
a particular ^n^wtnl in difTerenc ports 
of E^Tpt, many quarrels t« ok place :'.i 
later times between towns aLd dis- 
tricts V'' °^*^°- ^t. XT. 3t> ; see above 
n. * on ch. 42). But these were not 



MAKING OF VOWS. 



from father to Bon. The inhabitants of the Tarions cities, 
when the; have made a tow to an; god, pa; it to his animals 
in the way which I will now esplain. At the time of making 
the TOW the; shave the head of the child,* catting off all the 



Ukel; to h&Te been permitted dnriiig 
the age of the Pharaohi, wheo the law 
wiH itrong, the real object better 
nndentood, and the prisats were more 
int«retrted in mointainmg tbeii aatbo' 
ritj, and in preventing an eiposnre of 
their flTatem ; and no opinion can be 
tonned of the Egyptians or their ens- 
toniB when in the degraded state to 
which they had fallen nnder the 
Romans. For, as De Paaw obserres, 
" there is no more reason to believe 
Boch eicessee wete committed in old 
times, than to expect the modem 
towDB of Borope to make war on each 
other in order to maintain the pre- 
eminence of their saints and patrons" 
(Sech. Biir les Eg. et Chinois, i. 14&). 
But whatever may have been the 
original motive, there is no doubt that 
the effect of this Banctity of aoimalH 
waa only what mi^ht have been fore- 
seen, and like the diviBion of the deity 
into variooB forms and attribntcB, or 
the adoration of an; bat the Supreme 
Being, could not possibly end in any- 
thing bat superstition and error. And 
thongh Platarrh (do Is. s. 8) thinks 
that "the religions ritee and cere. 
manies of the Egyptians wore noTor 
inltitnted on irrational gronnda, or 
bnilt on mere fable," be feels obliged 
to allow that, by adoring the animals 
themselvOB, the reverencing them aa 



gods, the Egyptians, at least the 
greater part of them, have not only 
filled their religions worship with 
many contemptible and ridionlooa 
rites, bnt have given oooasion to 
notions of the most dangerooa ooD' 
sequence, driving the weak and simple- 
minded into all the Bitravaganoo of 
supoTBtition. 8oe At. Eg. W. vol. 
V. p. 91-114; and compare note' on 
Ch. 37.— [0. W.] 

* Though Egyptian men shaved their 
heads, boys lud several tnf te of hair 
left, as in modem Egypt and China. 
Princes also wore a long plaited lock, 
falling from near the top of the head, 
behind the ear, to tho neck. This waa 
the sign of ohildhood, and was given 
to the infant Harpocrates- To it 
Lacian alludes when ha Bays (Navig. 
3), ■■ It is a sigu of 
Dobility in Egypt, 
for all free-born 
youths to plait their 
hair until the age 
of pnberty,'* though 
in (Jreece "the hair 
twisted back and 
plaited is a sign of 

The lock worn by 







not always real hair, but 
appended to the wig thny 
times plaited to resemble 




112 



PRODIGY OF THE CATS. 



Book II. 



)iair, or oIbo half, or Hometimes a third part, which they then 
woil^h in a balance against a Rum of silver ; and whatever sum 
thn hair woighs is presented to the guardian of the animals, 
who thereupon cuts up some fish, and gives it to them for food 
— Huch being the stuff whereon they are fed, Wlicn a man 
lias killed one of the sacred animals, if lie did it with malice 
prepc^nso, lie is punished with death ; ^ if unwittingly, he has 
to pay such a fme as the priests choose to impose. When an 
ibis, liowevor, or a hawk is killed, whether it was done by 
accident or on purpose, the man must needs die, 

flfi. The number of domestic animals in Egypt is very great, 
and wouhl bo still greater were it not for what befals the cats. 
Ah tlie fenuiloH, when they have kittened, no longer seek the 
eonipany of the males, these last, to obtain once more their 
companionship, practise a curious artifice. They seize the 
kittens, carry them off, and kill them, but do not eat them 
aftt»rwrtrds. Upon this the females, l>eing dejmved of theii* 
young, and longing to supply their place, seek the males once 
nion\ since they are particularly fond of their offspring. On 
every occasion of a fire in Egypt the strangest prodigy occurs 
with the cats. The inhabitants allow the fire to rage as it 



Imir, Hoinotimo«i within n ivvoriiig 
fanttniotl to tho ^ido of tho hoail- 
tlrt^Hii. i>«o of thoso, worn by n IVinoo 
Komoju^t, wjw hi^hlv onianiowtod. 

:15. W.' 

• Tho l«w waji. All Uonnlotufi miva, 
Al^iiusf A )u^n^ni ktlliui; thoni on pur- 
jH>*t* ; hut t lio prx' judioixl |vj»uhuv in 
aflor luiio;! ilul m>t alwayi^ ktvp within 
tho l»w ; and PiiHlorus iKvlan^s that 
if any |H»r»\»n kiUiM an ibi^ or a oat, 
own unutiontiiUiaHw it infalUblv Oi>^t 
Kim hi* htV\ tho mul'.icudo *,vlUviinc 
and t«\*rM»; him to pstx^yn : for foar of 
which iH»laniitv« if anvW>i1v fonnd ono 
wt ihoni doad ho MwhI at a distaniW 
and \H»lhnii; wuh a U^ud roiw made 
otvry do » on*i ration of imof» and prv^ 
to»lo\l that it wa» f^mnd UfoloM. And 
lo »woK an oxtont dxi thor currv «h'.*. 
Umi thoy i>*uM n^'t Iv dotonvd by ar.y 
i<«|p«v«Mit*Ui>tt fh,>m ibeir own iiiMri«< 



tratos iroux killinsr a Roman who had 
niHi'idontallv cauikMi tho death of n cat 
(Oiixl, i. 8;^>. This iN^ntirms tho Biato- 
mont in a previous noto ^oh. Go, note *) 
of tho ohaniTO since the time of the 
Phantohs. A similar prejadice exist<i 
in India in favour of their sacreil ani- 
mals. Cicen.1 said it was a capital 
offence in Kjjypt to kill "an ibis, an 
asp, a cat. a di>r. or a crocodile** 
iTns»c. Diisp. V. i7> : but the croco- 
dile was m"»t sacred thrv^usrhout the 
ivuntry. Plutarch mentions the ibis, 
hawk. cyn«xvphalus. and the apis, as 
the animals in universal estimation 
throuirhout Kirypi, to which the cat. 
div. cv*w. vul:ure, and asp shcuM 
have Uvn adde^l. Great respect was 
alA^ (Kiid to the jackal, as the emblem 
cf Ar.uMs : bti: aiaav others merely 
enfove.i \xral iionoars. — G. W.' 



Chap. 65-67. 



INTERMENT OF ANIMALS. 



113 



pleases, while they stand about at intervals and watch these 
animals, which, slipping by the men or else leaping over 
them, rush headlong into the flames.^ When this happens, 
the Egyptians are in deep affliction. If a cat dies in a private 
house by a natural death, all the inmates of the house shave 
their eyebrows ; on the death of a dog they shave the head 
and the whole of the body. 

67. The cats on their decease are taken to the city of 
Bubastis,^ where they are embalmed, after which they are 
buried in certain sacred repositories. The dogs are interred 
in the cities to which they belong, also in sacred burial-places. 
The same practice obtains with respect to the ichneumons ; * 



' The veiy measures adopted by the 
Egyptians to prevent the oats being 
burnt frightened them (as Larcher 
sopposes), and made them msh into 
the danger.— [G.W.] 

' Gats were embalmed and bnried 
where they died, except perhaps in 
the neighboorhood of Babastis; for 
we find their mummies at Thebes and 
other Egyptian towns, and the same 
may be said of hawks and ibises. At 
Thebes nnmerons ibis mummies are 
found, as well as in the well-known 
ibis-mummy pit of Sakkara ; and 
oows, dogs, hawks, mice, and other 
animals are found embalmed and 
bnried at Thebes. They did not there- 
fore carry all the cats to Bubastis ; 
the shrew-mice and hawks to Bute; 
or the ibis to Hermopolis. But it is 
Tery possible that persons whose 
religious scruples were very strong, 
or who wished to show gpreater honour 
to one of those animals, sent them to 
be buried at the city of the god to 
whom they were sacred, as individuals 
■ometimes preferred having their 
bodies interred at Abydus, because it 
was the holy burial place of Osiris. 
This explains the statement of Hero- 
dotus, as well as the fact of a great 
number of oat mummies being found 
at the Specs Artemidos, and the 
number of dog mummies in the Cyno- 
polite nome, and of wolf mummies at 
Lycopolis. In some places the mnm- 

voL. n. 



mies of oxen, sheep, dogs, oats, ser- 
pents, and fishes, were buried in a 
common repository ; but wherever 
particular animals were sacred, smaU 
tombs, or cavities in the rock, were 
made for their reception, and sepul- 
chres were set apart for certain ani- 
mals in the cemeteries of other towns. 
— [G. W.] 

* The viverra ichneumon is still very 
common in Egypt, particularly on the 
western bank, from the modem Geezeh 
to the Fy<5om. It was supposed to be 
sacred to Lucina and Latona. Hera- 
cleopolis was the city where it was 
principally honoured ; and its hostility 
to the crocodile, in destroying its eggs, 
was the cause of the ill-will that sub- 
sisted between the Heracleopolites 
and the people of the neighbouring 
nome of Crooodilopolis (the modem 
Fydom), Its habit of destroying eggs 
is well known ; and this is &«quently 
represented in the paintings of Thebes, 
Boni Hassan, and Sakkara. It is now 
called nims, or Qot, i.e. {Kot) PAo- 




radonf " Pharaoh's cat," probably from 
the reverence it formerly received in 
Egypt. This was from its hostility to 



114 



THE OKOOODILE. 



Book II- 



the hawks and shrew-mice, on the contrary, are conveyed to 
the city of Buto for burial, and the ibises* to Hermopolis. 
The bears, which are scarce in Egypt,* and the wolves, which 
are not much bigger than foxes,^ they bury wherever they 
happen to find them lying. 

68. The following are the peculiarities of the crocodile : — 
During the four winter months they eat nothing : ^ they are 



Oftifl ; and above all from its antipathy 
to serpents, which it certainly has a 
remarkable facility of destroying. 
iElian, and other ancient writers, have 
orerloaded the tmth with so many 
idle tales, that the feats of the ichneu- 
mon appear altogether faboloos ; the 
destroction of the crocodile's eggs 
haying been converted into a direct 
attack on the crocodile itself, and a 
ooirass of mud against a snake having 
been thought necessary to account for 
what is really done by its extreme 
quickness. See At. Eg. W. vol. ii. 
p. 81, and vol. v. p. 149 to 157. — 
[O. W.] 

* These birds were sacred to Thoth, 
the god of letters, and the moon, who 
corresponded to Mercury, being the 
intermediate agent between the gods 
and man. He was particularly wor- 
shipped at Hermopolis Magna, now 
Othmoonaynt in Coptic Shmoun B, or 
the 'Hwo Eights," in allusion to his 
title of '* Lord of the eight regions," 
common in the hieroglyphic legends. 
On the edge of the dcaert, west of that 
place, are many pits where the sacred 
ibises were buried. Hermopolis Parva, 
now Damanhour in the Delta, was 
also a city named after this god. 
Another, called Ibeum, nearly opposite 
Ao6ris, was either sacred to, or was 
the burial-place of, the ibis; and 
ChampoUion supposed it received the 
name of Nibis from Ma.n.hip, or 
fiJiip " the place (city) of the ibis,*' 
which in Egypt was called Hip. (See 
below, note • on ch. 76.) The Cyno- 
oephalus ape was also sacred to Thoth. 

— fo. W.] 

• It is very evident that bears were 
not natives of Egypt; they are not 
ropreoented among the animals of the 



country ; and no instance occurs of a 
bear in the sculptures, except as a 
curiosity brought by foreigners. These 
people are the Rot-Ti-no (divided by 
the Egyptians into " upper and lower ") 
who lived by Mesopotamia ; and the 
coming of the bear from the neigh, 
bourhood of the Euphrates accords 
well with the present habitat of the 
small light-coloured Ursus Syriacus. — 
[G. W.] 

7 Herodotus is quite correct in say- 
ing that wolves in Egypt were scarcely 
larger than foxes. It is singular that 
he omits all mention of the hya>na, 
which is so. common in the country, 
and which is represented in the sculp- 
tures of Upper and Lower Egypt. 
The wolf is an animal of Upper and 
Lower Egypt. Its Egyptian name was 
" Ou6n8h:*—lG, W.] 

■ If the crocodile rarely comes out 
of the river in the cold weather, be- 
cause it finds the water warmer than 
the external air at that season, there 
is no reason to believe it remains 
torpid all that time, though, like all 
the lizard tribe, it can exist a long 
time without eating, and I have known 
them live in a house for three months 
without food, sleeping most of the 
time ; indeed, when the weather is 
warm, even in winter, it frequently 
comes out of the water to bask on the 
sand-banks, and there during the 
great heats of the summer it sleeps 
with its mouth wide open towards the 
wind. In Herodotus* time crocodiles 
frequented the lower part of the Nile 
more than at present, and may have 
remained longer under water in that 
latitude. Indeed for many months 
they have little opportunity of being 
seen, owing to the inundation cover- 



Chap. 67, 68. 



THE CROCODILE. 



115 



four-footed, and live indififerently on land or in the water. 
The female lays and hatches her eggs ashore, passing the 
greater portion of the day on dry land, but at night retiring to 
the river, the water of which is warmer than the night-air and 
the dew. Of all known animals this is the one which from 
the smallest size grows to be the greatest : for the egg of the 
crocodile is but little bigger than that of the goose, and the 
young crocodile is in proportion to the egg ; yet when it is full 
grown, the animal measures frequently seventeen cubits and 
even more. It has the eyes of a pig, teeth large and tusk-like, 
of a size proportioned to its frame ; unlike any other animal, 
it is without a tongue ; it cannot move its under jaw, and in 



ing their favourite sand.banks. They 
do not now frequent the Nile below 
Beni Haasan, and they are seldom 
seen north of the latitude of Manfa. 
loot. Their eggs, as Herodotus says, 
are laid in the sand, often under the 
bank, and hatched by the heat of the 
gun ; and the great disparity between 
the animal when full grown, and its 
original size in the egg, is remarkable, 
since the latter only measures three 
inches in length and two inches in 
breadth (or diameter), being less than 
that of the goose, which measures 
3U- by 2|. The two ends are exgyct\y 
alike. When formed, the young croco- 
dile lies within with its tail turned 
round to its head; and when full 
grown it becomes nearly 70 times 
longer than the egg^ the crocodile of 
Egypt attaining to the size of 20 to 22 
feet. In Ethiopia it is larger; and 
Herodotus gives it 17 cubits ( — 25J 
feet or 29, if by the cubit of the 
Kilometer) in Egypt, or even more. 
Its small eyes are long, which makes 
Herodotus compare them to those of a 
pig, and they are covered by a thin 
pellucid (nictitating) membrane, men. 
tioned by Plutarch (de Is. s. 75), 
which passes over them from the 
outer comer, and continues there 
while it sleeps. It is perfectly true 
that it has no tongue ; and the throat 
is closed by a thick membrane which 
is only opened when it swallows ; but 



the story of its moving its upper jaw 
is owing to its throwing up its whole 
head when it seizes its prey, at the 
same time that it really moves its 
lower jaw downwards. The strength 
of its skin, particularly on the back, 
where it is covered with scales, has 
made it useful for shields (as Pliny 
says of the Hippopotamus, " Tergorid 
ad scuta galeasque imponetrabilia"), 
which are still made of it in Ethiopia. 
Though the scales serve to indicate 
the two species known in the Nile, 
they differ very little in their position; 
and the black and gro?:i colour of the 
two crocodiles is a more evident dis- 
tinction. The notion of this animal, 
which catches fish, not being able to 
see u^^der water, is contrary to all 
reason, as is the annoyance to which 
Herodotus supposes it subject, of 
having its mouth invaded by leeche**. 
The story of the friendly offices of tiio 
Trochilus appears to be derived from 
that bird's uttering a shrill note as it 
flies away on the approach of man, 
and (quite unintentionally) warning 
the crocodilo of danger. In its range 
of long tusks the two end ones of the 
lower jaw pass through corresponding 
holes in the upper jaw, near the nose, 
when the mouth is closed. Those are 
formed by the teeth growing long, 
there being as yet no such holes while 
the animal is young. — [G. W.] 



ii6 



THE TROCHILUS. 



Book II. 



this respect too it is sin^ilar, being the only animal in the 
world which moves the upper jaw but not the mider. It has 
strong claws and a scaly skin, impenetrable upon the back. 
In the water it is blind, but on land it is very keen of sijiijht. 
As it lives chiefly in the river, it has the inside of its mouth 
constantly covered with leeches ; hence it happens that, wliile 
all the other birds and beasts avoid it, with the trocliilus it 
lives at peace, since it owes much to that bird : for the 
crocodile, when he leaves the water and comes out upon the 
land, is in the habit of lying with his mouth wide open, facing 
the western breeze : at such times the trocliilus goes into his 
mouth and devours the leeches. This benefits the crocodile, 
who is pleased, and takes care not to hurt the trochilus. 

69, The crocodile is esteemed sacred by some of the 
Egyptians ; by others he is treated as an enemy.® Those who 



• See above, note ', on ch. 42. 
Strabo speaks of a sacred crocodile 
kept at Crocodilopolis (afterwards 
oallod Arsinoe) called Suchus, which 
was fed by the priests with the 
broad, meat, and wine contributed by 
strangers. This name was evidently 
taken from Savak, the crocodile- 
headed god — and that mentioned by 
Herodotus, " Champses," was the 
Egyptian visah^ or emsoh^ which may 
bo traced in tlio Arabic tcmsah. The 
Greeks prefixed the x ^^ they now 
change the h of Arabic into a hard k, 
as " kagi" for " hagi,'* Ac. At Croco- 
dilopohs, and at another town of the 
same name above Hermopolis, at 
Ombos, Coptos, Athi*ibis (called also 
Crocodilopolis), and even at Thebes, 
and some other places, the crocodile 
was greatly honoured ; and uElian 
(x. 24) says that their numbers in- 
creased BO much that it was not safe 
for any one to wash his feet, or draw 
water at the river near those towns ; 
and no one could walk by the stream 
at Ombos, Coptos, or Arsinoe, without 
grreat caution. Herodotus says the 
saored crocodiles of the Crocodilopolite 
nome were buried in the lower cham- 
bers of the Labyrinth (infra, ch. 148). 



The Ten ty rites, and the people of 
Apollinopolis, Heraclcopolis, and tlie 
island of Ele})bantine, looked up<m tliem 
with particular aversion, and the same 
hatred was shown to them whenever 
they were considered tvpes of the 
Evil Being. The skill of the Tent.v- 
rites in destroying them was well 
known, and their facility in over- 
powering them in the water is attri. 
bated by Pliny (viii. 25) and Seneca 
(Nat. Qun?st .iv. 2) to their courage, 
as well as to their dexterity, the 
crocodile being " timid before tlie 
bold, and most ready to attack those 
who were afraid of it." The truth of 
the skill of the Tentyrites was even 
tested at Rome ; and Strabt^ says they 
went after them into a tank of water 
prepared for the purpose, and en- 
tangling them in a net dragged them 
to its shelving edge and back again 
into the water, in the presence of 
numerous spectators. Mummies of 
ci'ocodiles have been found at Thebes 
and other places, but ])rinci pally at 
the large natural cave near Maabdeh 
(opposite Manfaloot), near which it is 
probable that some town formerly 
stood where they were particularly 
honoured. — [Q. W.] 



Chap. 68-70. MODE OF CATCHING THE CROCODILE. 



117 



live near Thebes, and those who dwell around Lake Moeris, 
regard them with especial veneration. In each of these places 
they keep one crocodile in particular, who is taught to be tame 
and tractable. They adorn his ears ^ with ear-rings of molten 
stone ^ or gold, and put bracelets on his fore-paws, giving him 
daily a set portion of bread, w ith a certain number of victims ; 
and, after having thus treated him with the greatest possible 
attention while alive, they embalm him when he dies, and bury 
him in a sacred repository. The people of Elephantine, on 
the other hand, are so far from considering these animals as 
sacred, that they even eat their flesh. In the Egyptian 
language they are not called crocodiles, but Champsae. The 
name of crocodiles was given them by the lonians, who re- 
marked their resemblance to the lizards, which in Ionia live 
in the walls, and are called crocodiles.^ 

70. The modes of catching the crocodile* are many and 
various. I shall only describe the one which seems to me 
most worthy of mention. They bait a hook with a chine of 
pork and let the meat be carried out into the middle of the 



^ Tho crocodile's cars are merely 
small openings without any fleah pro- 
jecting beyond the head. — [G. W.] 

* By molten stone seems to be 
meant glass, which was well known 
to the Egyptians (see note ® on ch. 41), 
as it was also to the Assyrians (Lay- 
ard's Nineveh and Babylon, pp. 196-7, 
&c.) and Babylonians (ibid. p. 503). 

' KpoK69ft\os was the term given 
by the lonians to lizards, as the Por- 
tuguese al legato "the lizard" is the 
origin of our alligator. The lonians 
are hero the descendants of the Ionian 
soldiers of Psammetichus. The croco- 
dile is not the Leviathan of Job xli. 
ae some have supposed. Isaiah, xxvii. 
1, calls " Leviathan the piercing ser- 
pent," and "that crooked serpent," 
con'esponding to the Aphophis or 
" great serpent " of Egypt, tho em- 
blem of sin. — [G. W.] 

* One, which is now adopted, is to 
fasten a little puppy on a log of wood, 



to the middle of which a strong rope 
is tied, protected to a certain distance 
by iron wire, and this, when swallowed 
by the crocodile, turns, on being pulled, 
across its throat. It is then dragged 
ashore, and soon killed by blows on 
the head from poles and hatchets. 
They have another mode of catching 
it. A man swims, having his head 
covered by a gourd with two holes 
for his eyes, to a sandbank where tho 
crocodile is sleeping ; and when ho 
has reached it, he rises from the water 
with a shout, and throws a spear into 
its side, or armpit if possible, when 
feeling itself wounded it rushes into 
the water. The head of the barbed 
spear having a rope attached to it, the 
crocodile is thereby pulled in, and 
wounded again by the man (and his 
companions who join him) until it is 
exhausted and killed ; and the same 
method is adopted for catching the 
hippopotamus in Ethiopia. — [G. W.] 



Il8 



THE HIPPOPOTAMUS. 



Book If. 



stream, while the hunter upon the bank holds a livmg pi«:, 
which he belabours. Tlie crocodile hears its cries, and, making 
for the sound, encounters the pork, which he instantly swallows 
down. The men on the shore haul, and when they have got 
him to land, the first thing the hunter does is to plaster his 
eyes with mud. This once accomplished, the animal is 
despatched with ease, otherwise he gives great trouble. 

71. The hippopotamus,^ in the canton of Papremis. is a 
sacred animal, but not in any other part of Egypt. It may 
be thus described: — It is a quadruped, cloven-footed, with 
hoofs like an ox. and a flat nose. It has the mane and tail of 
a horse, hu^re tusks which are very conspicuous, and a voice 
like a horse's neigh. In size it equals the biggest oxen, and 
its skin is so tough that when dried it is made into javelms.^ 



' This animal wa5 formerlr common 
in Eirvpt, bat is now raivly seen as 
low as the 500 'nd cataract. The chase 
of the hippofMitamns was a favonrite 
amosement. It was entansrlci by a 
running niMise. ami then s:raek by a 
spear, to tho V.»arV»€d b?a'.!e of which a 
strong line wa* fa^tene-1. (hi striking 
it the shaft l-^ft the b!a<le, the line 
mnnin&r on a r'>*l wa* l'?t i.'nt. and it 
was then ilnijire<l l^ack aijnin v.* re- 
ceive other siK^ar-woanil-* till it was 
exhao>t>?.l. when the ri>j»e3 of the va- 
rious blal»»:S ivt*r»» nso-l t«^ secure it. 
(Cp. D!t'd'»r. i. 3.*> : s»v i>l. xv. At. K^. 
W. vol. iii. p. 71.) Th«» <k»<<»np::«Mi 
of the hipiNip.itumu? by H'ToI n'l-j !•« 
far from correct. Its f**-*? un* iliviil;"*! 
into f4>ur -sliort ti>c3. n«»t like tho h >*^f 
of an ox : the t«*eth c-Ttainly pr.^j*»ct, 
but it has m> mane, an-l its ta- 1, almost 
trilateral at the end. is very unlike 
that of a h<»r3e : nor d-x^^ it neiirh. the 
noise Iwin;^ Ixnwivn 1 >winir and sTiTint. 
injf. It.-? size far exco-Nls thM of the 
larjrejt ox. beinjr, when full irr »wn, 
from 11 to IS ft. lonar. Sia:*;« .f 
javelins {c\\ i. r»2^ may p><:>;v»ly '.nv-? 
been male of tho hi lo, b:ir ir is b.'t^-^^r 
saitoil for whips tuow cal'^'l ■• r ••» 
and shield"*. bi»th which w^^r*.* ixalo --f 
it in ancient a-* in uiHloni liin**?. 
VUny justly say:*, ** ad scuta gileasque 



impenetrabilis " (viii. 25>. It.-* Eiryp- 
tian name wa^: •>/•', "v^ith the article 
p-'>/'f. It is ?aid to liave btvn sacnxl 
to Mar^ (ch. 63). prdxildy tho jiiijmy 
deitv armed with swi.»rd an I sh'cl 1 
(At. Efir. pi. xli. pt. I). It wa.s a 
Typh<mian aniti:al. and **a Kipp'-p >- 
tamn» b»»uni"wa? staun>»Hl on t';-.* 
cake« used in the sicritico^ ft tLo 
festival for the return of I-«:s fr-^-u 
Phoen;c:a, on the 11th of Tybi iPrU. 
de !.-». ?. 5<1h It wa* ]»:•• briMy t':io 
6:»'.'!?'::**'i of Joh 1x1. l"i^ that "oat'-»::: 
Grra.as like an ox." au«l **l:o:h .... in 
the covert of the re!."*! and fo:i>." S«^-? 
Geseniu*. Heb. L*»x.. where the w.-rxi 
ii? thousrht to be Eiryptian, />-• '•"-■■» '■.*. 
" the water-ox." Shiol'i* ar** sti'.l 
made of its hide V>y the Krhi'*j>iar:< 
and Blacks of Afnci as of ol-.l. a-: well 
as of the cr>x?t»dile, srirafFo. anl ba!l"s 
hile.-'^G.W." 

• Accordinz to Pornhvrv .ap. Eu'S»'>. 
Pnep. Ev. X. iii. p.' iV,*; }i.) H?r .- 
dotn.4 trau'sf onv-l h.is a*CHi:it3 of 
the pha?n:x. tho h:np ; t i*uu«i, a'.d 
the m ^le of cnTcViiirz t'.: ' orv-Ii'.o 
b I lily fr"a H?:;i:;c i-. iiiik-Mj • n'y :i 
row verbiil a -teni: ■'■:!:«. 1: i- p --!.!* 
that thi* <ta:o!iio:iT r.iy bv* tri :i 
r^ri'-ls th» twi ij-ii l.-uM ■ I-i. t'.'-i.'i 
one w '::'. 1 think that Ht I '.'i- tn •.: '. 
have had eqaal means *.( p'^r-^nal 



FISH OF THE NILE. 



72. Otters ^ also are found in the Nile, and are considered 
sacred. Only two sorts of fish are venerated,* that called the 



pbaerration with the eurtier writer. 
In the case of the phcenii, Porphjry'B 
Kccoant cannot be received, for it in 
evident tbat HerodotDB drew directlj 
from the Eg^ptim pictnrea. He a&je, 
raoreoTer (in&a, oh. 99), that all bis 
aoooDDt of ^7pi IB the resolt of bis 
own idecM Sad obaerratioita. This, 
howeTBr, maf be an eiaggeration. 

' The name tritpiii ia indeSnite, 
Ukd the otter i> unknown in Egypt ; 
bnt Anunianns HarcellinoB (xxii. 14 ; 
p. 336) eipUing it bj showing that 
the " hydma waa a kind of ichnea- 
mon;" and thongb Herodotng waa 
aware of the eiiHtenoo of the iohnea- 
mon, be may easily bare mistaken it | 



for the ott«r, as modem traTollera are 
known to do, on seeing it coming ont 
of tbe riTer.— [G. W.] 

' The fiah particalaily sacred were 
the Oxyrhinchos, tbe Lepidotoa, and 
the Phogms or eel ; and the Latna 
was sacred at LatopoliB, h the Ugeotea 
at Elephantine. The OxjrbinchoB, 
which gave its name to tbe oitj where 
it was particnlarlj hoQonred, had, as 
its name shows, a " pointed noae," and 
waa the same aa the modem MJideh, 
tbe Hormyms Oxyrhinchoa. It ia 
often found in bronie. So highly was 
it revered at Oxyrhincbna that k 
qnarrel took place between that oity 
and the people of Cyoopolifl, in con- 




Chap. 72. 



THE VULPANSER. 



121 



lepidotus and the eel. These are regarded as sacred to the 
Nile, as likewise among birds is the vulpanser, or fox-goose.® 



sequence of their having eaten one ; 
and no Oxyrhinchite would eat any 
other fish taken by a hook, lest it 
should have been defiled by having at 
any time wounded one of their sacred 
fish (Plut. de Is. vii. 18, 22). The 
Lepidotus was a scaly fish, but it is 
uncertain whether it was the Kelb-el. 
Bahi* (Salmo dentex), the Kisher (or 
Gisher), a name signifying " scaly," 
the Perca Nilotica, or the Benny 
(Cyprinus Lepidotus) ; and the bronze 
representations do not clear up the 
question, though they favour the 
claims of the last of the three (see 
Plut. de Is. 8. 18). The Phagrus or 
eel was sacred at Syene and at Pha- 
groriopolis, and the reason of its being 
sacred at this last place was evidently 
in order to induce the people to keep 
up the canal. Of the habits of some 
fish of Egypt, see Strabo, xv. p. 486. 
It is uncertain what species the Latus 



and Max>tcs were, and ^lian thinks 
the Phagrus and Maeotes were the 
same fish (see At. Eg. W. vol. v. p. 
253). But all people did not regard 
these fish with the same feelings, and 
all kinds are represented as caught 
and eaten in different parts of Egypt. 
The people, not priests, ate them both 
fresh and salted, and fishing with the 
hook, the bident (At. Eg. W. vol. iii. 
p. 41), and the net, are among the 
most common representations in the 
paintings of Thebes and other places, 
and an amusement of the rich as well 
as an occupation of the poor. Several 
fish have been found embalmed in the 
tombs ; but it has been difficult to 
ascertain their species ; though this 
would not prove their sancity, as 
everything found dead was embalmed 
and buried to prevent its tainting the 
air.— [G. W.] 




No. V. 



• This goose of the Nile was an 
emblem of the Grod Seb, the father of 
Osiris; but it was not a sacred bird. 
It signified in hieroglyphics a " s<m,'* 
and occars over the nomens of Pha- 
raohs with the Sun, signifying " son 



of the sun." Horapollo protends that 
it was so used because of its affoction 
for its young ; but though it does dis- 
play great con rage and cunning in 
protecting them, it was not adopted 
on that account, but from the phonetic 



122 



THE PHCENIX. 



Book II. 



73. They have also another sacred bird called the phopnix,^ 
which I myself have never seen, except in pictures. Indeed, 
it is a great rarity, even in Egypt, only coming there (accord- 
ing to the accounts of the people of Heliopolis) once in five 
hundred years, when the old pha^nix dies. Its size and ap- 
pearance, if it is like the pictures, are as follows: — The plum- 
age is partly red, partly golden, while the general make and 
size are almost exactly that of the eagle. They tell a story of 
what this bird does, which does not seem to me to be credible : 



«, **8on.'* 




initial of its imme«5, vrith a line bring 
As an ombloui of Sob it 
was conncc'tCHl with 
the great ^Lundane 
Kjrir, in which form 
the chaotic mn^« of 
t)ie world was pro- 
duced. Part of the 
2r»th chapttT of the 
funereal ritual trans. 
lated hx Dr. Ilinckn contains this 
d<^nui, alluded to in the Orfdiic Cos- 
nM»p«ny : ** I am the Kgg of the Great 
Cacklor. T have pn»tii.'ted the Gn^at 
Kjrg laid by Seb iu t he world : I grow, 
it grows in turn : I live, it lives in 
turn : 1 bn*atln'. it bn^tlu^s in turn." 
Thi.M Mr. Hiivh shows to Ih> ns*'d «m 
eoilins i>f the jieritHl about the 12th 
dynasty. (StH* (iliddonV Otia Kg. ]k 
K\,) On tlie Orphic rosniogi«ny and 
the connect i«'n U'twcen the Kurg atul 
(Mmmus (Satuni, the Seb i»f Kgy]it), 
w»e Damascius in CoryV l^'iiirments, 
p. 'Ml\i .\n.t|»»i»hanes (HiiiN 7kM}) 
nientiiuis the I'^^ix pnKlnceil by "black- 
winpHl night.* ^I't^ry, p. Lt»:», and 
wH^ Orphic llynin to rr»>togi»nus, i>. 
5JtM.) A«i Seb and N«*t]H* nn^wcriHl to 



{^itnm and Rhea, their childi*cn Osiris 
and Isis, being brother and sister, 
answereil to Jnpiter and Jnuo, though 
they did not n;ally bear any other 
resemblance to them. Seb and Netpe 
were the Earth and the Heaven above. 
— [G.W.] 

* This bird I formerly suj^posed to 
be the one represented on the m<mu- 
ments with human hands, and often 
with a man's head and leg)*, in an 
attitude <»f prayer (figs, 1,2), but it is 
evident that Mr. Stuart Pmile is right 
iu ct>nsidering the Benno ithe bird of 
C>»iris) the true Phoenix (tiir. l\) ; and 
the former appears to l>e the " pure 
soul '' of the king. HeriMlotup. Taci- 
tns, and Pomp. Mela fix its return ai 
500 Tears, wiiieh is evidcntlv an as- 
tnmumical ])eritHl ; but Tacitus says 
«»me give it 1 161 years, which points 
to the coincideniv of the lUM) intcr- 
ealatetl with the 1 kU vagne years : 
and this is cimfirmeil by its being 
plac<»<l at an e<iual distance of time 
iK'tween each Sothic perio«l ^^r 730 
vears bef«»re and after the d.^ir-srar^ 
on tliC ciMling of the Memnoniuin. — 
O. W.^ 





Chap. 73, 74. 



THE SACRED SERPENTS. 



123 



that he comes all the way from Arabia, and brings the parent 
bird, all plastered over ^vith myrrh, to the temple of the smi, 
and there buries the body. In order to bring him, they say, 
he first forms a ball of myrrh as big as he finds that he can 
carry ; then he hollows out the ball, and puts his parent in- 
side, after which he covers over the opening with fresh myrrh, 
and the ball is then of exactly the same weight as at first ; so 
he brings it to Egypt, plastered over as I have said, and de- 
posits it in the temple of the Sim. Such is the story they tell 
of the doings of this bird. 

74. In the neighboiurhood of Thebes there are some sacred 
serpents ^ which are perfectly harmless.^ They are of small 



' The horned snake, vipera cerastes, 
is common in Upper Egypt and 
throDghont the deserts. It is very 
poisonous, and its habit of burying 
itself in the sand renders it particu- 
larly dangerous. Pliny (N. H. viii. 23) 
notices this habit. Herodotus is cor- 
rect in describing it of small size, but 
the harmless snakes he mentions had 
doubtless been made so ; and Diodorus 
very proi)erly classes them among 
venomous reptiles. There is no au- 
thority from the sculptures for its 
being sacred, even at Thebes, though 
the asp is shown to have been a sacred 
snake. The frequent repetition of the 
cerastes in the hieroglyphics is owing 
to its occurring so often in "he," 
"him," "his," and for the letter / in 
other words. It is found embalmed 
at Thebes, like other reptiles and 
animals *which have no claim to sanc- 
tity, and in ordinary tombs, but not in 
the temple of Amun. Diodorus even 
thinks the hawk was honoured on ac- 
count of its hostility to these, as well as 
other, noxious reptiles ; and as Hero- 
dotus docs not notice the asp, it is 
possible that he may have attributed 
to the cerastes the honour that really 
belonged to that sacred snake. The 
asp or Naia was the emblem of the 
Goddess Ranno, and was chosen to 
preside over gardens, from its destroy- 
ing rats and other vermin. Altars 
and offerings were placed before it, as 



before dragons in Etroria and Borne. 
It was also the snake of Neph or Nou, 
and apparently the representative of 
Agathodsemon. In hieroglyphics it 
signified " Goddess ; " it was attached 
to the head-dresses of gods and kings, 
and a circle of those snakes composed 
the " asp.formed crowns " mentioned 
in the Roeetta atone. Being the sign 
of royalty, it was called fiatrixUrxos 
(basilisk), "royal," equivalent to its 
Egyptian name tirceus, from ouro, 
" king." It is still common in gar- 
dens, and called in Arabic Ndsher. In 
length it varies from 3 to 4^ feet, and 
the largest I have found was 5 feet 
11 inches. It is very venomous. It 
resembles the Indian cobra {Naia tri- 
pudians) in its mode of raising itself, 
and expanding its bi'east ; but it has no 
" spectacles " on its head. If Cleo- 
patra's death had been caused by any 
serpent, the small viper would rather 
have been chosen than the large asp ; 
but the story is disproved by her 
having decked herself in " the royal 
ornaments," and being found dead 
" without any mark of suspicion of 
poison on her body." Death from a 
serpent's bite could not have been 
mistaken ; and her vanity would not 
have allowed her to choose one which 
would have disfigured her in so fright- 
ful a manner. Other poisons worn 
well understood and easy of access, 
and no boy would have ventured to 



124 



THE WISOED SERPENTS. 



Book II. 



size, and have two boms growing out of the top of the head. 
These snakes, when they die, are buried in the tein2)le of 
Jupiter, the god to whom they are sacred. 

75. I went once to a certain place in Arabia, almost exactly 
opposite the city of Buto,* to make inquiries concerning tht* 
winged serpents.^ On my arrival I saw the back-bones and 
ribs of serpents in such numbers as it is impossible to de- 
scribe: of the ribs there were a multitude of heaps, some 
great, some small, some middle-sized. The place where the 



carry an a^p in a haisket of tips, some 
of which lie even otfere*! to the (^unixl^ 
as he passtnl, ami Plutarch (Vit. 
Anton.) thow? that the st« ry of the 
asp was di>uhte<l. Nor is the statue 
carrieil in Anurnstun' triumph which 
had an a.«p niM.n it any pnH.if of his 
belief in it. i:ince that ^nake was the 
emblem of Eg'vptian n^valtr : the 
statae (or the cn.»wn) of (.'Un^paira 
eonld not hare been without one, and 
this was pn>bal>ly the origin of the 
whole storv. — 'G. W.^ 

• The bite of the cerastes or homed 
snake is deadlr ; but of the manv 
serpents in E^rypt, three only are 
poisontm<: — the cerastes, the asp or 
naia, and the common riper. i>tnilx) 
(xv. p. UK»M mentions larw vijiers in 
EgT]>t. nearly cubits h-riir. hut the 
longest asp does mt exceo'i 6 fcit. 
and that is rorv unn.sual. - -~<t. W.~ 

"• This citr of Huto was diffr-rent 
fVom that in the Delta. Soii.e thir.k 
it w&s at Bflhi.iij.'t vi^uhastis Ain^a\ cr 
at Ahhasi'ih,— Vi. W.^ 

' Tlie winpetlst^rjvnts of Herod' tus 
hare puzzKhI many jvrsons from tl:e 
time of Pausanias to the present Jay. 
Isaiah [xxx. d) mentions the " tierr 
flying 8er|H*nt.'* The (Vyptian sculp- 
tnroa n^pnvent si^me emblematic 
■nakos with bird's wings and human 
]flgB. Tho DraC'% tt^hms of Linna?as 
has wingH, which might answer tu the 
doionption given by llervxlotus, bnt it 
dtwi not fnM)uent Rgypt. . The only 
flying en»atun» the ibis could Ik» ex- 
|HH)t«Hl to attack, on its flight into 
Kgypt, and for which it would have 



been l*K>ke<l upon as a particular l>ene- 
f act or to EcrypT, was the lncu?i ; ant I 
the swarms of these large destructiri* 
insects do c<»me fnim the east. In 
Syria I harr aovn thrm jnst hatched 
in the spring still nnable to fly : and 
some idea of the size and desinictive- 
ness of a flight of hxrusts may b«^ 
derived from the fjict of a swanii 
settling and corering the ground for 
a distance of 4i miles. It is sinirnlar 
that Uennlotus should not have men- 
tionetl locusts, flights of which arv 
seen in winter, spring, and summer : 
and among the many monsters, real 
animals, and birds n^presenteil in the 
Egyptian paintings, so extracnliuarv 
a serpent c«>uld nr t he unmiticeil. Tho 
IrK'usts and the real existence of a 
Praco V'-'lans mar hare letl to tho 

• 

storv ; and, as Cuvier remarks, all 
that can be said is that IT(>r>'ili tas 
saw a hoaji of Nines without having 
ascertained, bovond ro]" rt. how ihev 
came there. Pau"i;inias sei'^nis t*» have 
convinced himself of their cxistenc** 
by Ijelicring in a srill stranger reptile, 
a sc«'r{)ion with w:n::s like a bat'<, 
br». ucht bv a Phrririan tix. c. 21) 
There is. howerer. no doubt that tho 
ibis destroved snakes : and Curier 

m 

found the skin of one partly digested 
in the intestines of one of those 
mummied binls. Its fux^l also c^ n. 
sisted of bivtles. which hare boott 
found in another s]»ecimon. See ilo. 
kh1« tus. B. iii. ch. 10>, where !.•■ 



describes the winged >eri»€uis 
Ambia.— ~tl. W. 



•-■i 



Chap. 74-76. 



THE IBIS. 



125 



bones lie is at the entrance of a narrow gorge between steep 
mountains, which there open upon a spacious plain communi- 
cating with the great plain of Egypt. The story goes, that 
with the spring the winged snakes come flying from Arabia 
towards Egypt, but are met in this gorge by the birds called 
ibises, who forbid their entrance and destroy them all. The 
Arabians assert, and the Egyptians also admit, that it is on 
account of the service thus rendered that the Egyptians hold 
the ibis in so much reverence. 

76. The ibis is a bird of a deep-black colour, with legs like 
a crane ; its beak is strongly hooked, and its size is about that 
of the landrail. This is a description of the black ibis which 
contends with the serpents. The commoner sort, for there 
are two quite distinct species,® has the head and the whole 
throat bare of feathers ; its general plumage is white, but the 
head and neck are jet black, as also are the tips of the wings 
and the extremity of the tail ; in its beak and legs it resembles 
the other species. The winged serpent is shaped like the 
water-snake. Its wings are not feathered, but resemble very 
closely those of the bat. And thus I conclude the subject of 
the sacred animals. 



* The first described by Herodotus 
as all black, was the one which fonght 
against the (winged) serpents. It is 
the This Falcinellus (Temm.), or glossy 
ibis. The colour is a reddish-brown 
shot with dark-green and purple ; the 
size 1 foot from the bi'east to the end 
of the tail. The other is the " Nume- 
nius Ibis/* or " Ibis religiosa " of 
modem naturalists, the Aboo Hannea 
of Bruce, which is white with black 
pinions and tail ; the head and part of 
the back being without feathers, as 
described by Herodotus. This is the 
one so frequently found embalmed in 
Egypt. Its body measures 12 inches 
in length, and 4^ in diameter, and the 
beak 6 inches. The leg from the knee 
to the plant of the foot is about 4^ 
inches. (See Ouvier's Theory of the 
Earth, Jameson, p. 300.) Both speoiea 



have a curved beak. The great ser- 
vices the ibis rendered by destroying 
snakes and noxious insects were the 
cause of its being in such esteem in 
Egypt. The stork was honoured for 
the same reason in Thessaly ; and even 
now the Turks look upon it with such 
good-will that it would be considered 
a sin to kill one ; on which account it 
feels so secure that, in Asia Minor, it 
builds its nest on the walls and houses 
within reach of man ; and to the 
credit of the Turks it must be said 
that they treat animals in general 
much more kindly than Europeans. 
A similar regard is paid to storks in 
Holland. 

The ibis was sacred to Thoth, the 
Egyptian Hermes. See above, note • , 
on oh. 67.— [G. W.] 



126 



MODE OF LIFE OF THE EOVPTIAXS. 



77. With respect to the Egyptians themsetves, it is to be 
remarked that those who live in the com country,^ devoting 
themselves, as they do, far mote than any otlier people m the 
world, to the preservation of the memory of past actions, ore 
the beet skilled in history of any men that I have ever met. 
The following ia the mode of hfe habitual to them : — For three 
Buccessive days in each month they purge the body by means 
of emetics and clysters, which is done out of a regard for their 



1 This it in contnulUtinction to the 
marah-laodB, sod aignifimUpper Egypt, 
■a it includes the citj of Chemmia ; 
but when he saja the; hare no Tinea 
in the couotiy, and onlj drink beer, 
hia atBtement is oppoaed to fact, and 
to the ordinary hi^ita of the Eg;p- 
tJana. In the neighbonrhcxid of 
HeniphiB, at Thebee, and the places 
between thoee two citiee, u well aa at 
Bileithfiaa. aJI corn-growing districtH, 
thej ate wbeaten bread and coltiTBted 
the *ine. Heiodotna ma;, therefore, 
hare had in view the oom-coantiy, in 
the interior of the broad Delta, 
where the allDTial soil was not well 
■oited to the vine, and where Sebeonj- 
tna alone waa noted for its wine. 
K)at of the other vinofarda were at 
Harea, and in places similarlf aitn- 
ated near the e<l^ of the deeert, 
where the light soil was better salted 
to them ; though grapes for the table 
were prodDccd in all parts of the 
country. Wino waa Dniveisally used 
by the rich throaghont Egypt, and 
beer supplied its place at tho t&blea of 
the poor, not becanse " they had no 
Tines in their country,'' but becanae it 
w*H cheaper ; and the same was their 
reason for eating bread made of the 
Holeui tirrghum (or J>CH>ra) like the 
peasants of modem EgypI, and not 
because it was " the greatest disgrace 
to «*t whesten bread." (See aboTe, 
note * on oh. 3& ) And that wine was 
known in Lower as well as Dpper 
Egypt is shown by the laraelitea 
mentioning the desert as a place 
which had " no ligs, or FiWj,orpome. 

Egypt (Gen. iL 10; Numb. ii. B.) 



Winea of various kinds wore offered in 
the temples; and being very gene- 
rally placed by tbo nltar in glada 
bottles of a particular shape, the^o 
oame to rapiesent in bieroglyphica 
what they contained, and lo signify 
" wine," without the word itself 




'*l.flpo.j.t M" V"'W • 


i.,.aro 


•Ef Mi- *'">--!«■• I**" 




nloss indeed he uses i 


for SMr,r, •' a 


ladle," or " gmsU jug 


,■• which the 


lense seems to require 


and which is 



1 X., 425 



(See : 



n eha. 1!^, 



37, and 60.) Another reading I 
Jpwtr . - - - ain>xi>4<'v>'. AlhenFeua 
(i. p. 33 1) describes the Egyptiaua 
as much addicted to wiue. on his own 
and on tbeauIhoritT of Dio; and snva 
(i- p. 31 a) that UeltnnicuB fanciW 
tbe Tine waa ficnt diieoiered at Plin. 
thint, a city of Egypt.— [G. W.J 



THEIB OOOD HEALTH. 



127 



health, since they have a, persuasion that every diseaee to which 
men are liable is occasioned by the substances whereon they feed. 
Apart from any such precautions, they are, I beheve, next to 
the Libyans,^ the healthiest people in the world — an effect 
of their climate, in my opinion, which has no sudden changes. 
Diseases almost always attack men when they are exposed to 
a change, and never more than daring changes of the weather. 
They Hve on bread made of spelt, which they form into loaves 
called in their own tongue qfUentis.^ Their drink is a wine which 
they obtain from barley,' as they have no vines in their country. 
Many kinds of fish they eat raw, either salted or dried in the sun.' 



■ Their he&ltli was attribntoble 
tkeir living in the drj atmnapbere ot 
the deaert, where siclaieaH is rarel; 
known, Hs the Arabs show who now 
IJFB there. See note ' od oh. 84.— 
[G. W.] 

* Athentens (X. p. 419 ■) aaj-i the 
Egj^tians were great eatet's of bread, 
and had a kind called CjllSatia. This 
he afflnnB on the aathority of Heca- 
tteoB. Ho also epeake of a " aubocid 
breftd of the Egyptiaae, callod Cyllaa- 
tis, mentioned by AriBtophanes in 
theDaoaida;" and adda, " Nicander 
moDtionB it aa made of barley " (iii. 
p. 114), Hosjohins saya, KiKKaartt 
iipTot Tir iy hl-firrrtf inrh bi^iii i£ 
6\ipa!.—lG. W.] 

I This ia the oT™i -ptBii-os of Xeno- 
phon. Diodoms (i. 31) meotiona it aa 
" a beTerage from barley called by the 
Egyptians tythus," which he tbinka 
"noCmDcb inferior to wine." Athe- 
mcos (i. p.ZiAj X. p. 418 *) oallH it 



"macerated barley;" and lays Aris- 
totle sapposea tbat men dmnk with 
wine lie on their (aces, bat those 
with Ijoer on their backa. He cites 
Hooatffina respecting the use of beer 
in Egypt, whoae words are, t^ KpiBas 
■if Tb riixa xaTriA/suffi, I have fonnd 
the residue of acme malt at I'hebes, 
onco used for making beer. Xonophon 
(Anab. iv. 5) apcaks of a sort of 
fermity of beer in Armenia dmnk 
tb rough reeds baving no joints. — 
[G. W.] 

' The coatom of drying flah is fre- 
quently representod in the acalpturoa 
of Upper and Lower Egypt. (On the 
fisheriea, see n. • ch. 149.) Pifihing 
waa a favourite amueement of the 
Egyptians 1 and the skill of aporta- 
men was shown by spearing fish with 
the bident. The fishermen by trade 
canght them in long drag-nets, the 
tine being confined to poor people, and 
to those who " cost angle " for amuae- 




Quaile * also, and ducks and small birds, they ent uncooked, 
iDprcly first salting tliem. All other birds and fishes, except- 

mont; nnd a Inr^n.- duulilc-hanilloil | dwxI tho wicker trapof modem Kj^-pt 

iBndinn-not wnit oiiipliiyiHl Tiir Hhoala , niul Inilin. It. is a bankot abunt 2^ 

of iindl try. It in bIim> iimlmble tliat fwjt biffh, entirely cpan at the IkiCIodi, 

when the iiiuiulntiim ivlinil, they I where i " " 




Kg.!!. a.n.aMl. 



FISH AND BIBD3. 



ing those which are set apart as sacred, are eaten either 
roasted or boiled. 



with a. oDaMer openitig 
abont 8 inehea ■- ■""' 
being pnt down u 



whatever fish ia eaclosed within it is 
taken oot bj the man who thrnsta hia 
ann through the npper Orifice. See 
At. Eg- W. vol. iii. p. 41 and 53-68.— 



_t. Eg- 
[Q. W.] 



* Qoaila ware caogbt, both in Upper 
and Lower Ggypti ^'^^ other birds, in 
large cIsp-Deta and in traps (woodonta 
J. and II.) T and at Bhinooulora, on tba 
e^tge of the Syrian desert, the cnlprits, 
banished hj Actimnea to that spot, 
oanght them in long nets made of 
split reeds (Died. i. 60). The catch- 




I30 



THE COFnW AT FEAST& 



•^ II 



78. In social meetinga among the rich, when the banquet is 
ended, a servant carries round to the several guests a coffin, 
in which there is a wooden image of a corpse,* carved and 
painted to reaemble nature as nearly as possible, about a cubit 
or two cubits in length. As he shows it to each guest in turn, 
the servant says, " Gaze here, and diink and be merry ; for 
when you die, such will you be." 

79. The Egyptians adhere to their own national customs, 
and adopt no foreign usages. Many of these customs are 
worthy of note : among others their song, the Linus,* which 



iag, drying, and salting of birds nro . 
freqoentlv rcjircgerled in the eoulp- 
turea. {W<x-<li-ut 111.)— [G. W.] I 

* The fiftun) introdnced at enpper ! 
was of a nitimmT in (be aenal furm of 
OttiriB, either stnuding, or Ijing ou a 




bier, intended to warn the gueate of 
their mortality ; and the eome is 
described at the feast of Trimalcbio 
(Petnm. Satyrio. c. 3i). The oiiginal 



object of the cuHlom was diiu1)lli'.'<ii 
with a view to teach men '' to luvo 
one another, and to avoid tboeo ovils 
which tend to mnko them cousider 
life too long, when in raality il in too 
abort" (£ce Flat, de U. B. tii ; and 
Sept. Sap. Conriv. p. 148 a) ; but the 
salutAry advice waa often diaro^rdod, 
■nd the sense of it perverted by inaiij' 
who copied the onHtom i aa the " uii. 
godly " in Judges need it to orifp men 
to enjoy the good tbingi of ihia lift', 
and baoish the thonghta of all boyiiml 
the present. (Book of Wisdom, ii, 1, 
&c. i Is. uiL 3 ; Ivi. 12 ; Ecclos. ii. 
21; Lnkeiii.l9i and 1 Corinth, xv. 
32. Cp. Anne. Od. iv. and Hor. 2 Orl. 
iii. 13.) Some havo snppoaed liiis 
custom proved the Egyptianii to be of 
a BCriooa character, though it would 
rather be a neccBparj- hint for a tiio 
lively people. But their view of death 

was with the pros]>ect of a happy 
union with Osiris.— [G. W.] 

' This song had different names in 
Egypt, in I'bccnicia, in Cyprus, and 
other placcB. In Grei'co it wax ca.]U:il 
Linos, in E|^)t Maneros. The stories 
told of Linus, the inventor of melody, 
and of bis death, are mere fables ; 
and it is highly improbable that the 
death of Maneros, the son of the first 
king of Egypt, sbonld have been 
recorded in the songs of Syria. Julius 
FoUni (iT, 7) aaya the song of Mane- 
ros was snug by the Egyptian pea- 
santa, and that this fabulona personage 
" ' of husbandry, ao 



Chap. 78, 79. 



THE LINUS OR MANEROS. 



131 



is sung under various names not only in Egypt but in 
PhoDnicia, in Cyprus, and in other places ; and which seems 
to be exactly the same as that in use among the Greeks, and 
by them called Linus. There were very many things in 
Egypt which filled me with astonishment, and this was one of 
them. Whence could the Egyptians have got the Linus ? It 
appears to have been sung by them from the very earliest 
times.® For the Linus in Egyptian is called Maneros ; and 



honour always given to Osiris — ytwp- 
ylas fvptT^Sj Movacov fiaSririis. Some 
think the " son of the first king " 
means Horns, the son of Osiris ; and 
the name might bo Man-Hor. Indeed 
there appears in the hieroglyphics to 
bo this legend, " Men -Re, the maker 
of hymns," which wonld apply to Re, 
the sun. Plutarch (de Is. s. 17) states 
that the song was suitod to festivities 
and the pleasures of the table; and 
adds that Maneros was not a name, 
but a complimentary mode of greeting, 
and a wish '* that what they were 
engaged in might tnm out fortu- 
nately.'* Pansanias (ix. 29) says that 
Linus and Adonis were sung tf>gethor 
by Sappho, and thinks that Homer 
mentions him (II. xviii. 570) ; though 
others refer \iyoy to the flaxen cords 
of the lyre (on the shield of Achil- 
Ins) : — 

Tojo-iv d' Iv fxfaaotai rair ^pixtfft \tyelri 
tjuepoev Ktffdpt^t' \ivov 6' vvo icaXoi/ &€i6t 

when having gathered the grapes, they 
danced to the air. Athenasns (Deipn. 
xiv. p. 620 a) says, ** Nymphis speaks 
of a youth having gone to fetch water 
for the reapers, who never returned, 
and was lamented by different people. 
In Eg^'pt he was called Maneros." 
The name Linus was related to ofAivoy, 
an expression of grief (c^Kiyd fioi 
^rrovox^T*, Mosch. Id. 1), partly com- 
pounded of the usual exclamation cJ, 
and some think of the Hebrew lun, 
" to complain ** or " murmur." (Op. 
Exod. XV. 24 J and rnelininif " mnrmur- 
ings;" Numbers xiv. 27.) But the 
Bong of Linus, like that of Maneros, 
was not necessarily of grief; and 



Euripides (cited by Athenseus, xiv. p. 
619 c) says Linus and Ailinus were 
suited to joy also. Linus and Maneros 
were probably the genius or imperson- 
ation of song. The Egj-ptians now 
use " ya laylee ! ya layl .' " as a chorus 
for lively songs, meaning " O my joy ! 
O night ! " alluding to the wedding- 
night; "ya layleCf dooSy ya laylee I" 
" O my joy, step, O my joy ! " alluding 
to the dam;o. Cp. Hebr. Hallely *' sing- 
ing, praising," whence hallelu-idh. — 
[G. W.] 

* The Eg3rptian songs and hymns 
wore of the earliest date, and, like 
their knowledge of painting and sculp- 
ture, were said to be 10,000 years old ; 
but Porphyry hints at the reason of 
their origin being attributed to Isis, 
for it was in order to ensure respect 
for them that *' they were preserved 
through successive ages as the actual 
poems of that Goddess." (Plato's 
Laws, book ii. p. 790.) Some have 
supposed their songs were of a mourn- 
ful kind, and the character of the 
Egyptians to be the same; but the 
term " magis moestiores " applied to 
them by Ammianus Marcel Linus is not 
consistent with their habits of buf- 
foonery, love of caricature, and natural 
quickness, nor with the opinion of 
Xenophon, confirmed by Pt-lybiuw 
(v. 81), who says, of all people they 
were the most addicted to raillery. 
(Cp. Her. ii. 60, 221. See At. Eg. W. 
ii. 1). 264. 442.) This is inherited by 
their successors ; as well as " grati- 
tude for favours confeired on them," 
which Diodorus (i. 90) says was meat 
remarkable in the Egyptians. — [G. W.J 



132 



DRESS OF THE EGYPTIANS. 



Boor II. 



they told me that Maneros was the only son of their first king, 
and that on his untimely death he was honoured by the 
Egyptians with these dirgelike strains, and in this way they 
got their first and only melody. 

80. There is another custom in which the Egyptians re- 
semble a particular Greek people, namely the Lacedsemonians. 
Their young men, when they meet their elders in the streets, 
give way to them and step aside ; '^ and if an elder come in 
where young are present, these latter rise from their seats. 
In a third point they differ entirely from all the nations of 
Greece. Instead of speaking to each other when they meet in 
the streets, they make an obeisance, sinking the hand to the 
knee. 

81. They wear a linen tunic fringed about the legs,® and 
called calasiris; over this they have a white woollen garment 
thrown on afterwards. Nothing of woollen, however, is taken 
to their temples or buried with them, as their religion forbids 



^ A similar respeot is paid to age hj 
the Chinese and Japanese, and even 
hj the modern Egyptians. In this 
the Greeks, except the Lacedsamo- 
nians, were wanting; and the well- 
known infltance at the theatre, men- 
tioned by Plutarch, agrees with what 
Herodotos says of them. The Jews 
were commanded to "rise up before 
the hoary head and honour the face of 
the old man" (Lorit. xix. 32). The 
mode of bowing with their hand ex- 
tended towards the knee agrees with 
the sculptares; one hand was then 
placed on the other shoulder or on the 
heart, or on the mouth, to keep the 
breath from the face of a superior. 
(See woodcut in note • to ch. 177.) 
Some even prostrated themselyos on 
the ground before great personages, 
'* in obeisance bowing themselves to the 
earth" (Gen. xlii. 26, 28), and knelt 
or " bowed the knee " before them, as 
the people were ordered to do before 
Joseph ((jen. xli. 43). And it is 
worthy of remark that the word 
**a}yrek** or "berek" is the name 
applied in Arabic to the kneeling 



of a camel to the present day. (Cp. 
rCiJchehf " knee," hdraka, a " blessing," 
from kneeling in prayer.) Before a 
king or a statue of a God, they often 
held up both arms, and uttered an ex- 
clamation, probably resembling the 
lo triumphe, and lo Bacche, of later 
times.— [G. W.], 

^ The great use of linen has been 
noticed above (see n. ^ ch. 37). The 
fringes were the ends of the threads 
(see woodcut No. I. figs. 7, 9, in ch. 
37). In some women's dresses the 
fringes were also left, but these were 
also more frequently hemmed. A 
shirt given by Professor Rosellini 
(p. 113, No. I. fig. 1), has the fringes. 
The same custom was adopted by the 
Israelites (Num. xv. 38), who were 
ordered to sew a blue riband on the 
fringe of the border; which calls to 
mind the blue border dyed with indigo 
found on some Egyptian linen, though 
that of the Iriraclites was intended to 
prevent its tearing. The woollen upper 
garment was only worn in cold weather 
(see At. Eg. W. vol. iii. p. 344 to 
851), and the prejudice against its 



Ch*p. 79-81. NOTHING OF WOOL BURIED WITH THEM. 155 

it. Here their practice resembles the rites called Orphic and 
Bacchic, but which are m reality Egyptian and Pythagorean ; * 

oie in BBcred plaoee ia perhaps the I moat dstibI dreesM of men ue those 

iCABon of itB not being repreaoDt^d id abown in No. II., below. For those 

the paintings. The name Calaairis ia of the priesthood, Bee above n. ' ch. 

■apposed to be Klathr (cXurp). The | S7. The" white "sandal (fainli), said 




to be vOTn bj the Egyptian (and I uid the Pjthagoreaii, being the same 

Athenian) priests, ia perbapa of Ittto as the Egyptian, sofflcientt; proves 

time. — [G. W.] whence thej were derived. Bee above, 

'The fact of theee, the Bacchic, | noto'onch. 61.— [Q. W.] 




»34 



MONTHS SACBED TO THE GODS. 



Book II. 

le buried in a 
ligncd for tlio 



for no one initiated in these mysteries c( 
woollen shroud, a religious reason being 
observance. 

82. The Egyptians likewise diHCOvercd to which of the gods 
each month and day Is sacred ; * and found out &:om the dtiy 



' Thia way partly be traced io the 

Thoth, Athor, and Pachons; and on a 
ODiliiiKof tbe Hemnoniam at Tfaebea, 
■cd on another at Edfoo, oach hna 
B god to wliich it bolnngg. Sumo 
mppoM thej jndicatn the foatirEUs of 
tho gods ; but this woold limit tbe 
festirala to twolvc in the year. It in, 
however, Hingular that the luonthi are 
not called by thoxo names, but are 
dosifpiated, as nBiial. us the lat. 2nd, 
3rd, and 4th montlia of tho three 
■easona. (See n. on eh. i in tho Ap., 
OH. ii.) The Riimana alao mode thrir 
twelre goda preiiiilo over the months ; 
and the days of tho week when intro- 
dnoed in lata timca, received the 
names of tho ann and moon and Gvo 
pltmetB, which have boon retained to 
the pretient day. Tho namcH of gods 
were also affixed to each day in tho 
SgTptisin almanacs, accordin); toChm- 
ramon, in the name manner as thnno 
of saints in the modoni calendar. The 
Egyptians divided tho year into 12 
months of .10 daya, from tho earliest 
timeaof which we liaveanyrecenl; and 
tho fabnlons reign of Osiris, 28 years, 
appears to have been taken from tbe 7 
days of 4 weoki". or 4 weeks of years, 
as their periiid of Triarcmtaeteridon, of 
30 years, was from the month cit 30 
daya. Dion CasKias (i<xvii. 18), too, 
distinctly sUtos that ■' the ]iractice uf 
referring the days of tlio week to the 
7 planets Ijegan among the Kgyptinns," 
The week of 7 days (aheha, psc) ia 
mentioned at the period of the Crea- 
tion, and it continued to bo oped in 
Uie timeof tho patriarchs (Gen. vii. 4 j 
nil. 27). It was probably of very 
early use among the Eirrp'tianB alfo, 
jndging from the 7 days' fflto of Apis 
■nd other hebdomadal divisions ; bat 
they generally make mention of 
decades or tena of days, vrhioh are 



still in uao among the Chinese. (On 
the uso of 7 days in Egypt, see n. nn 
ch. 109 in Ap. cH. vii.) The Egvp- 
tians had 12 hours of night and 1^ of 
day, and each had its |>ocuUar genius 
or goddoas, represented with n star on 
hsr bead, called Kau, " hour." Night 




Of titj. Fig. a. of-NiRht. 
was considered older than day, as 
darkness preceded light, and *' tho 
evening and the morning were tho 
first day," Tho expression "night 
and day " is still naod in tbe Elost, and 
onr " fortnight " pninta to an old 
oustom of counting nights instead of 
days. Tho notion that the Egyptians 
hod not the 12 hours of day and of 
night in the time of Hcrodotna is 
orronMins, aa they occur in a tomb of 



Chap. 81-83. 



DIVINATION. 



135 



of a man's birth, what he will meet with in the course of his 
life,^ and how he will end his days, and what sort of man he 
will be — discoveries whereof the Greeks engaged in poetry 
have made a use. The Egyptians have also discovered more 
prognostics than aU the rest of mankind besides. Whenever 
a prodigy takes place, they watch and record the result ; then, 
if anything similar ever happens again, they expect the same 
consequences. 

83. With respect to divination, they hold that it is a gift 
which no mortal possesses, but only certain of the gods : ® thus 



thetimeof Psammeticlins II., and in the 
tombs of the 20th Dynasty at Thebes. 
The word " hour " is said to be found 
as early as the 5th Dynasty (see Lep- 
sius, Band iii. Abth. ii. Bl. 72, 76), and 
with the name of King Assa. — [G. W.] 

^ Horoscopes were of very early use 
in Egypt (Iambi. 8, 4), as well as the 
interpretation of dreams ; and Cicero 
(De Div. i. 1) speaks of the Egyptians 
and Chaldees predicting future events, 
as well as a man's destiny at his birth, 
by their observations of the stars. 
This was done by them, as the monu- 
ments show, by observing the constel- 
lations that appeared on the eastern 
horizon at the moment of his birth, 
or any event they wished to decide 
about, took place. The fallacy of 
predicting a particular death from the 
** ascendant " at the time of any one's 
birth has been well exposed by Cicero, 
who asks, " Were all those who fell 
at Cannse bom under the same con- 
stellation, for they had all one and the 
same death ? " (De Div. ii. 47.) In- 
terpreters of dreams were often 
resorted to in Egypt (Exod. xli. 8) ; 
and Diodorus (i. 25) says the prayers 
of the devout were rewarded in a 
dream by an indication of the reme- 
dies an illness required. Cicero (De 
Fato, 6) speaks of the belief that 
"any one bom at the rising of the 
Dogstar could not be drowned in the 
Bea!"— [G. W.] 

' Yet the Egyptians sought to " the 
idols, and to the charmers, and to 
them that had familiar spirits, and to 
the wizards " (Is. xix. 3). HerodotaB 



probably means that none but oracles 
gave the real answer of the deity ; and 
this would not prevent the " prophets" 
and " magicians " pretending to this 
art, like the ficurrtis of Greece. To the 
Israelites it was particularly forbidden 
"to use divination, to be an observer of 
times, or an enchanter, or a witch, or a 
charmer, or a consulter with familiar 
spirits, or a wizard, or a necromancer.'* 
(Dent, xviii. 10, 11.) It is singular 
that the Hebrew word nahashj *' to 
use enchantments," is the same as the 
Arabic for "serpent." A Gnostic 
Papyrus in the British Museum, sup 
posed to be of the 2nd century, and 
found in Egypt, mentions divination 
" through a boy with a lamp, a bowl, 
and a pit," very like what is now 
practised in Egypt and Barbary ; and 
the employment of boys of old is 
mentioned by Origen and others. It 
also contains spells for obtaining power 
over spirits, for discovering a thief, for 
commanding another man's actions, 
for obtaining any wish, for preventing 
anything, &c. Others in the Leyden 
Museum contain recipes for good 
fortune, for procuring dreams, for 
making a ring to bring good fortune 
and success in every enterprise, for 
causing separation between man and 
wife, giving restless nights, for making 
oneself loved, &c. Magical tricks 
were practised of old also (Exod. vii. 
11), and they probably became more 
general in later corrupt times. (See 
Publ. Cambridge Ant. Soc. 8vo. No. 2.) 
Apuleius also mentions the magic of 
Egypt.— [G. W.] 



«35 



MEDICINE. 



Book II. 



ihey have an oracle of Hercules, one of Apollo, of Minerva, of 
Diana, of Mars, and of Jupiter. Besides these, there is the 
oracle of Latona at Buto, which is held in much higher repute 
than any of the rest. The inode of delivering the oracles is 
not uniform, but varies at the different shrines. 

64. Medicine is practised among them^ on a plan of 



^ Not only was the stady of medi- 
cine of very early date in Egypt, bnt 
medical men there were in snch 
repute that they were sent for at 
▼arioni times from other oonntries. 
Their knowledge of medicine is cele. 
brated by Homer (Od. iv. 229), who 
describes Polydamna, the wife of 
Thonis, as giving medicinal plants ** to 
Helen, in Egfypt, a country producing 

an infinite number of drags 

where each physician possesses know- 



ledge aboye all other men. 



«f 



O 



▼irgin daughter of Egypt," says Jere- 
miad (IxTi. 11), '* in vain shalt then 
use many medicines." Cyrus and 
Darius both sent to Egypt for medical 
men (Her. iu. 1, 132) ; and Pliny 
(ziz. 5) says post-mortem examina- 
tions were made in order to discover 
the nature of maladies. Doctors re- 
ceived their salaries from the treasury ; 
but they were obliged to conform in 
the treatment of a patient to the rules 
laid down in their books, his death 
being a capital crime, if ho was found 



to have been treated in any other 
way. But deviations from, and ap. 
proved additions to, the sacred pro- 
scriptions were occasionally niado; 
and the prohibition was only to pre- 
vent the experiments of young prac- 
titioners, whom Pliny considers the 
only persons privileged to kill a man 
with impunity. Aristotle indeed says 
"the Egyptian physicians were al- 
lowed after the third day to alter the 
treatment prescribed by authority, 
and even before, taking upon them- 
selves the responsibility" (Polit. iii. 
11). Experience gradually taught 
them many new remedies : and that 
they had adopted a method (of no 
very old standing in modem practice) 
of stopping teeth vrith gold is proved 
by some mummies found at Thebes. 
Besides the protection of society 
from the pretensions of quacks, the 
Egyptians provided that doctors should 
not demand fees on a foreign journey 
or on military service, when patients 
were treated free of expense (Diod. 








In Fig. 2 is s dedication **to Amon-re. 



Chap. 83, 84. SPECIAL PHYSICIANS FOR EACH DISORDER. 



X37 



separation ; each physician treats a single disorder, and no 
more : ^ thus the country swarms with medical practitioners, 
some undertaking to cure diseases of the eye, others of the 
head, others again of the teeth, others of the intestines, and 
some those which are not local.® 



i. 82) ; and we may conclnde that they 
were obliged to treat the poor gratis, 
on consideration of the allowance paid 
them as a body hj government. This 
has again become the custom in 
(Modem) Egypt. Herodotus (ii. 77) 
and Diodorus (i. 82) mention some 
methods of treatment; but poor and 
superstitious people sometimes had 
recourse to dreams, to wizards, to dona- 
tions to sacred animals, and to exvotos 
to the gods; and the model of an 
arm, a leg, an eye, or an ear, often 
recorded Hie accidental cure and the 
evident credulity of an individual, as 
in some countries at the present day. 
Charms were also written for the 
credulous, some of which have been 
found on small pieces of papyrus, 
which were rolled up and worn as by 
the modem Egyptians. 

Accoucheurs were women; which 
we learn from Exodus i. 15, and from 
the sculptures ; as in modem Egypt. 
The Bedouins of the desert still retain 
a knowledge of the properties of the 
medicinal plants that grew there, 
with some of which they supply the 
druggists of the towns. It is to the 
Arabs, who derived it from Egypt and 
India, that Europe is indebted for its 
first acquaintance with the science of 
medicine, which grew up in the school 
of Salerno ; and a slight memento of 
it is still retained in the Arab symbols 
used by our chemists. Pliny (vii. 66) 
says " the study of medicine was 
claimed as an Egyptian invention ; by 
others attributed to Arahas, the son of 
Babylon and ApoUo."— [G. W.] 

> The medical profession being so 
divided (as is the custom in modem 
Europe), indicates a great advance- 
ment of civilisation, as well as of 
medicinal knowledge. The Egyptian 
doctors were of the sacerdotal order, 
like the embalmers, who are called 



(in Genesis 1. 2) " Physicians,*' and 
were " commanded by Joseph to em- 
balm his father." They were of the 
class called Pastophori, who, accord- 
ing .to Clemens (Strom, lib. 6) being 
physicians, were expected to know 
about all things relating to the body, 
and diseases, and remedies, contained 
in the six last of the sacred books of 
Hermes. Manetho tells us that Atho- 
thes, the second king of Egypt, who 
was a physician, wrote the anatomical 
books ; and his name, translated Her- 
mogenes, may have been the origin of 
the tradition that ascribed them to 
Hermes, the Eg3rptian Thoth. Or the 
fable may mean that they were the 
result of intellect personified by Thoth, 
or Hermes. It is difficult to under- 
stand how their having " physicians 
for particular members of the body, 
and for particular diseases, affords 
another proof how rigidly the subdi- 
visions of the castes were kept sepa- 
rate,** as Heeren imagines, for they 
were of the same class; and our 
modem custom does not certainly lead 
to such an inference. In the Hermaic 
books a whole chapter was devoted to 
diseases of the eye. — [G. W.] 

• Pliny thinks the Egyptians were 
subject to numerous diseases (xxvi. 1) ; 
but in this he differs from Herodotus 
(ii. 77). Luxury, and disregard to 
the. regimen they followed of old, may 
have caused a change in later times, 
when leprosy, elephantiasis, and other 
diseases became common in Egypt ; 

** Est Elepbftfl morbus, qui propter flumiiu Nili 
Oignitur vGgypto in medl&, neque pnsterea 
usquam."— Lucarr. vi. 560. 

for Herodotus (ch. 77) shows how 
careful they were of health, and Dio- 
dorus (i. 82) says "0tpawt{MWffi rk 
<r<&fiara xXvafiois, icol rntrrtlais, Ktd 
ifi4roiSf* as well as by abstinence; 
being persuaded that the majority of 



tjH MOUBKISC. Bmi H. 

HH. TIjft f'jlloviri]^ !>> the way in which thty condact their 
m'/uniiiifi^ '' aittl their funtraLs : — On the death in any house of 
« man of cmM^'juencA, forthwith the women of the family be- 
pYmtint their h'^ailn, and Hometime-t even their faces, with mud ; 
ttii'i then, leaviiit; tlit; hody indtxtrs, sally forth and wander 
thr'iU(;li the city, with their drefis fastened hy a band, and 
tbfcir howftan harft, l^ating themselves as they walk. All the 
female rtilatiouH join them and do the same. The men too. 



^ Thfr nniiUini of WMipinK. ■ml tlirow- 
iUK (tuKt on th<-ir IirwIh, iji iittxn tv\itp. 
■nulHl un the fnnniitiiinitii ; wben tlio 



an<l wotncn haFp their drwapf 



thf limiiit beinic bare, ad dncribed h 




lwoiU;*.n«>riiiiii], 
■liiultiK lliii fiiiiiTiil ilii'ic 




rich olothing (Uitid. 1, UI) i and 



nfliT tho biiily had been rcmov-ed to 
the tumli il was nut anUBUal for tlio 
HFinr nilationa to exhibit tokens of 
(tricf, whoii tho liturpieB, or Bervices 
for Iho ilt'od, wore jwrformed by tlio 
]iriratM, I>y IwatiiiK thomxelvos on tiio 
bmiHt in prosenco of the miimm;. 
"f!mitinR tbenmrlTCa on tho broa«l " 
wan a common lokon of f^et in t)^e 
Kaxt (Lake ixiij. 48) which continues 
tt) tho present ilny. (See woodcnt 
above, and in n, • eh. 6»[ and comp. 
At. Kr. W. vol. V. page 253.) Tho 
Kiryptians ilid not "cut themBelrcs" 
in moDmin^ : tliia was a Syrian 
ruittinii. nnd forbidden to the Jena. 

-to. WJ 



Chap. 85, 86. 



EMBALMING. 



X39 



similarly begirt, beat their breasts separately. When these 
ceremonies are over, the body is carried away to be embalmed. 
86. There are a set of men in Egypt who practise the art of 
embalming, and make it their pr9per business. These 
persons, when a body is brought to them, show the bearers 
various models of corpses,® made in wood, and painted so as 
to resemble nature. The most perfect is said to be after the 



* These were in the form of Osiris ; 
and not only those of the best kind, 
bnt all the mammies were put up in 
the same position, representing the 
deceased as a figure of Osiris, those 
only excepted which were of the very 
poor people, and which were merely 
wrapped up in mats, or some other 
common coyering. Even the small 
earthenware and other figures of the 
dead wore in the same form of that 
Deity, whose name, Herodotus, as 
usual, had scruples about mentioning, 
from having been admitted to a par- 
ticipation of the secrets of the lesser 
Mysteries. Diodoms says (i. 91), 
" The most expensive mode cost a 
talent of silver (nearly 250?.), the 
second twenty-two minos {901.), and 
the third was veiy cheap. When the 
price had been agreed upon, and the 
body given to the embalm ers, the 
scribe marked on the left side of the 
body the extent of the incision to bo 
made, and then the * paraschistes ' 
(dissector) cut open as much of the 
flesh as the law permitted with an 
Ethiopian stone (flint), and imme- 
diately ran away, pursued by those 
present with bitter execrations, who 
pelted him with stones. One then in- 
troduced his hand and took out all the 
viscera, except the kidneys and heart; 
another cleansed them with palm wine 
and aromatic preparations, and lastly, 
after having applied oil of cedar, and 
other things to the whole body for up- 
wards of thirty days, they added 
myrrh, cinnamon, and varions drugs 
for preserving the body, and it was 
restored to the friends, so well pre- 
served that every feature might be 
recognized." On this it may be 



observed, 1st, that the opening in the 
left side is perfectly correct ; and over 
it the sacred eye represented on a flat 
piece of lead, or wax, was placed ; and 
through it the viscera were returned. 
Four wax figures, of the four genii of 
Amenti, were also put in with them, 
when the viscera were not deposited 
in the vases, which are so often found 
in the tombs. Of these four vases one 
had a lid representing the head of 
a man, another had that of a Cynoce- 
phalus, another of a jackal, and the 
fourth of a hawk ; and in these the 
viscera of first-class mummies were 
generally deposited. The first held 
the stomach and large intestines; the 
second the small intestines ; the thii'd 
the lungs and heart (showing Diodorus 
to be in error) ; and the fourth the 
gall-bladder and liver. 2nd- Herodo- 
tus and Diodoms are not justified in 
confining the modes of embalming to 
three, since the mummies show a far 
greater variety, and the prices must 
have varied in like manner. 3rd. The 
execrations against the " paraschistes" 
could only have been a form, if really 
uttered, which seems very doubtful. 
4th. The features could not be recog- 
nized, being covered with numerous 
folds of cloth, and the only face scon 
was that of the painted mummy case. 
The statement of Porphyry that the 
intestines were thrown into the river, 
after an invocation to the sun, is un- 
worthy of belief. Everything belong- 
ing to the body was buried, and 
apparently even the sawdust, used for 
absorbing the water that washed the 
intestines, which was put up into 
small linen bags, and deposited in 
earthenware jars. — [G. W.] 



I40 



BEST MODE OF EMBALMING. 



Book IL 



manner of him whom I do not think it religious to name in 
connection with such a matter ; the second sort is inferior to 
the first, and less costly; the third is the cheapest of all. 
All this the embalmers explain, and then ask in which way it 
is wished that the corpse should be prepared. The bearers 
tell them, and having concluded their bargain, take their de- 
parture, while the embalmers, left to themselves, proceed to 
their task. The mode of embalming, according to the most 
perfect process, is the following : — They take first a crooked 
piece of iron,® and with it draw out the brain through the 



* The mnmmies afford ample evi- 
dence of the brain having been ex- 
tracted throagh the nostrils ; and the 
" dmgs " were employed to clear out 
what the instroment conld not touch. 
There can be no doubt that iron was 
used in Egypt, though it is not pre- 
served there, nor in any other country, 
beyond a certain time. The blue 
colour of swords, and other weapons 
in the painted tombs of Thebes, shows 
that the Egyptians used iron, or steel, 
as well as bronze; and this last was 



also employed by the Romans and 
Etruscans, long after iron implements 
and arms were common. Iron was 
known in the days of Job (zzviii. 2) ; 
Moses mentions Tubal Cain, the in- 
structor of every artificer in brass and 
iron (Gen. iv. 22), and compares Egypt 
to an " iron furnace " (I)eut. iv. 20) ; 
Og King of Bashan, who lived about 
1450 B.C., had a bedstead of iron 
(Dent. iii. 11) ; and Homer shows the 
quenching of iron to case.hardon it 
was well known, when he adopts it as 




a simile, and compares the hissing 
noise produced by piercing the eye of 
Polyphemus to the effect of plunging 
the heated metal in water. (Od. is. 
391.) Thrasyllus (Clem. Strom, i.) 
agrees with the Arundelian marbles 
in supposing that iron was known 
long before the Trojan war; and it 
would be inconsistent to suppose that 
the most civilized nation of those days 
could have been ignorant of it even if 
the paintings of Thebes did not prove 



its use. We even see butchers sharp, 
ening their knives on a steel fastened 
to their apron; and wea{)on8 of that 
blue-coloured metal were represented 
in common use long before the Trojan 
war. In metallurgy the Egyptians 
possessed some secrets scarcely known 
to US; for they had the means of 
enabling copper to cut stone without 
hardening it by an alloy, and of giving 
to bronze blades the elasticity of steel, 
with gpreat hardness and sharpness of 



Chap. 86. 



USE OF AROMATIC DRUGS. 



141 



nostrils, thus getting rid of a portion, while the skull is 
cleared of the rest by rinsing with drugs ; next they make a cut 
along the flank with a sharp Ethiopian stone,^ and take out 
the whole contents of the abdomen, which they then cleanse, 
washing it thoroughly with palm wine,* and again frequently 
with an infusion of pounded aromatics. After this they fill the 
cavity with the purest bruised myrrh, with cassia, and every 
sort of spicery® except frankincense, and sew up the opening. 



edge. In Asia the Cbalybes were 
noted for their iron works, by which 
they obtained great profits (Xenoph. 
Anab. 8.T.); and Pliny (vii. 56) ascribes 
the invention of steel to the Idasi 
Dactyli of Crete.— [G. W.] 

^ Ethiopian stone either is black 
flint, or an Ethiopian agate, the nse of 
which was the remnant of a very 
primitive cnstom. Flints were often 
employed in Egypt for tipping arrows, 
in lien of metal heads. Stone knives 
have been foond in Egypt, which 
many people had, as the Britons and 



others, and even the Romans. (Li v. 
i. 24.) The Ethiopians (Her. vii. 69) 
had reed arrows tipped with agate, or 
pebbles, "on which seals were cut," 
and which, known to ns as " Egyptian 
pebbles," are in great abundance in 
Dongola and other districts. (See my 
n. on B. vii. oh. 69.) The knife used 
in Egypt for sacrificing was generally 
of tempered iron, exactly like that of 
the Romans (so often represented on 
their altars), one of which, in my 
possession, is 11^ inches long, by 2 in 
the broadest part. (Fig. 4.)— [G. W.] 








' The wine and pith (jwrnar, or fcuZb, 
** heart," in Arabic) are mentioned by 
Xenophon. (Anab. ii. 3.) He is right 
in saying that when taken from it the 
tree withers. In the Oasis they still 
make this wine, which they call 
Idwhgeh. They merely tap the centre 
of the date, where the branches grow, 
and the juice runs off into a vase 
fastened there to receive it. — [G. W.] 

•The "spicery, and balm, and 



myrrh," carried by the Ishmaelitea 
(or Arabs) to Egypt were principally 
for the embalmers, who were doubt- 
less suppKed regularly with them. 
(Gen. xxxvii. 25.) Other caravans, 
like the Midianite merchantmen (Gen. 
xxxvii. 28), visited Egypt for the pur- 
poses of trade ; and " the spice mer- 
chants " are noticed (1 Kings x. 15) 
in Solomon's time. See my n. B. iii. 
ch. 107— [G. W.] 



142 



USE OF NATRUM. 



Book II. 



Then the body is placed in natrum* for seventy days,^ and 
covered entirely over. After the expiration of that space of 
time, which must not be exceeded, the body is washed, and 
wrapped round, from head to foot, with bandages of fine linen 
cloth,® smeared over with gum, which is used generally by the 



* Not nitre, bnt the subcarbonate of 
soda, which abonnds at the natron 
lakes in the Lybian desert, and at El 
Hegs in Upper Egypt. Thia com- 
pleted the usual mode of embalming ; 
bat some few a])poar to have been 
prepared with wax and tanning, by 
which the limbs Wore less rigid, and 
retained great flexibility. Dr. Gran- 
ville has made some interesting experi- 
ments on preserving bodies by that 
pi'ocesfl, in imitation of one brought 
from Egypt, probably of late time; 
for a description of which I refer to 
his work. Mr. Pettigrew also (p. 73) 
mentions a child preserved with wax. 
-[G. W.] 

* This included the whole period of 
monming. The embalming only occu- 
pied forty days (Gen. 1. 3) ; Diodorus 
says " upwards of thirty." Both 
seventy and eoventy-two days are 
mentioned as the full number, the 
first being ten weeks of ycvcn days, or 
seven decades; the other 12x^=^72, 
the duodecimal calculation being also 
used in Egypt. 

The name mummy is supposed to 
be an Arabic word, inootnia, from jnilm, 
"wax." In Egyptian it is called sah ; 

the bier Xa. Qol. 

The origin of embalming has been 
ingeniously derived from theh* first 
merely burying in the sand, impreg- 
nated with natron and other salts, 
which dried and preserved the body ; 
which natural process they afterwards 
imitated — drugs, and subsequently 
bitumen, being later improvements. 
Bitumen does not appear to have been 
generally used before the 18th Dy- 
nasty. The dried body of the sup- 
posed Mycerinus, however, will be no 
evidence that the simple salting pro- 
cess was retained till his time, unless 
the body and woollen dress are proved 
to be ancient Egyptian. (See Glid- 



dou*8 Horao iEgyptiacoo and M. Eg. 
W. vol. i. p. 34ii.) On bitumen, see 
n. » on B. i. ch. 179.— [G. W.] 

* Not cotton. The microscope has 
decided (what no one ever doubted in 
Egypt) that the mummy-cloths are 
linen. The question arose in C(mse- 
quence of the use of the word ht/ssus. 
Tausanias unequivocally describes it 
as cotton, and growing in Elis. On 
the other hand, the Hebrew shiish is 
translated Byssns in the Soptuagint 
version, and in our own, *' fine linen " 
(Ex. xxiv. 4). Many consider it linen, 
and Julius Pollux calls it a sort of 
Indian flax. Herodotus again speaks 
of the (linen) mummy -cloths as ** bys- 
sine sindon," and both he and J. 
Pollux call cotton " tree wool." Some 
indeed think this last was silk ; but 
Pliny (xix. 1) shows that the ^v\ov of 
Herodotus was cotton. — " Superior 
pars JEgypti in Ai*abiain vergcns gig- 
nit fruticem quern aliqui gossipion 
vocant, plures xylon ; et ideo lina 
inde facta xylina." The confusion 
appears to have arisen partly from 
the conventional use of the names of 
the various cloths. Sindon was the 
(joneral term for every //ic stuff; ko 
that it was even applied to w(K)llon 
fabrics. Josephus s])eaks of sindon 
made of hair, and the ark had one 
covering of linen, and another of sin- 
don made of goats' hair (Antiq. 3, 5, 
4). Sindon was therefore any stuff 
of a very fine texture (and might be 
applied to modem Cashmere and 
Jerbee shawls, as well as to muslin 
and cambric). Byssus in its real 
sense was cotton, but it was also a 
general term (like our word *' linen "), 
and Josephus speaks of byssine sindon 
made of linen, i. e. " fine cotton linen." 
With Pliny, on the contrary, linen 
(linteum or linum) is the general term 
for all staffs, including cotton (xix. 1), 



Chap. 86. 



THE MUMMY CASE. 



143 



Egyptians in the place of glue, and in this state it is given back 
to the relations, who enclose it in a wooden case which the^ 
have had made for the purpose, shaped into the figure of a man. 
Then fastening the case, they place it in a sepulchral chamber,'' 



and he even calls asbestos "linen." 
" Komash," properly " linen,'* is used 
in the same way by the Arabs for all 
staffs. It is also rf^asonable to snp- 
pose that ancient, like modem people, 
may have been mistaken sometimes 
about the exact quality of the stuffs 
they saw, since the microscope was 
required to set us right. Sindon may 
possibly be taken from " India," or 
from the Egyptian "s/ient" (sec n.* 
on ch. 105). Clemens thinks byssine 
garments were invented in the time 
of Semiramis, king of Egypt (Strom, 
i. p. 307). The Egyptians employed 
gum for the bands, or mummy-cloths, 
but not for other purposes where glue 
was required. They also stained them 
with carthamuB or safflower. The 
custom of swathing the body with 
bandages was common also to the 
Jews, as well as the process of em- 
balming it with spices (Luke xxiii. 56; 
John xix. 40). Their mode of ban- 
daging the dead body is shown in the 
case of Lazarus (John xi. 44) ; and 
the early Italian masters have repre- 
sented it more correctly than many 
of later time. The legs, however, 
were bandaged separately, as in the 
Graoco-Egyptian mummies, since he 
" came forth " out of the tomb. — 
[G. W.] 

' This was not in their own houses, 
but, as Herodotus says, in a room 
made for the purpose, which was 
attached to the tomb. In the floor of 
this room the pit was sunk, often to 
the depth of more than 40 feet, where, 
after certain services had been per- 
formed by a priest before the mummy, 
it was finally deposited. In the mean- 
time it was kept (as he says, upright) 
in a moveable closet, and occasionally 
taken out to receive those priestly be- 
nedictions ; or it stood within an open 
canopy for the same purpose, the 
relations weeping before it. A less 




144 



SCC05D XOI» OF EXBAUnSG. 



BoocIL 



nprigiit agsdnst the walL Sach is the mset cobtly way of 
embalming the diead. 

87. If persons wish to avoid expense, and choose the seccmd 
process, the following is the method porsned : — Syringes are 
filled with oil made from the cedar-tree, which is then, with- 
out any incision ' or disemb«3welling. injeete^l into the abdomen. 
The passage by which ^t might be likely to retnm is stopped, 
and the body laid in nitmm the prescribed nnmber of days. 
At the end of the time the cedar-oil is allowed to make its 
escape ; and snch is its power that it brings with it the 
wh<de stomach and intestines in a liqnid state. The natrom 
meanwhile has dLss«>Ived the flesh, and so nothing is left of 

the dead bodv but the skin and the bones. It is retnmed in 

•I 

this condition to the relatives, without anv farther tronble 
being bestowed upon it. 

recess. At •• the side of the jHt." TbiMe 
who were coiwidered wcrthr were 
bfzried in cbe tcmb tber had maJe. cr 
pnrchsuwd. at » reiy hurfa price : bac 
wicked people were forbidden the pri- 
Tilege. aa if andeserrin? of banal in 
ocnsecmced groond. — ^G. W/ 



irn kind of ecmb had doc the 
r. bnt f.nlj rhe p-i*". which wa* 
praperlj the place of fepnltare, thooj^ 
tbe Btame --tomb" u aIw»T<« applied 
to the apartment ab^jre. The cnffin 
at mommj-caAe waa pUced ac the 
bott«>m, or in a lacend chamber cr 




No. n. 



^ Second-cla^ mammies? without anr 
incision are fonnd in the tomb» ; bat 
the opening in the side wan made in 
many of them, and occaaionallv even 
in thoee of an inferior quality ; so that 
it was not excInsiTelv confined to 
mummies of the first class. There 
were, in fact, many gradatiooa in 



each class. The mammies of Greeks 
may generally be distinsruished by the 
limbci being each bandaged separately. 
On Embalming, see Bouger's Notice 
snr les Embaumemens des Anciens 
Egyptiens ; Pettigrew's Histcwy of 
the Egyptian Mummies ; and At. Eg. 
W. TolVr. p. 451 to the end.— £G. W.] 



OviP/fil^DO. 



THIRD MODE OF EMBALMING. 



145 



• .88. The third method of embahning,® which is practised in 
the case of the poorer classes, is to clear out the intestines with 
a clyster,^ and let the body lie in natrum the seventy days, after 
which it is at once given to those who come to fetch it away. 

89. The wives of men of rank are not given to be embalmed 
immediately after death, nor indeed are any of the more 
beautiful and valued women. It is not till they have been 
dead three or four days that they are carried to the embalmers. 
This is done to prevent indignities from being oflFered them. 
It is said that once a case of this kind occurred : the man was 
detected by the information of his fellow-workman. 

90. Whensoever any one, Egyptian or foreigner, has lost 
his life by falling a prey to a crocodile, or by drowning in the 
river, the law compels the inhabitants of the city near which 
the body is cast up to have it embalmed, and to bury it in one 
of the sacred repositories with all possible magnificence.* No 
one may touch the corpse, not even any of the friends or 
relatives, but only the priests of the Nile,^ who prepare it for 



• Of these, as of the others, there 
were several kinds, the two principal 
ones being ** 1. Those salted and filled 
with bitominons matter less pure than 
the othera ; 2. Those simply salted." 
Others, indeed, were prepared in more 
simple ways; some were so loosely 
pnt np in bad cloths that they are 
scarcely to be separated from the 
stones and earth in which they are 
buried, while others were more care- 
fally enveloped in bandages, and 
arranged one over the other in one 
common tomb, oft^n to the number of 
several hundreds. — [G. W.] 

• Th^ word used here (arvpfudri) is 
the name of the modern figl^ or rapha- 
nns sativus (var. cdulis) of Linna3us 
(see note • on ch. 125) ; but the liquid 
hero mentioned seems rather to be 
a powerful cleansing preparation. — 
[G. W.] 

• The law which obliged the people 
to embalm the body of any one found 
dead, and to bury it in the most ex- 
pensive manner, was a police, as well 
ae a sanatory, regulation. It was a 

VOL. II. 



fine on the people for allowing a 
violent death, even by accident, to 
occur in their district ; and with the 
same object of protecting life, they 
made it a crime to witness an attempt 
to murder, or even a personal attack 
of any kind, without endeavouring to 
prevent it, or at least laying an infor- 
mation and prosecuting the offender. 
It was not ** because the body was 
something more than human ; " but 
to ensure the proper mode of embalm- 
ing, by having the money paid at 
once to the priests, and to prevent 
any evasion of the expense.— [G. W.] 

* Herodotus would lead us to infer 
that every city had its priests of the 
Nile ; but this was probably only 
when situated near its banks, as wo 
do not find any of these Nile temples. 

The city of Nilopolis, where the 
god Nilns was greatly worshipped, 
was in Middle Egypt, in the province 
of Heptanomis (afterwards called Ar- 
cadia, from the son of Theodosius). 
At Silsilis, too, Nilus (or Hapi-moou) 
was greatly honoured. Silsilis is re- 



14^ 



BURIAL OF THOSE FOUND DROWNED. 



Book II. 



burial with their own hands — regarding it as something more 
than the mere body of a man — and themselves lay it in the tomb. 
91. The Egyptians are averse to adopt Greek customs, or, in 
a word, those of any other nation. This feeling is almost uni- 
versal among them. At Chemmis,* however, which is a large 
city in the Thebaic canton near Neapolis,^ there is a square 



markable for its largo qnarrics of 
Miidfltone, which was need to baild 
nearly all the temples of Egypt, and 
for haviDg been the place where the 
Nile burst the barrier of rock, and 
lowered its level thronghont its course 
■outhward of that spot. (See n. on 
ch. 13, in App. CH. iv.) The Niloa, 
according to Heliodorus (^Sthiop. lib. 
ix.), was one of the principal festiTals 
of Egypt. It was celebrated about 
the winter solstice, when the Nile 
begui to rise ; and Libanius pretends 
that the rites were thoaght of so 
much importance, that, unless jjcr- 
formed properly, the river would not 
rise to its proper height. It was 
celebrated by men and women in the 
capital of each nome ; which seems 
to argue, like the statement of Hero- 
dotus, that the god Nilus had a temple 
in every large city ; and a wooden 
statue of the river god was carried in 
procession through the villages on that 
occasion. — [G. W.] 

* Khem, the god of Ghemmis, or 
Elhemmo, being supposed to answer to 
Pan, this city was called Panopolis by 
the Greeks and Romans. The lion- 
headed goddess Thriphis shared the 
honours of the sanctuary with Khem, 
and is mentioned in a Greek Inscrip- 
tion there of the 12th year of Trajan, 
when the restored or newly -built 
temple was finished (<rvy€rt\4(rOfj) . 
Khem was the generative principle, or 
universal nature. His name resembles 
that of " Egypt," which Plutarch tells 
us was called Chomi, " from the black- 
ness of the soil,*' and the same word 
was applied to the " black " or pupil 
'*of the eye." (See n. » on ch. 15.) 
This is confirmed by the hieroglyphics : 



Khem, Chcmi, or Khemo, 



.^^ 



signifying "Egypt," and correspond, 
ing to the " land of Ham," or Khem. 
It is singular that this town should 
have had the old name of the country, 
and another, Coptos, have had that of 
Egypt, which is Kofi, or Gypt, with 
the " Ai " prefixed. " Egypt " is not 
found in hieroglyphics as the name of 
the country ; nor " Nile " as that of 
the river. The ancient Chemmis (or 
Khemi) is retained in the modern 
Ekhmim, the inhabitants of which 
were famed of old as linen manufac- 
turers and workers in stone. Chemi, 
" Egypt," was the origin of the word 
alchemy (the black art) and of che- 
mistry. The white bull accompanies 
Khem, as in the procession at Medee- 
net Haboo ; and this accords with the 
representation of the Indian god who 
presides over generation mounted on a 
white bull. (Sir W. Jones, vol. i. 
p. 256.)— [G. W.] 

* The " n^i^/iboT/nn^ Neapolis " is at 
least ninety miles further up the river, 
and sixty in a direct line. It has 
been succeeded by the modem Keneh, 
a name taken from the Greek Kcuyri 
TfJAif, the " Newtown *' of those days. 
All the Egyptians had an aversion for 
the customs of the Greeks, as of all 
strangers ; and it is difficult to un- 
derstand how the people of Chemmis 
should have had a different feeling 
towards them. The stories of the 
Greek Perseus having visited Egypt on 
his way to Libya, and of his having 
instituted games at Chemmis, are 
fables, as is that in Book vii. ch. 61, 
of his having given his name to the 
Persians. But there may have boon 
an Egyptian god, a character of the 
sun, whom the Greeks supposed to be 
their hero ; and the monster Medusa, 
whose head Perseus cut off, evidently 
derived its form from the oommon 



Cbjlf. 90, 91. 



T£MPL£ OF PERSEUa 



147 



enclosure sacred to Perseus, son of Danae. Palm trees grow all 
round the place, which has a stone gateway of an unusual size, 
surmounted by two colossal statues,^ also in stone. Inside this 
precinct is a temple, and in the temple an image of Perseus. 
The people of Chemmis say that Perseus often apears to them, 
sometimes within the sacred enclosure, sometimes in the open 
country : one of the sandals which he has worn is frequently 
found ^ — ^two cubits in length, as they affirm — and then all 
Egypt flourishes greatly. In the worship of Perseus Greek 
ceremonies are used ; gymnastic games are celebrated in his 
honour, comprising every kind of contest, with prizes of cattle, 
cloaks, and skins. I made inquiries of the Chemmites why it 
was that Perseus appeared to them and not elsewhere in 
Egypt, and how they came to celebrate gymnastic contests ® 



Tjphoniaii figure of Egypt. (Cp. 
Diodoms, iii. 69.) The record of a 
colony having gone to Greece from 
Egypt (**Khemi") may have led to 
the Btory about the people of Chemmis 
haying a friendly feeling towards the 
GreekiB ; as that of Perseus having 
married Astcurt^, the daughter of 
BeloSy may point to some intercourse 
with Syria. " Perseus, according to 
the Persians, was an Assyrian." There 
is a curious connection between Per- 
seus and Pharas (faras), " the horse : " 
— the Pegasus sprang forth from 
Medusa when killed by Perseus, as 
represented on one of the metopes of 
Selinus ; and Neptune, who introduced 
the horse into Greece, and Medusa, 
are both Libyan. Farras signifies the 
" mare," and fa/res the "horseman," 
or the " Persian," in Arabic. In the 
story of Perseus and Andromeda, as of 
St. George and the Dragon, the scene 
is placed in Syria ; the former at 
Jaffa, the latter near Beyroot. — [G. W.] 
* Statues on the large stone propyla, 
or towers of the Propylssa, would be 
an anomaly in Egyptian architecture. 
The enclosure is the ususd ten^enos, 
surrounded by a wall generally of 
crude brick, within which the temple 
Btood. Cp. the Welsh " LUm." The 
palm-treeB constituted the grove round 



the temple, which was usually planted 
with other trees. Clemens therefore 
calls it i\<Tos, and gives the name 
opyiis to the temenos. The courts 
surrounded by columns are his ab\ai. 
(See n. on ch. 155, and the woodcut 
there.) The court planted with trees 
seems to be the *' grove" mentioned 
in the Bible ; ashreh (1 Kings xv. 
13), asMreh (Dent. vii. 6), plural 
asherdth (2 Chron. xxxiii. 3 ; Judg. iii. 
7) ; a word not related, as some think, 
to AshUroth, nor to asheVf " ten " 
(both which begin with atn, not aleph) . 
The grove brought out from the house 
of the Lord (2 Kings xxiii. 6 and 7) 
appears to be like the emblematic 
grove, or table surmounted by trees, 
carried in procession behind the Egyp* 
tian god Khem. 

The word "highplace," "bemeh," 
non (1 Sam. ix. 12 ; 2 Kings xxiii. 15), 
is singularly, though accidentally, like 
the Greek /3n/*a.— [G. W.] 

^ The modem Egyptians show the 
footstep of their prophet, in default of 
his sandal, and an impression in stone 
— a petrified miracle. The dervishes 
at Old Cairo have the shoe of their 
founder, which might almost vie for 
size with the sandal of Perseus. — 
[Q. W.] 

^ See Note in Appendix CH. vi. 



148 



CUSTOMS OF THE MABSH-MEN. 



Book II. 



unlike the rest of the Egyptians : to which they answered, 
" that Perseus belonged to their city by descent. Danaiis and 
Lyncens were Ghemmites before they set sail for Greece, and 
from them Persens was descended," they said, tracing the 
genealogy ; " and he, when he came to Egypt for the purpose " 
(which the Greeks also assign) " of bringing away from Libya 
the Gorgon's head, paid them a visit, and acknowledged them 
for his kinsmen — ^he had heard the name of their city from 
his mother before he left Greece — he bade them institute a 
gymnastic contest in his honour, and that was the reason why 
they observed the practice." 

92. The customs hitherto described are those of the Egyp- 
tians who live above the marsh-country. The inhabitants of 
the marshes have the same customs as the rest, as well in 
those matters which have been mentioned above as in respect 
of marriage, each Egyptian taking to himself, like the Greeks, 
a single wife ; • but for greater cheapness of living the marsh- 
men practise certain peculiar customs, such as these following. 
They gather the blossoms of a certain water-lily, which grows 
in great abundance all over the flat country at the time when 
the Nile rises and floods the regions along its banks — the 
Egyptians call it the lotus ^® — they gather, I say, the blossoms 



• There is no instance on the mona- 
menta of "Effypt of a man having more 
than one wife at a time ; nor does 
Herodotus say, as has sometimes been 
(mpposcd, that this was the custom of 
the other Ej^ptiana who lived above 
the marsh country. Rather he implies 
the contrary. From the superior treat - 
ment of women throughout Egypt, 
from what we see of their social habits, 
and from the queens being allowed to 
ascend the throne, it is very impro- 
bable that any man had more than 
<me wife. Diodorus (i. 80) says the 
priests were only allowed one, while 
the rest might have any number ; but 
this is at variance with his account 
of the marriage contract, lUlowing a 
woman the control over her husband 
(1. 27) ; and, if permitted by law, we 
may be certain that few took ad- 



vantage of it, since it was forbidden 
to the rich aristocracy, and the poor 
could not afford to enjoy the privileg<\ 
-[G. W.] 

*® This Nympha?a Lotus grows in 
ponds and small channels in the Delta 
during the inundation, which are dry 
during the rest of the year; but it ia 
not found in the Nile itself. It is 
nearly the same as our white water- 
lily. Its Arabic name is nufdr, or 
niUfer, or heshn(n ; the last being the 
ancient " pi-sshnn," or pi-shnoen, of the 
hieroglyphics. There are two varieties 
— the white, and tliat with a bluish 
tinge, or the Nymphapa Coirnlea. The 
Buddhists of Tibet and others call 
it rtentiphar. Though the favourite 
flower of Egypt, there is no evidence 
of its having been sacred ; but the 
god Nofr-Atmoo bore it on his head; 



Cair.Sl,S2. 



THE LOTUB. 



149 



of thiB plant and dry them in the sun, after which they extract 
from the centre of each blossom a Bobstance like the head of 
a poppy, which they cruah and make into bread. The root of 
the lotus is Ukewise eatable, and has a pleasant sweet taste : 
it is round, and about the size of an apple. There is also 
another species of the lily in Egypt, ^ which grows, like the 



and Uki oune nu/ar U prob&bly related 
to niifr, "good," and connocted with 
hiH title. It woB thongbt to be a 
flower of H&deB, or AnieDti ; and on it 
also Harpocrat€H ih often seated. He 
WM the E^vptian Aurora, or day- 
BpriDg; not'the God of Silenco, aa 
the Greeks supposed , bat ligDred with 

the habits of childhood of which be 
was the emblem. Hence he repre. 
seated the bej^ioDiug of day, or tlie 
riae and infancy of tlie aun, which waa 
typically portrayed risiog every morn- 
ing from that flower, or from the 
water ; and this may have given rise 
to the notion of Proclns that the lotos 
flower was typical of the sun. Erato- 
■thenea alao savs this son of lais was 
the "God of Day." The Egyptian 
mode of indicating silenco una by 
placing " the hand on the mooth." 
(Cp. Job nil. 9.) The frog wim also 



aa Horapollo and the Egjptiaa moaa- 
menta show. The lotos flower waa 
alwaya preaented to gnesta at an 
Egyptian party; and garlands were 
pnt roond their heada and oecksi — 
the " moltteque in froule ooronn." 
{Cp. Hor. Od. L 26 and 38 j ii. 7; 
iii. 10; iv. 11. AtheosDB, xt. Ovid. 
Fast. V. AnacrcoD, ode iv.) It is 
evident that the lotna was not bor- 
rowed from India, aa it was the favoo- 
rite plant of Egypt before the Hindoos 
had oBtablished their religion there. 

Besides the seeds of the lotna, poor 
people doobtless osed those of other 
plants for making bread, like the mo- 
dera Egyptians, who oaed to collect 
the small F;rBins of the Uestmbriantlie. 
mum nndiftoram for this pni-poae ; and 
Diodoi-ns (i. SO) says the roots and 
stalks of wator-platits wore a great 
article of food among the lower classes 

ol EBrpUui..-[0. w.] 




' Perhaps the Xymphaa Ifgl«mbo, or j merly seoma to show it was not indi- 

Kelvnibium, which la commoa in India, genons in Egypt. Crocodiles and the 

bat which grows no longer in Egypt. Nelnmbiom are represented, with the 

And the care taken ia i>luitiDg it for- I Nile god, on ths large statne in tbc 



ISO 



THE PAPYRUS. 



lotus, in the river, and resembles the rose. The fruit springs 
lip Btde by side vith the bloBsom, on a separate stalk, and has 
almost excictly the look of the comb made by wasps. It 
contains a number of seeds, abotit the size of an olive-stone, 
which are good to eat : and these are eaten both green and 
dried. The byblus* (papyrus), which grows year after year in 



Tatio»n %t Rome, and in mkn; Bouiftn- 
Egyptian acalptarea (see woodcat) ; 
bnt it i> remarkable that do represen- 
tation of the Nelambium oocnra in the 
acalptnreH of ancient Egypt, though 
the oommon Njmphsa liotna occora 



plants of Egypt, too 

mention here, ses At. Eg. W. to). 
p. 62 to S5, and Dr. PickoriDf^'a Ph 
Eist. ot Man, p. 366, ^.— [G. W.] 




' This is the Cuperui Fapyrui.vhicli, 
like the Nolambium, is no longer a 
nntire ot Kifrpt. It now only move 
in the Anoiinii, near Syracuac, and it ia 
raid to hnvo boon fuund in a etrcnm 
un the coaHt ot Syria, na in Pliny'a 
time (liii. 11). Herodotus ia wrong 
in calling it an annual plant. The 
nao of the {.ith of its tiiangnlnr slalk 
tor pnfior rondo it a very Talnablo 
]>lnnt: and tho right of growing tlie 
beat quality, and of selling the piipyme 
nindo ^ni it, bolongod to tho Govem- 
ment. It waa parlicnlarly cullivatcd 
in tho Solicnnvtir nouio, and Tarions 
qualities of tho paper noro made. It ia 
evident that other Cuptri, and particu- 
larly tho ('ifjierm dim, wore some- 
times eonfonnded with the Pajii/ruj, or 
Bvblui'fiii^dfiriMof Strabo; oud whon 
w« lead of its being nsod tor mats, 
skils, baskets, aandalH, and other com- 



mon pnr|Kiace, we may cunclnde thu 
this was an inferior kind mentioned l>j 
Stra1>o ; and Bomctimes a commot 
Cyperus, which grew wild, as mant 
Btill do, was thua employed in it: 
stead. It if, however, evident tha 
a Tariety ot the (inpyms was so nacd 
men being repreaented on the nionu 
menta making smnll boats ( 
n. ' ch. 9ti} ; and wo may 
this was a coarser and Hnialler kit 
not adnpteii for paper. The beat w 
grown with great care. Pliny an 
the pupyrua wan nut found abo 
Aleiandria, because it was not eul. 
raltd there ; and the ncceoaity of thi 
is shown by Isaiah's mentis * " "' 
paper rceda by the brooks 
everything ,otrn by the bro 
lii. T.) Thia prophecy ia 
remarkable from its declaring that thi 
papymi shall no longer grow ' ' 



(«.* 






tho 



Chap. 92, dS. GREGARIOUS FISH. 1 5 1 

the maxshes, they pull up, and, cutting the plant in two, 
reserve the upper portion for other purposes, but take the 
lower, which is about a cubit long, and either eat it or else 
sell it. Such as wish to enjoy the byblus in full perfection 
bake it first in a closed vessel, heated to a glow. Some of 
these folk, however, live entirely on fish, which are gutted as 
soon as caught, and then hung up in the sun : when dry, they 
are used as food. 

93. Gregarious fish are not found in any numbers in the 
rivers ; they frequent the lagunes, whence, at the season of 
breeding, they proceed in shoals towards the sea. The males 
lead the way, and drop their milt as they go, while the 
females, following close behind, eagerly swallow it down. 
From this they conceive,^ and when, after passing some time 
in the sea, they begin to be in spawn, the whole shoal sets oflF 
on its return to its ancient haimts. Now, however, it is no 
longer the males, but the females, who take the lead : they 
swim in front in a body, and do exactly as the males did 
before, dropping, little by little, their grains of spawn as they 
go, while the males in the rear devour the grains, each one of 
which is a fish.* A portion of the spawn escapes and is not 
swallowed by the males, and hence come the fishes which grow 
afterwards to maturity. When any of this sort of fish are 
taken on then* passage to the sea, they are found to have the 
left side of the head scarred and bruised ; while if taken on 



country, that it "shall wither, and 
be driven away, and be no more." 
Thcophrafitus is correct in saying it 
grew in shallow water ; or in marshes, 
according to Pliny ; and this is repre- 
sented on the monnments, where it is 
placed at the side of a stream, or in 
irrigated lands (see wooden t, No. III. 
fig. 2, ch. 77, not« ' ; and the end of 
CH. V. of the App.). Pliny describes 
the mode of making the paper (xiii. 
11), by catting thin slices of the pith 
and laying them in rows, and these 
being crossed with other slices, the 
whole was made to adhere by great [G. W.] 
pressure. — [G. VV.] j 



' Aristotle (de Gen. Anim. iii. 5) 
shows the absurdity of this statement, 
quoting Herodotus by name, and 
giving his exact words. C. Miiller 
has strangely seen in the passage u 
fragment of Herodoras I (See Fr. 
Hist. Gr. ii. p. 32, Fr. 11. 

* The male fish deposits the milt 
after the female has deposited the 
spawn, and thus renders it prolific. 
The swallowing of the spawn is 
simply the act of any hungry fi«h, 
male or female, who happens to find 
it. The bruised heads are a fable.— 



152 



THE KIKI. 



Book If. 



their return, the marks appear on the right. The reason is, 
that as they swim down the Nile seaward, they keep close to 
the bank of the river upon their left, and returning again up 
sti'eam they still cling to the same side, hugging it and brush- 
ing against it constantly, to be sure that they miss not their 
road tlirough the great force of the current. When the Nile 
begins to rise, the hollows in the land and the marshy spots 
near the river are flooded before any other places by the 
percolation of the water through the river-banks ; ^ and these, 
almost as soon as they become pools, are found to be full of 
numbers of little fishes. I think that I understand how it is 
this comes to pass. On the subsidence of the Nile the year 
before, though the fish retired with the retreating waters, they 
had first deposited their spawn in the mud upon the banks : 
and so, when at the usual season the water returns, small fry 
are rapidly engendered out of the spawn of the preceding 
year. So much concerning the fish. 

94. The Egyptians who live in the marshes® use for the 
anointing of their bodies an oil made from the fruit of the 



• Percolation supplies the wells in 
the alluvial soil, even at the edge of 
the desert; bnt wherever there are 
any hollows and dry ponds, these are 
filled, as of old, by canals cut for the 
purpose of convoying the water of the 
inundation inland. The water would 
reach the hollows and ponds by per- 
eolation, if no canals were made ; we 
know, however, that these were much 
more numerous in ancient than in 
modem Kgypt. 

The sudden appearance of the young 
fish in the ponds was simply owing to 
these being supplied by the canals 
from the river, or by its overflowing 
its banks (which it only did in some 
few places, long after the canals had 
l>een opened), and the fish naturally 
went in af the same time with the 
water.— [G. W.] 

* The intimate acquaintance of He- 
rodotus with the inhabitants of the 
marsh-reg'on is probably owing to the 



important position occui)ied by that 
region in the revolt of Inaros, which 
the Athenians, whom Ilcrodotus pro- 
bably accompanied, wont to assist. 
While Inaros the Libyan attacked the 
Persians in the field, and with the help 
of the Athenians made himself master 
of the greater part of Memphis, Amyi- 
tapus the Egyptian, his co-conspirator, 
established his authority over th(^ 
marsh-district, the inhabitants of 
which were reputed the most warlike^ 
of the Egyptians. Hero he maintained 
himself even aftor the defeat of 
Inaros and his Athenian allies, who 
seem to have made their last stand in 
the immediate vicinity of the marsh - 
country. (See Thucyd. i. 109-110; 
Herod, ii. 140, iii. 15, Ac.) Hero- 
dotus, if he accompanied the expedi- 
tion, would thus have been brought 
into close contact with the mar.sh- 
mcn. 



Chap. 93-95. 



COXTRIVANCES AGAINST GNATS. 



IS3 



sillicyprium/ which is known among them by the name of 
**kiki." To obtain this they plant the sillicyprinm (which 
grows wild in Greece) along the banks of the rivers and by the 
.sides of the lakes, where it produces fruit in great abundance, 
but with a very disagreeable smell. This fruit is gathered, and 
then bruised and pressed, or else boiled down after roasting : 
the liquid which comes from it is collected and is found to be 
unctuous, and as well suited as olive-oil for lamps, only that 
it gives out an unpleasant odour, 

95. The contrivances which they use against gnats, where- 
with the country swarms, are the following. In the parts of 
Egypt above the marshes the inhabitants pass the night upon 
lofty towers,® which are of great service, as the gnats are 
unable to fly to any height on account of the winds. In the 
marsh country, where there are no towers, each man possesses 
a net instead. By day it serves him to catch fish, while at 
night he spreads it over the bed in which he is to rest, and 



' This was the Ricinus communiSy 
the Castor-oil plant, or the Palma. 
Christi, in Arabic Kharweh, It was 
known by the names of Croton, 
Trizis, wild or tree Sesamnm, Ricinus, 
and (according to Dioscorides) of 
aifftki K{nrpu>Vn which was doubtless 
the same as the aiXXiK^piov of Hero- 
dotus. It grew abundantly, according 
to Pliny, as it still does, in Egypt. 
The oil was extracted either by press- 
ing the seeds, as at the present day, 
when required for lamps, or by boil- 
ing them and skimming off the oil 
that floated on the surface, which 
was thought better for medicinal pur- 
poses. Pliny was not singular in his 
taste when he says (xv. 7), " Cibis 
fcedum, lucemis utile." It was the 
plant that gave shade to Jonah (if. G) 
— Kikf6n, mistranslated *' gourd." 
The Egyptians had many other plants 
that produced oil, the principal of 
which were the Carthamus tinctorius 
(or safflower), the Sesamum orientale 
(or S%msim)y flax, lettuce, Selgam or 
coleseed (Brassica oleifera), and the 
Baphanus oleifer (the Secing% of 



modem Nubia), and even the olive ; 
though this tree seldom produced 
fruit in Egypt, except about the Lake 
Moeris, and in the gardens of Alex- 
andria. (Plin. XV. 3 ; Strabo, xvii. p. 
1147.)— [G. W.] 

^ A similar practice is found in the 
valley of the Indus. Sir Alexander 
Bumes, in his memoir on that river 
(Geograph. Journ. vol. iii, p. 113, et 
seqq.), says : — "The people bordering 
on this part of the Indus — between 
Bukker and Mittun Kote — live during 
the swell in houses elevated eight or 
ten feet from the ground, to avoid 
the damp and insects which it occa- 
sions These bungalows are 

entered by a ladder " (p. 137). 

[The custom of sleeping on the flat 
roofs of their houses is still common 
in Egypt ; and the small tower rising 
above the roof is found in the repre- 
sentations of some ancient bouses in 
the sculptures. The common fishing, 
net would be a very inefficient protec- 
tion against the gnats of modern 
Ejrypt, though a net doubled will 
often exclude flies. — G. W.j 



154 



VESSELS AND BOATS. 



Book II. 



creeping in, goes to sleep underneath. The gnats, which, if 
he rolls himself up in his dress or in a piece of muslin, are 
sure to bite through the covering, do not so much as attempt 
to pass the net. 

96. The vessels used in Egypt for the transport of merchan- 
dise are made of the Acantha (Thorn),' a tree which in its 
growth is very like the Cyrenaic lotus, and from which there 
exudes a gum. They cut a quantity of planks about two 
cubits in length from this tree, and then proceed to their ship- 
building, arranging the planks^ like bricks, and attaching them 



• Thie was Pliny's " Spina -Sgyp- 
tia/' called by AthensBus " Acantha," 
and described by him (zv. p. 6S0) as 
bearing a ronnd fruit on small stalks. 
It is the modem 8ont, or Mimosa 
(Acacia) Nilotica; gropes of which 
are still foand in Egypt, as according 
to Strabo, Athensens, and othern, of 
old. Gnm-arabio is produced from 
it, as from other mimosas or acacias 
of Egrypt and Ethiopia, particularly 
the (Sedleh or) Acacia S^, and the 
(Tulh or) A. g^mmifera, of the 
desert. The Acacia Famesiana (or 
Fitneh) and the A. Icbbek {lehhekh) 
grow in the valley of the Nile ; the 
small Gilgil (with pods like oak-apples 
uid seeds like those of the Scaleh), 
perhapH the A. heterocarpa, is found 
in the OaHis ; the Hdrraz (A. albida), 
Sellemf and Suynr, mostly in the 
Ababdch desert, and a few of the 
two first at Thebes ; a small one, 
called Omhdodf is found about Belbays ; 
and a sensitive acacia (the A. aspe- 
rata ?) grows in Ethiopia on the banks 
of the Nile ; perhaps the one men- 
tioned by Pliny (xiii. 10) about Mem. 
phis. By ** Abylus," Athenrons means 
Abydus. The Shittim wood of Exo- 
dus was doubtless the Acacia Seal 
(Sdydl) of the desert. " The Cyrenaic 
lotus" here mentioned by Herodotus 
is probably the TuJh, not that of the 
Lotophagi, and is different from that 
of Pliny (xiii. 17, 19). See my note 
on Book iv. ch. 177.— [G. W.] 

' The boats of the Nile are still 
built with planks of the sont. The 



planks, arranged as Herodotus states, 
like bricks, appear to hare been tied 
to several long stakes, fastened to 
them internally (No. I). Something 



itef] 



1 



r 



id 



1 ■' 



i t 

J „ L! n U r I 



No. I. 

of the kind is still done, when they 
raise an extra bulwark above the gun- 
wale. In the large boats of burthen 
the planks were secured by nails and 
bolts, which men are represented in 
the paintings driving into holes, p^- 
viously drilled for them. There was 
also a small kind of punt or canoo, 
made entirely of the papyrus, bound 
together with bands of the same 
plant (No. II.) — the " vessels of bul- 
rushes " mentioned in Isaiah xviii. 2 
(see Plin. vi. 22; vii. 16; xiii. 11; 
Theophrast. iv. 9; Pint, do Is. s. 18; 
Lucan, iv. 136) ; but these were not 
capable of carrying largo cargoes ; 
and Btill less would papyrus ships 
cross the sea to the Isle of Taprobaiio 
(Ceylon), as Pliny supposes (vi. 22). 
This mistake may have originated in 



VESSELS AND BOATS. 



by tiea to a nnmber of loug stakes or poles till the hull is com- 
plete, when they lay the croBS-plankft on the top from side to 

■ODje sails and ropea ha^ng been I one U represented with a Ball, which 

made of the papyma, bnt these were might be made of the papyms riad, 

rarely osad, even on the Nile. In one and which appears to fold up like 

of the paintiuga at Eom et Ahmar | those of the Cbineae (No. Ill-), and 




the mast is donble, whicti wag nsnal m 
Ini^ boats in the time of the 4th and 
other early dynasties. That cloth 
■ails, occasionally with coloured do 
vioes worked or painted on them, 
sbonld be foand od the monaments at 









the ISth and 19th 
inrprieing, since the 
EKyptmns were noiod at a »ery re- 
mote [icriod for the manafactare of 
htion and other cloths, and exported 
sailcloth lo Phronicia (Kzek xxvii. 
4 t — 




Hempen (Hcroilut. vii. ^.'i) ami 
a ropes are also alionu by the 
nmeots to have been adopted for 
all the tackling of boats. The pro- 
cess of DWkiiig them is foand at Beni 
Uauan and at Thebes; and ropes 



. il[. 



mntlu fi*om the strung fibre of the 
pnlm-trce ore frcqnrntly fbond in the 
tomba. This last was probably the 
kind most generally need in Egypt, 
and is still very common there, as the 
cocoa-DDt ropes are in India.^iO. W.] 



156 VESSELS AND BOATS. Book [I. 

side. They give the hoats no ribs, bat caulk the seams with 
papyrus on the inside. Each has a single rudder,' which is 
driven etraight through the keel. The mast is a piece of 
acautha-trood, aud the sails are made of papyrus. These boats 
cannot make way against the current unless there is a brisk 
breeze ; they are, therefore, towed up-stream from the shore : " 



' Tbr Ut^ boBia had g«Dpnilly a 
i>inple raddpr, which rewmbled a 
long lar, and trarerned oa a bmin at 
the sierr, instancrs of which occur in 
maur conntripi ni thp prrneat day ) 
bni Qiaoy had two mdder«. on? at 
each i>idp. npur the Mrm. BD*prnded 
at th« KUQwalr {tee mi Su. I. in d. *, 
ch. 9^1 or ^t^nfc rn>m ■ pntt. ■» ■ 
pimt, on which ii turned. Th» small- 
■iied boan id bnrthen were mostly 
fillnl wiih two rudd'-r: ; and ono in. 
Bfance occurs of three on the game 
fide. On thi' ruddiT. at on iLe 1>uw^ 



of the iHuit, was iiaimed the eye (a 
conum etill rctainc?d in the Hediter- 
ranpan, nud in China) ; bal the Egyp- 
tiaQa Befm to har» conSnod it tn the 
funeral barit. The boats alwaTS had 
one Tiia«t at the time ilerodotus wu 
in Egypt ; but it may be doubted if it 
was of t)>e heavy aonntba wood, which 
rUQid irilh difficulty hsTO been foand 
mfficienllr lung and Biraifcbi for the 
parp<>iie; and fir-w<iod waa t<iO well 
Epypt net to lie employed 



for 



ia<.Uvi 



I of ■ 
? iuiporied into E):ypt froD 







ISlh dynasty; aud deal 
I lie native cytamiiv. 



*The . 



Th(^ hulU !<f 
tinic* made i>f deal : an 
have )>epn Mtanjie if tilt 
diiKVTiTrtl hiHv much ni 
nlnpled for 



had I 
In the ti 



nlnpled for ll: 

i>f ihe Uli. <tth. and ilhei- 1 

lies (ho iimx wa* iloulde i bnl this 

WM iiiven lip «* euml>n<u9. and was 

iHil nunl nfier (ho aivesaion i-f the 

l(llh,i>r «m> uT th* ISth dvnaftv.- 

LO.w.i 



the I 



up 1 



Kat men make 
Uh:, wLich > 



Ftreim. to in'pede I 
diwie bv imjwnitiir 
while the iaiuui>k tafl before l 
h.vd it dispensed with. The ct 
irivanct' Ut-nilttns mec-.i.ri na^ ■ 
HI much lo inctnase ti.c tj^Cii a* 
kivp the K4,i Mra-KL!. bv (.e.rir.^ 
laivt.' aud ba.-yant' cV^.v; to t 
■Itvam. IVhen'the ivwers aiv iLti 
•ml K^ats are alltxred w flv«t d.' 
iher tnra IxvaiUide to the luna: 



VESSELS AND BOATS. 




158 



VESSEXS AND BOATS. 



Book II. 



down-stream they are managed as follows. There is a raft 
belonging to each, made qf the wood of the tamarisk, fastened 
together with a wattling of reeds ; and also a stone bored 
through the middle, about two talents in weight. The raft is 
fastened to the vessel by a rope, and allowed to float down the 
stream in front, while the stone is attached by another roi)e 
astern.* The result is that the raft, hurried forward by the 
current, goes rapidly down the river, and drags the "baris" 
(for so they call this sort of boat)* after it ; while the stone, 



and it was to prevent this that the | 
stone and tamarisk raft were applied. '• 
-[G. W.] 

^ A practice almost entirelv similar 
is described bj Col. Cheeney as pre- 
vailing to this dav on the Euphrates. 
Speaking of the kufah, or roond river- 
boat (of which a representation was ; 
given, vol. i. p. 318). he says : — *' These 
boats in detscending the river have a 
bundle of hurdles attached, which float ' 
in advance, and a stone of the weight ' 
of two talents drags along the bottom 
to guide them " (vol. ii. pi 640). 

* .£schvlus had used this word be- 
fore Herodotus as the proper term for 
an Egyptian boat. Cf. Suppl. 815 and 
858. Ue had also poetically extended 
it to the whole fleet of Xerxes (Pen*. 
655) . Euripides used it as a foreign 
term. (Cf. Iph. in Aulid. 297. i5ap- 
fidpovs /3o(f>i8at.) Afterwards it came 
to be a njcre variant for wKoiov. (See 



Blomfield's note on JEschvl. Pent. 
659.) 

[I had supposed Baris to mean 
" Boat of the Sun." (At. Eg. vol. v. 
p. 413, note.) Baris has erroneously 
been derived from Bai, a ** palm 
branch," which had certainly thi^ 
meaning (and which is even used iu 
John xii. 13, ra fiata riv ^Wic«r, 
"palm branches"), but Omq, or Ua, 
a ** boat," is a different wi rd, though 
a Greek would write it with a /3, it 
veta. The name Baris is used by 
Plutarch (de Is. s. 18, lamblichus de 
Myst. s. 6, ch. v.). and others. There 
was an Egyptian boat with a cabin, 
called by Strabo thalamegus, or tha- 
lamiferus (xvii. pp. 1134-5), used 
by the povemors of provinces for 
visiting Upper Egypt ; and a similar 
one was employed in the funeral 
pn>ces»ions on the sacred Lake 
of the Dead (No. I.). There was 




No. I. 



C«»P. 96. VESSELS AND BOATS. 




iCo 



VEBSELS AND BOATS. 



whioli is piUIcd along in the wake of the vessel, and lies de?p 
in tlie water, ketips the boat straight. There are a vast 
number of these vessels in Egypt, and some of them are of 
many thousand talents' burthen.* 



■I«i s miBll kind of bn«t, with a 
calilii or awnintt, in which ftontlemon 
wire tiiwpd b; thpir lerrKnta npno 
thn UkM in thoir plouara groaiidi 
(Nu. 11.) But nil their large boats 



hod cabins, often of great height and 
siie, and OToa common maxket boats 
wore fnmiBh^ with them, and BuSi- 
cientlj roomy to hold cattle and 
goods (No. lV.).-r[G. W,] 




1 the Nile 
Taricii now na of olil i antl aome used 
for cmryinK cnrn, which cau only 
nn*i|int(> the Nih> durinf; the inuniln- 
tion. lire rated hi fn<m atOO (o 4WX) 
anli'lw. or nlHint lOUKV to St.tXKl 
Inwhi'U' buiihpn. Tho shipK of war 
nf llii> niirii'nl RKyplianti wero not 
Urnemll.v i>f gront tiie. «l U-oul in tlip 
mrly liniei< ot the lt*lh ami Ithh 
il;iw»'it''. when thcr hail a iiini;lt> 
TOW »r tnoii £ll to 4 1' .<r SO <>ar?, mid 
(n>ri< similar lo Ihi' "k'ng; shiii* 



mii'-v 



thn 



of tho MMiii-rran.' 



I.U11.' I 






Oi.Hl,.r 



id-n* iiif I't oiHlar, ■leilii'atti] hv ^e«i«- 
tri* lo <hP f^>.l >'t ThrK'K. ni^^urin^ 
a*> .-uUits \fn™ 4at t.< 4rs fwH in 
Wtv;(h: and in Utpr limp« (hi'T wm> 
Tvniark»bU> Ivih ti-r !«i<1h and Wiirtit i 
.mol'udlbv l1,<W>yI'hil,>|ai.<Tbavin|; 
4<t tutnkf <'( iMr*. mmI nittt^nrin^ ^!4I 
pnbits laNui 47S fivi> in lonirth, SS 
in brmdih. uhI 4t< onltits iaK>ai SA 



400 sailorB, beaidei 4000 rowers, and 
near 3000 soldiers. (Plat. Vit. Demet. 
Athon. Deipn. ». p. KOlj Pliny, vii. 
50. who mentions one of 40, and 
another of 50 banks of ottrv.) Athi>. 

I n[png BavB I'hilopator boilt another, 
used on the Nile, halfai'tiidiani (about 

I 300 feet) Ion;;, upwards of 40 cubits 
bri«d,and nearly 30 hich : and ■' the 
nnnitiCT belonging to Ptolemy Phila- 
del|>hus exceeded those of anv other 
ting (v. p. aal. he having two of 30 
bank*, i^e of a>, fear of 14, two of 12, 
fourteen of 1 1 . iliirly ot 9, thirly-seTen 

, of 7, five of !■. sercnteen qninqneremes. 
and more than iwicc ihsi number of 
()iiadrin>ine9. irirvmes." &c. Hi> sIki 
JeacriU's Hii-rvi's ship of 20 bankii, 
eont Of a present to Pii'leniy iv. pp. 
S>6, 9.>r>. It is «ini;ulnr 'that no 
Egyptian, Asfvrian. Greek, er Roman 
nK'nomont ni'ivseiit* a galley of morv 

eieept a Roman pniniing foam) in the 
On i F^reosiani. which gives one with 
three. ibi'Sgh irireoie^ and qnlnqne- 



Cn»f.96,»7. OVERFLOWING OF THE NILE, l6l 

97. When the Nile overflows, the country is converted into 
a sea, and nothing appears but the cities, which look like the 
islands in the Egean.' At this season boats no longer keep 
the course of the river, bnt sail right across the plain. On 
the voyage from Naucratis to Memphis at this season, you 
pass close to the pyramids,^ whereas the usual course is by 



' This IB perfcctlj tmo ; Bud it i 
h[ipi>eDB in those years when the 



Btill I longer 



and olhen BuppoBS 



q i.Duae yeim wneo ine id. 
I »erj hif(h. Thoogfa Savary 



riBBB as ID the dajB of Eero- 
and foretell the gradual de- 
of the inDndatioa, it l ~ ~ ' 




dsBciibcd b; tlie hiBtorian, aa late ag I ia dnrin^; these high inandations that 

A.D, 1848. Seaeca bbjb, " Majorqne we see the pesEanta reBcaiug their 

Iratitia gentiboB, quo minoa terrarom cattle from the flooded laodB, aa de- 

EDirnm video (." (Nat.QoraBL iT.2.) It I scribed Id the old paiutiDga.— [G. W.] 




• When the Nile ia at that height, 
boata can go across conntry, as liero- 
dotoB atatea, without keeping tn the 
Btream. Aa Herodotna auja that in 
a»ling to Naoomtia from the Caoopic 
VOL. n. 



month ycm |>ur 1 v Anihylia and 
Arohandnipiiha, it ix clear that these 
towna atond to the west of the Cano- 
pic bnuich.— [G. W.] 



1 62 



ANTHYLLA — ARCHANDROPOLIS. 



Boor IT. 



the apex of the Delta, and the city of Cercasorus.^ You can 
sail also from the maritime town of Canobiis across the flat to 
Naucratis, passing by the cities of Anthylla^ and ArchandropoliH. 

98. The former of these cities, which is a place of note, is 
assigned expressly to the wife of the ruler of Egypt for the 
time being, to keep her in shoos.* Such has been the custom 
ever since Egypt fell under the Persian yoke. The other city 
seems to me to have got its name of Archandropolis from 
Archander the Phthian, son of AchaBus,^ and son-in-law of 
Danaus. There might certainly have been another Ai-chander; 
but, at any rate, the name is not Egyptian.* 

99. Thus far I have spoken of Egypt from my own obser- 
vation, relating what I myself saw, the ideas that I formed 
and the results of my own researches. What follows rests on 
the accounts given me by the Egyptians, which I shall now 



• See above, note *, ch. 17. 

' The , neighbourhood of Anthylla 
was celebrated for its wine, probably 
from the soil being light. It stood to 
the west of the Canopic branch, not 
at Gjnsecopolis, as Larcher sapposc^s, 
bat further inland. On the wines of 
Eg^pt, see notes on chs. 18, 37, and 
60.— [G. W.J 

' Atlieiiaus (i. p. 33 F) says " to 
find her in girdles*' (or dress). Plato 
uses the same expression when ho 
says " a territory in Persia was set 
apart for and called tlic Queen's girdlCf 
another for her veil, and others for 
the rcst of her apparel." The reve- 
nues of the Lake Moeris, which were 
nettled on the queens of Egypt for 
the purchase of ointments, jewels, and 
other objects connected with the toi- 
lette, amounted, as Diodorus says (i. 
52), to a talent every day (see note' 
on ch. 149) ; which, added to those of 
Anthylla, would bo a handsome allow- 
ance for "pin-money.** But a talent 
could not have been raised daily from 
that one fishery, and it would more 
probably include all those in Egypt, 
if it were necessary to believe that 
S(4 ;h a sum was allowed to the qaecns. 
Jt nas the cofitom of the Persian 



kings to assi^ the revenues of towns 
as pin-money to the queens (Xenoph. 
Anab. i. 4, 9; Plato, Alcibiad. I. p. 
123. C), and they readily transfeiTCjd 
those of the Egyptians to their own ; 
but Herodotus seems to say it was 
only after the Persian conquest that 
the revenues of Anthylla were so ap- 
plied. See Cic. Verr. iii. 33, and com- 
pare Corn. Nep. Vit. Themist. 10. — 
LG. W.] 

* It would perhaps be more natural 
to render this passage, " Archander, 
the son of Phthius, and grandson of 
AchsDus ; " but as Pausanias makes 
Archander the son of Achseus and a 
Phthian, since he brings him from 
Phthiotis to the Peloponnese (Achaic. 
i. § 3), and as the words of Ilerodotus 
will bear the meaning given in the 
text, it seems best to translate him in 
this way. According to Pausanias 
(I. 8. c.) Archander married Scsea, the 
daughter of Danaus, and had a son 
whom he called Metanastes, in memory 
of his change of country. 

* This remark of Herodotus is very 
just, and Ai'chander was doubtless 
corrupted by the Greeks from some 
Egyptian name. — [G. W.] 



Chap. 97-99. 



MEN, THE FIRST KING OF EGYPT. 



163 



repeat, adding thereto some particulars which fell under my 
own notice. 

The priests said that Men was the first king of Egypt,^ and 
that it was he who raised the dyke which protects Memphis 
from the inundations of the Nile. Before his time the river 
flowed entirely along the sandy range of hills which skirts 
Egypt on the side of Lihya. He, however, by banking up the 
river at the bend which it forms about a hundred fmiongs 
south of Memphis,® laid the ancient channel dry, while he dug 
a new course for the stream half-way between the two lines of 
hills. To this day, the elbow which the Nile forms at the 
point where it is forced aside into the new channel is guarded 
with the greatest care by the Persians, and strengthened 
every year ; for if the river were to burst out at this place, 
and pour over the mound, there would be danger of Memphis 
being completely overwhelmed by the flood. Men, the first 
king, having thus, by turning the river, made the tract where 
it is used to run, dry land, proceeded in the first place to 
build the city now called Memphis,'' which lies in the naiTOW 



' Manetho, Eratosthenes, and other 
writers, ^ree with Herodotus that 
M6n or Menes (the Mna, or Menai, of 
the monuments) was the first Egyp- 
tian king ; and this is eontirmed by 
the lists of the Memnonium, or Re- 
mraeam, at ITiebes, and by the Turin 
papyrus. The gods were 
said to have reigned be- 
fore Menes, which some 
explain by supposing them 
the colleges of priests of 
.those deities. Menes is 
called by Manetho a "Thi- 
nite." After his reign 
the kingdom appears to 
have been divided, and the remaining 
kings of the 1st and 2nd dynasties 
reigned in Upper Egypt, while the 
8rd and 4th mled at Memphis ; as Dr. 
Hincks and Mr. Stuart Poole have 
suggested. See Hist. Not. App. ch. 
viii. and Tn. P.K.W. pp. 29, 31, and 58. 
-[G. W.] 

• The dyke of Menes was probably 




near the modern Kafr el Jyaty 14 milei 
Koutli of Mitrahenvyy where the Nile 
takes a considerable bond, and from 
which iK)iut it would (if the previous 
direction of its course continued) run 
immediately below the Libyan moun- 
tains, and over the site of Memphis. 
Calculating from the outside of Mem- 
phis, this bend agrees exactly with 
the hundred stadia, or nearly 11^ 
English miles, 3fi7ra/ie;iny being about 
the centre of the old city. No traces 
of these dykes are now seen. — [G. W.] 
"^ The early foundation of Memnhis 
is proved by the names of the kings of 
some of the oldest dynasties being 
found there ; and the precedence of 
the upper country may have been 
owing to Menes being from This, a city 
of the Thebaid near Abydus, to which 
Thebes succeeded as the capital of 
Upper Egypt. Phtah, or Vulcan, was 
the god of Memphis, to whom the 
great temple was erected by Menes. 
The lake was the one on which the 



164 



SUCCESSORS OF MfeN. 



Book II. 



part of Egypt ; after which he further excavated a lake out- 
ftide the town, to the north and west, communicating with tlie 
river, which was itself the eastern boundary. Besides those 
works,® he also, the priests said, built the temple of Vulcan 
which stands within the city, a vast edifice, very worthy of 
mention. 

100. Next, they read me from a papyrus the names of three 
hundred and thirty monarchs,® who (they said) were his suc- 
cessors upon the throne. In this number of generations there 



fnneral ceremoDics were perforznod, 
and which the dead crogsed on the 
way to the tombs, as at Theben ; and 
thii), as Diodoms Bavs (i. 92, 96), was 
the origin of the Achemsian Lake of 
the Greokp, which he eeems to think 
was calle<l Aclicnisia at Memphis. 
The name <>f Memphis was Manofre, 
or Mon-nofr, " the place (or haren) of 
good men,'' according to PIntarch 
(s. 21), or "the abode of the good 
one," mcaninf? Osiris; and this has 
been retained in the Coptic Mefi, 
Kem6, Menrfrc, and Pnnont', and in 
the modem Manouf of the Dolta. It 
HTW also calle<l the ** land of the pyra- 
mid " and "of the white wall," or 
** boildinpr.'* See note on B. iii. ch. 
13.— [G.WJ 

* Neither Mones nor his immediate 
Bnccessors have left anv monuments. 
Ilis name is only mentioned on those 
of a much later date. The names of 
the kings of the 4th dynasty are at 
the Pyramids, and of the 6th mostly 
in Lower and Middle Egypt ; the 3rd, 
4th, and 6th being Memphites. Those 
of the Enentefs (or Ntentefs), and 
others of the 9th Heracleopolite dy- 
nasty, are found at Thebes and else- 
where ; particnlnrly at Uermonthis. 
The 9th was contemporarv with part 
of the 5tb, the 6th, 11th,' and 12th ; 
and the monuments of the kings of 
the two last are found at Thebes. 
Osirtasen 1., the leader of the 12th, 
ruled the whole of Egypt, and it was 
while this Diospolite dynasty ruled 
that the Shepherds came into Egypt 
and obtained possession of Memphis. 
During the reign of the 13th they 



extended their conquests into the The- 
baid, when the Egyptian kings ttxjk 
refuge in Ethiopia, where their names 
are found; and it was not till the 
accession of the 18th that Amosis, the 
leader of that dynasty, expel lr<l the 
Shepherds from Egypt, and made the 
whole countiy into one kingdom. 
(See Hist. Not. in App. en. viii.) — 
[G. W.] 

• That is from Menes to Mcrris, who 
had nof been dead 900 years, when 
Herodotus was in Egypt nb<mt B.C. 
455 (supra, ch. 13). This would make 
the date of Mccris less than 1350 B.C., 
and might correspond with the era of 
Menophres B.C. 1322, who Hoems to 
bo the king ho here calls Mceri.>», the 
Mendes of Diodorus (i. 61 and 97). 
The name Mopris was evidently attri- 
buted to several kings (Keo note on 
oh. 13). The Moeris hero mentioned 
could not have lived before the 
founders of the Pyramids and the first 
Sesostris ; the 330 kings should there- 
fore include all the kings of tlio 
Egvptian dynasties to the time of 
Menophres, and this being the great 
E^'vptian era will account for the 
reign of that king being mentioned 
Fo often as one from which they dated 
events. The number of 330 kings, 
which appears also to be given by the 
Turin papyrus, was evidently taken 
from the sum of all the reigns to tlie 
end of the 18th dynasty, or to the 
accession of Bemeses II. Euscbins 
indeed gives little more than 300 
kings from Menes to the end of the 
18th dynasty, though his numbers are 
Texy uncertain; and- his summation 



Chap. 99, 100. 



NITOCRIS. 



I6S 



were eighteen Ethiopian kings,^ and one queen who was a 
native ; all the rest were kings and Egyptians. The queen 
bore the same name as the Babylonian princess, namely, 
Nitoeris.^ They said that she succeeded her brother ; ^ he had 



oomes within four of Africanas. At 
all events, it is evident that the 330 
kings cannot be calcnlated from 
Menes to Amon-m-he III. (the Moeris 
of the Labyrinth, and the Lamaris of 
Manetho). As there are only 204 
kings from Menes to Lamaris, the 4th 
king of the 12th dynasty, and far less 
if oontemporaneoasness be allowed 
for; and thoagh Amun-m-he II L was 
the real Moeris of the Labyrinth, these 
calculations of time were not made to 
him, but to a much later reign, — the 
fixed chronological period of Mono- 
phres, who by mistake has been con- 
founded with Moeris. (See notes on 
chs. 13 and 124.) The Sesostris who 
came *' after tliem " coald not be 
Sesostris of the 12th dynasty, as he 
reigned before Amnn-m-he III. (the 
real Moeris) ; and this must refer to 
the later (supposed) Sesostris, or 
Setho0, whose exploits, together with 
those of his son Rcmescs II., have 
been attributed to one king, under the 
name of Sesostris. See note ' on ch. 
102.— [G. W.] 

* The intermarriages of the Egyp- 
tian and Ethiopian royal families may 
be inferred from the sculptures. 
** The royal son of Kush " (Cush, or 
Ethiopia) is also often mentioned, 
sometimes holding the office of flabel- 
lum-bearer on the right of a Pharaoh ; 
though this title of " royal son " pro- 
bably belonged to Egyptian princes 
who were viceroys of Ethiopia; 
foreign princes being merely styled 
" chiefs." Bat the Ethiopians who 
sat on the throne of Ejrypt may have 
claimed their right either as descend- 
ants of those princes, or through 
intermarriages with daughters of the 
Pharaohs. The eighteen Ethiopian 
kings were probably the early Sabacos 
of the 13th dynasty, one of whose 
names is found on a statue in the Isle 
of Argo, and another at Semneh, in 



Ethiopia, who ruled there while the 
Shepherds were in Egypt. It was 
this right of the female members of 
the royal family to the throne that 
led so many foreigners who had 
man-ied Egyptian princesses to assert 
their claims, some of which were suc- 
cessful.— [G. W.] 

* The fact of Nitocris having been 
an early Egyptian queen is proved by 
her name, Neitakri, occurring in the 
Turin paj)yrus, and as the last sove- 





reign of Manotho's 6th dynasty. Thoro 
was anothor Nitocris, of the 26th 
dynasty, written Noitakri, with tlio 
usual name of the goddess Neitlj. 
Eratosthenes translates Nitocr's 
" Minerva Victrix." It is remarkable 
that Nitocris of the 2(>th dynasty 
lived about the same time as the 
Babylonian queen. The name is per- 
fectly Egyptian. The qaeen of 
Psammetichus III., a daughter of his 
predecessor, had the same name as 
the (supposed) wife of Nebuchadnez- 
zar ; and it is not impossible that the 
famous Nitocris may have been 
another of the Fame name and family, 
demanded in marriage by the king of 
Babylon on his invasion of Egypt. 
See note on ch. 177, and historical 
notice in the Appendix. — [G. W.] 

* This would seem to be Menthesu- 
phis II., the fifth king of Manetho* s 
6th dynasty, who reigned only a year 



l66 REVENGE OF NITOCRIS. Book II. 

been king of Egypt, and was put to death by his subjects, who 
then placed her upon the throne. Bent on avenging his death, 
she devised a cunning scheme by which she destroyed a vast 
number of Egyptians. She constructed a spacious under- 
groimd chamber, and, on pretence of inaugurating it, con- 
trived the following : — Inviting to a banquet those of the 
Egyptians whom she knew to have had the chief share in 
the murder of her brother, she suddenly, as they were feasting, 
let the river in upon them, by means of a secret duct of large 
size. This, and this only, did they tell me of her, except that, 
when she had done as I have said, she threw herself into an 
apartment full of ashes, that she might escape the vengeance 
whereto she would otherwise have been exposed. 

101. The other kings, they said, were personages of no note 
or distinction,* and left no monuments of any account, with 



* Their obBcnrity was owing to 
Egypt being part of the time under 
the dominion of the Shcphcrdfl, who, 
finding Egypt divided into several 
kingdoms, or principalities, invaded 
the conn try, and sncceeded at length 
in digposwspinp the Memphite kings 



the end of that dynasty. They then 
mled contemporanoonsly with the 
7th, 8th, 10th, 13th, and lith dynas- 
ties, till at length the whole of the 
Egyptian power becoming vested in 
one native king Ames (called Amosis 
and Tethmosis bv Manotho and 



of their torritoriop. Their invasion ! Josephas), who was the first of the 
Rooms to have originated in some ' 18th dynasty, the Shephords were 



claim to the thnme, probably through I driven ont of the country, and the 

previous marringos. Thi^ wrnld ac Thcban or Diospolite kincs rul(?d th»3 

count for their being pomctimes in ' whole of Egypt. It is still uncertain 

alliance with the kings of the rci^t of of what race the Shei>lu?rd3 wero. 

the count rj- ; for thoir conquest Some an* callo<l by Manotlio Phirni- 

having been made "without a battle," cians. (See Historical Notice in the 

ns Hnnetho says; and for its not \ App.) Ensebius (Chron. p. 27) says 

having weakened the power of Egypt, - 
which that of a foreiini enemv would 
have done. They came into Egypt 



Phoenix and Cadmu'^ troing from E'^yp- 
tian Thebes reigned over Tyre and 
Sidon, which might ajiply to the expnl- 



nlmut the beginning of the 12th ' sion of the "Phoenician Shepherds 
dynasty, but did not extend their from Egypt, and the relationship of 
dominion bt^yond Lower Egypt till Egypt and Phoenicia is pointed out by 

NVptune - Libva. 
_ I 



Ajccnor. King of Phtrnlola. _ RoIik - Anohlno<». d.iugUter of Nilu<, 

^ f ' I 

»p«digrtH« in Apollrtlonw (Bibl. ii. 1, | pidep, Cepheus and Phinens were al?o 

4) I who ttddt (hat, according to Kuri. , sons of Belus and Anchinoe.— [G. W.] 



Chap. 100-102. 



M(ERIS — SESOSTRIS. 



167 



the exception of the last, who was named Moeris.*^ He left 
several memorials of his reign — the northern gateway of the 
temple of Vulcan, the lake excavated by his orders, whose 
dimensions I shall give presently,® and the pyramids built by 
him in the lake, the size of which will be stated when I describe 
the lake itself wherein they stand. Such were his works : the 
other kings left absolutely nothing. 

102. Passing over these monarchs, therefore, I shall speak 
of the king who reigned next, whose name was Sesostris.^ 



* See note • on ch. 13, and note • 
on ch. 100. 

• Infra, ch. 149. 

^ The originnl Sesostris was the first 
king of the 12th dynasty, Osirtasen, 
or Sosortasen I., who was the first 
great Egyptian conqaeror; bnt when 
Osirei, or Sethi (Sethos), and his son 
Bomeses II. surpassed the exploits 
of their predecessor, the name of 
Sesostris became confounded with 
Sethos, and the conquests of that 
king, and his still greater son, were 
ascribed to the original Sesostris. 
This explains the assertion of Dica)ar. 
chus that Sesostris was the successor 
of Horns, mistaken for the god, bnt 
really the la.st king of tlio 18th 
dynasty. For those two kings did 
succeed Uorus (the reign of Remeses I., 
the father of Sethi, being so short as 
to be overlooked), and their union 
under one name, Sesostris, is accounted 
for by Bemeses II. having ruled con- 
jointly with his father during the 
early and principal part of his reign. 
Mr. Poole very properly suggests tliat 
Manetho's " 2€0«y 6 koI 'Pe/xtVai/y" 
should be " 2. . . Koi P. . ." This is re- 
quired also by the length of their reigns 
(that of the 2nd Remeses being from 
63 to 66 years) ; and by the age of 
Remeses ; and the sculptures at 
Kamak show that he accompanied 
his father in his early campaigns. It 
seems too that in the first Sesostris 
two kings, Osirtasen I. and III., were 
comprehended ; as several were under 
the name of Mooris. Strabo (xv. p. 
978) makes Sesosti-is and even Tear- 



I 



con (Tirhakah) both go into Karopc. 
The great victories over the Scythians 
could not be attributed to the early 
Sesostris, though some ruins near old 
Kossayr (see n. ch. 158) pi'ove that in 
the reign of Amnn-m-he II., who 
reigned for a short time contempo- 
raneously with Osirtasen I., the Egyp- 
tians hsid already (in his 28th year) 
extended their conquests out of Egypt, 
having defeated the people of Fount, 
with whom the kings of the 18th and 
19th dynasties were afterwards at 
war. The people of Fount were a 
northern race, being placed at Solcb 
and elsewhere with the Asiatic triben. 
They appear to have lived in Arabia ; 
probably in the southera, as well as 
northern part; and their tribute at 
Thebes, in the time of Thothmes III., 
consisted of ivory, ebony, apes, and 
other southern ]iroductions j partly 
perhaps obtained by commeive. Ele- 
phants and brown bears were also 
brought by the northern race of 
Rot.u.n, or Rot-h-no, who come next 
to Mesopotamia in the list of con- 
quered countries. Osirtasen I. pos- 
sessed the peninsula of Mount Sinai, 
already conquered in the age of the 
4th dvnastv, and extended his arms 
far into Ethiopia, where his monu- 
ments are found ; and this maybe the 
expedition alluded to by Diotlorus as 
the beginning of his exploits, unless 
he had in view the conquests of 
Sethi and Remeses II., which reached 
still farther south, continuing those of 
Amenoph III. in Ethiopia and the 
Soudan. Some think Osirtasen III. 



1 68 



CONQl'ESTS OF SESOSTRIS. 



Book IT. 



He, the pricHts Raid, first of all proceeded in a fleet of ships of 
war from the Arabian gulf along the shores of the Erj^thraean 
Sea, subduing the nations as he went, until he finally reached 
a sea which could not be navigated by reason of the shoals/ 
Hence he returned to Egyi)t, where, they told me, he collected 
a vast armament, and made a progress by land across the 
continent, conquering every people which fell in his way. In 
the countries where the natives withstood his attack, and fought 
gallantly for their liberties, he erected pillars,® on which he 
inscribed his own name and country, and how that he had 
hero reduced the inhabitants to subjection by the might of his 
arms: where, on the contrarj^ they submitted readily and 



wAi ScAORtriii, booantio ho is treated 
with divine honours on the monu- 
monta of Thothraos III. ; but this mny 
hnre boon fi'ora some rights to the 
thnmo boing derived from him, or 
frt)m his havinp^ establiflhetl the 
front ior on tho Ethiopian side at this 
■pot ; though it aeoms also to ncconl 
with Manet ho*a account of Sesostris 
lioing considered as " tho first (or 
l^rontest) after Osiris." But neither 
the ctmquests nor the monuments of 
i\w thinl Osirtasi^n show him to have 
oqualleil tho first ; and if he fixed on 
8tMnneh as tho fnmtier of K^rypt, it 
was within tho limits of hi:* priMh^cos- 
tor's <H»nquosts. That Somnoh was the 
frontier dofenci> n):raius:t tho Ethio- 
pians is shown by an in^oription there, 
and by the walor-paio in bi^lh for- 
tnvsi^s lH>inir on tho Kiryptian side of 
the works. The monnmonts of Osir- 
tasen I. an* ftmnd evorv where fnnn 

m 

the I Vita to Kthiopin. (See Hist. 
Notice in App. I'li. viii.^ — li. W.' 

• This is (lerhui^ an indit*ation ihat 
tho K);yptians in the time tif Hero- 
dot as wort« awan> of the diffioultfes 
of tho navi>;ration towanls the months 
of tho Indus, Tho waters of this 
rJTor in tho fliXMl-time diso«>lonr the 
•M^ for thro«« milt^, and do|Hvut vast 

auintitii^ of mud, forming an over, 
itftinir sori«>« of shivils and shallow^ 
Tory dantf^»n»ns t«^ vr*st»ls «S«.v 
Googrftph. Jou.Mt. v^ I, iii. p. \:i>). The 



I 



voyage of Seylnx down tho Indus 
from Caspatyrus to the ocean, and 
thenco along shore to Suez (iufni, 
iv. •}-(), would have bi'onght tho know, 
ledge of thesis facts to tho Egyptians, it* 
they did not pi^sscss it before. Thr 
otrnquests of Sesi^strisin this direction 
Bocm to l>o pnre fables. 

*• Those memorials, which l)el'»ng to 
Rcmeses II., are found in Syria, on 
tho rtx^ks above the mouth of t}i>> 
Lycus (now Nahr el Kclb). Strabo 
savs a stehi on tho Hod Sea roconls 
his conquests over tho Trogloilyur 
(b. xvi. p. U>i)3). The honour paiil 
bv Sesostris to those who resisted his 
arms, and fouirht couraireouilv, i- 
one of nmny pnH>fs of the civilizo"! 
habits of the Eiryptians; and tho.-«* 
sentiments cont^l^t strongly with tin* 
cruelties practised by tho A?iai!i* 
conquen^rs, who tlaytnl alive and t*i- 
tunnl thv>se who opin^sed thorn, as tho 
Turks have done in morereeont time."^. 
(^Soe Laj-nrd's drawinirs.and the Nine- 
veh sculptures in the British Museum. ^ 
The victories of Remeses II. are repn^- 
sented on the monuments of Thebe» : 
and it is worthv of notice that when 
Germanicus visited them no mentioi. 
was made of Sesostris as the grtat 
Ci^nquec\>r, but of Rhamses, the rcil 
king. whv>se sculptures he was show!» 
by the priosrs. ^Tacit. Ann. ii. tV*. 
The mistake isthorofiuvnrt K^viit*:i:;. 
- 0. W. 



Chap. 102-101. 



CONQUESTS OF SESOSTRIS. 



169 



without a struggle, he inscribed on the pillars, in addition to 
these particulars, an emblem to mark that they were a nation 
of women, that is, unwarlike and effeminate. 

103. In this way he traversed the whole continent of Asia, 
whence he passed on into Europe, and made himself master 
of Scythia and of Thrace, beyond which countries I do not 
think that his army extended its march. For thus far the 
pillars which he erected are still visible;^ but in the remoter 
regions they are no longer found. Returning to Eg}^pt from 
Thrace, he came, on his way, to the banks of the river Phasi?-. 
Here I cannot say with any certainty what took place. Either 
he of his own accord detached a body of troops from his main 
army and left them to colonise the country, or else a certain 
number of his soldiers, wearied with their long wanderings, 
deserted, and established themselves on the banks of this 
stream.^ 

104. There can be no doubt that the Colchians are an 



* Kiepert (as quoted by M. Texier, 
Asie Mineare, ii. p. 306) concludes 
from this, that Herodotus had seen 
the Thracian stelce. But Herodotus 
does not say so ; and such a point is 
certainly not to be assumed without 
distinct warrant from his words. It 
is to the last degree improbable that 
Sesostris, or any other Egyptian con- 
qaeror, ever penetrated throui^h Scy- 
thia into Thrace. The Egyptian 
priests did not even atlvanco such a 
claim when they conver&ed with 
Germanicns (Tacit. Ann. ii. GO). The 
Caacasus is the furthest limit that 
can possibly be assigned to the Ha- 
messide conquests, and the Scythians 
subdued must have dwelt within that 
boundary. 

' If it bo really true that Scsostris 
left a colony on the Phasis, his object 
may be explained in the same manner 
as that of the Argonautic expedition ; 
both being to obtain a share of that 
lucrative trade, which long continued 
to flow in that direction, and was the 
object of the Genoese settlements on 
the Black Sea from the thirteenth to 



the fifteenth century. The twuh*. 
from India and Arabia took varicus 
channels at diff»»rent periods. In 
Solomon's time, the Phoenicians ha<l 
already brought it through the Red 
Sea; and his offering them a more 
convenient road thence through the 
Valley of Petra, enabled him to enter 
into an advantageou.s ti-eaty with, and 
to obtain a share of the trade fnmi, 
that jealous merchant j)eo})le. The 
trade was frequently diverted into dif- 
ferent channels ; as under the Kgyptian 
Caliphs, and at other times. But it also 
passed at the same periods by an over- 
land route, to which in the earliest a^OA 
it was probably confined ; and if Colchis 
was the place to which the former 
was directed, this would account for 
the endeavour of the Egyptian con- 
queror to establish a colony there, 
and secure possession of that import- 
ant point. The trade of Colchis may, 
however, like its golden fleece, simply 
relate to the gold brought to it from 
the interior.— [G. W.] Compare vol. 
i. Essay x. § 7, sub fin. 



I/O 



IDENTITY OF EGYPTIANS AND COLCHIANS. 



Book II. 



Egyptian race.® Before I heard any mention of the fact from 
others, I had remarked it myself. After the thought had 
struck me, I made inquiries on the subject both in Colchis 
and in Egypt, and I found that the Colchians had a more 
distinct recollection of the Egj'ptians, than the Egyptians had 
of them. Still the Egyptians said that they believed the 
Colchians to be descended from the army of Sesostris. My own 
conjectures were founded, first, on the fact that they are 
black-skinned and have woolly hair,* which certainly amounts 



' According to Agathias (ii. p. 55) 
the Lazis of the coantry about Trcbi- 
xond are the legitimate descendants 
of the ancient Colchians. The lan- 
guage of this race is Turanian, and 
bears no particular resemblance to 
that of ancient Egypt. (See Muller's 
Languages of the Seat of War, pp. 
113-5.) 

* Herodotus also alludes in ch. 57 
to the black colour of the Egyptians ; 
but not only do the paintings point- 
edly distinguish the Egyptians from 
the blacks of Africa, and even from 
the copper-coloured Ethiopians, both 
of whom are Fhown to liave been of 
the same hue as their descendants : 
but the mummies prove that the 
Egyptians were v either hlark vor 
itffiolhj. haired J and (he f(»rmation of 
the head at once decides tliat tlicvaro 
of Asiatic, and not of African, orij»>in. 
It is evident they could not liavo 
changed in colour, as I.archor Fup- 
poses, from the time of Ilerodotus to 
that of Ammianus Marcellinus, who 
after all only says they are " mostly 
dusky and dark" (xxii. 16), but not 
"black;" for though the Ethiopians 
have for more than 3000 years inter- 
married with black women from the 
Soudan, who form great part of their 
hareemSf they still retain their copper 
colour, without becoming negroes ; 
nnd indeed this may serve as a nega- 
tive datum for those who speculate on 
change of colour in the human race. 
That the Egyptians were dark and 
their hair coarse, to European eyes, is 
true ; but it is diflRcult to explain the 
broad aescilion of Ilerodotus, espe- 



cially as he uses the superlative of 
the same word, " most woolly," in 
speaking of the hair of the Ethiopians 
of the West, or the blacks of Africa 
(B. vii. ch. 70). The hair he had no 
opportunity of seeing, as the Egyp- 
tians shaved their heads and beards ; 
and blackness of colour is, and always 
was, a very conventional term ; for 
the Hebrews even called the Arabs 
«* black," kedar, the " cedrei " of Pliny ; 
though "'Tp may only mean of a dark, 
or sunburnt hue (Plin. v. 11 : see note 
on Book iii. ch. 101). The negroes of 
Africa, in the paintings of Thebes, 
cannot be mistaken ; and the Egyp- 
tians did not fail to heighten the cari- 
catnre of tliat marked race by givinj,' 
to their scanty dross of hide the ridi- 




culous addition of a tail. Egypt was 
called Chemi, " black," from the colour 
of the rich soil, not from that of the 
people (see note* on ch. 15). Our 
** blacks" and '* Indians " are equally 
indefinite "wuth the blacks or Ethiopian's 



Chap. 104. IDENTITY OF EGYPTIANS AND COLCHIANS. 



171 



to but little, since several other nations are so too; but 
farther and more especially, on the circumstance that the 
Colchians, the Egyptians, and the Ethiopians, are the only, 
nations who have practised circumcision from the earliest 
times. The Phoenicians and the Syrians of Palestine ® them- 
selves confess that they learnt the custom from the Egyptians ; 
and the Syrians who dwell about the rivers Thermodon and 
Parthenius,® as well as their neighbours the Macronians,'' 



of old. The fact of the Egyptians 
representing their women yellow and 
the men red soflSces to show a grada- 
tion of hue, whereas if they had been 
a black race the women wonid have 
been black also. — [G. W.] 

• Herodotus apparently allndes to 
the Jews. Palestine and Philistine are 
the same name. He may be excosed 
for supposing that the Jews borrowed 
circumcision from the Egyptians, since 
they did not practice it as a regular 
and universal custom until after they 
left Egypt, which is proved by the 
new generation in the wilderness not 
being circumcised till their arrival on 
the plains of Jericho (Joshua v. 5, 7), 
though the custom had been adopted 
by tho Patriarchs and their families 
from the time of Abraham. Even (in 
John vii. 22) our Saviour says, "Moses 
gave you circumcision (not because 
it is of Moses, but of the fathers) " ; 
and any writer of antiquity might 
naturally suppose that the Jews bor- 
rowed from Egypt a rite long estab- 
lished there j for it was already 
common at least as early as the 4th 
dynasty, and probably earlier, long 
before the birth of Abraham. Herodotus 
is justified in calling tho Jews Syrians, 
as they were comprehended geographi- 
cally under that name ; and they were 
ordered to " speak afnd say before tho 
Lord God : A Syrian ready to perish 
wsis my father, and he went down intbj, 
Egypt, and sojourned there with a 
few, and became there 
(Dent. xxvi. 5). Pausaniai 
of tho " Hebrews who 
the Syrians," vw^p 1,vpuv. 
prehendcd the whole countr^ from 
the passes of Cilicia {uSytAdana) to 



V 




speaks 

above 

com- 



Egypt, though parts of it were separate 
and distinct provinces. See note on 
Book vii. ch. 72.— [G. W.] 

^ The Syrians here intended are un- 
doubtedly the Cappadocians (supra, i. 
72, 76), in whose country the river 
Therm6don is commonly placed. (Scy- 
lax. Peripl. p. 80 ; Strab. 12. p. 792 ; 
Plin. H. N. vi. 3 ; Ptol. v. 6.) It is 
curious, however, to find in such a 
connection a mention of the Parthe. 
nius, which is the modem Chati Su, or 
river of Bartan, a stream considerably 
to the W. of the Halys, ascribed by 
the geographers either to Paphlagonia 
(Scylax. p. 81 ; Strab. xii. p. 787 ; 
Plin. H. N. vi. 2) or to Bithynia (Ptol. 
V. 1). Herodotus elsewhere (i. 72) 
distinctly states that Cappadocia lay 
entirely to the E. of the Halys, and 
that the region to the W. was Paphla- 
gonia. The limits of the countries, 
no doubt, vary greatly in ancient 
writera (cp. Xen. Anab. V. v.-vi., with 
Scyl. Peripl. 1. s. c.) ; but with so dis- 
tinct an expression of his views on the 
part of Herodotus in one place, it 
seems impossible that in another he 
can have intended to extend Cap- 
padocia three degrees further to the W. 
I should therefore incline to think, 
either that the name is corrupted, or 
that a difibrent Parthenius is meant — 
the name being one which would be 
likely to be given by the Greeks to 
any stream in the country of tho 

I Amazons. 

\^ ^ The Macronians are mentioned by 
Aenophon (Anab. IV. viii. § 1) as 
situated inland at no fpce&t distanco 
from Trapezus (Trehizond). Strabo 
(xii. p. 795) agrees with this, and in- 
forms us that they were afterwar^U 




172 



PILl^ABS EllKCTED BY SESOSTRIS. 



Book IT. 



Hay that thoy have recently adopted it from the Colcbians. 
Now those are the only nations who use circumcision, and it 
IH phvin that thoy all imitate herein the Egyptians.® With 
roHpect to the Ethiopians, indeed, I cannot decide whether 
they learnt the practice from the Egyptians, or the Egyptians 
from them " — it is undoubtedly of very ancient date in Ethiopia 
— hut that the others derived their knowledge of it from 
Egypt is clear to me from the fact, that the Phcenicians, 
when they come to have commerce with the Greeks, cease to 
fv)llow the Egyptians in this custom, and allow their childi-eii 
t«) remain uncircumcised. 

105. I will add a further proof of the identity of the Egyp- 
tians and the Colchians. These two nations weave their linen 
in exactly the same way, and this is a way entirely unknown 
to the rest of the world ; they also in their whole mode of life 
and in their language resemble one another. The Colchiaii \ 
linen ^ is called by the Greeks Sardinian, while that which * 
comes from Egypt is known as Egyptian. 

100. The pillars which Sesostris erected in the conquered 
countries have for the most part disappeared ; but in the part 
of Syria called Palestine, I myself saw them still standing.^ 



i'^Uoil Saniii. Thoy occur again, iii. 
5)1, ami vii. 7S. 

• OircuuuM>ioii was not practised by 
tho IMiilistiiio^ il S^iin. xiv. Im xrii. 
26 J xviii. i7 ; :i Sam. i. 2l> : 1 Clinm. 
1. 4), nor In- I ho utMioralitv of tho 
l*lKVuioiau!» : fx'r wh:lo it i» said of 
l^moh v^*'*'^- '^^xi. IS; xxxii. 3-> 
that ho i»iu-uld " ho in tho nsLUi of 
lh«» uncirvnmc.Msl." axul Evlom (xxxii. 
:i9)''^with tho uncirvnuv.oistHi,** tlam, 
M<Nth«vh« 'l\iU%U a:;d tho Zidonians 
ixxxii. 24, S0» •*v^^ down uncircam- 
oiwHl.*' Ji>citi*|»hu* lAntiq. riii. 20. 3) 
nuuiitain» that nv' o;hors in Syria wore 
ourvHKiiKn9^,xt but ibo Jow«. Tho Aby*. 
«inHUU «(tU v\'ca:n iho nte. thvHiVh 
ihifrT wr\* Chn:^t:a&«of th^ Copt Churvh. 

-law/ ^ 

* li ha« Kvu already shown that 
thi^ Klhiv^fHtn^ b«.'rn^wv\l their rvli- 
|rA>ti» ittftitatk-eu frvm Ef^pc.- 



notc^ • on ch. 29, and • on ch. 30. — 
[G. W.I 

* C*-lchis was famous for its linoii. 
It was taken to Sanlis, and boinj^ 
thon(.\> imported received the name 1 1 
Sanli;u. 2af>8ort«5r, ** Saniinian." 
may be a mistake for 'Xa^iiakov. Tt:o 
best linen nets for huutins; purpt>6*> 
are said by J. Pi<llux to have coui»' 
from Esrypt, Colchis, Canha^re. « r 
Sanlis ^Onom. 5. 4. 2t»). It is pc-;- 
sible that the lineo of C«.lch:s mp.y 
hare had the Esryptian name Sindcn. 
or ih^i\t^ and that this may have bev p 
converted into Sordon. \Soe note ■ 
on ch. M>>. Sindoa was al^^o usO'L 
sometimes to sicniiv *• Indian." tPlin. 
Ti. 20>.— G. W/ 

* The «tela> soon by Her^.d- tus i:i 
Syria were dccb:!e<* th *e ca tre 
nvk near Bervtu* S ..-• :-. a; t' '.» 
BKmck of the T.vc::« vXi'-.r tl Kill . 



Chap. 104-106. 



FIGURES or SESOSTRIJS. 



^7i 



with tlie writing above mentioned, and the emblem distinctly 
visible.^ In Ionia also, there are two representations of this 
prince engraved upon rocks,* one on the road from Ephesus to 



enpp^ved by Remeses II. : one is dcdi- 
L-Jited to Amnn, another to Pthab, and 
a third to Re, the gods of Thebes, 
Memphis, and Heliopolis, the three 
)>rincipal cities on his march through 
^SJP^' Ahnost the only hieroglyphics 
now traceable are on the jambs of the 
tablets, which have one of the usual 
formulas — *' the good god," or " Phrah 
( Pharaoh) the powerful .... king of 
kings, Remeses, to whom life has been 
given like the sun;" but the lines 
below the figure of the king, who 
slays the foreign chiefs before the god, 
and which should contain the mention 
of his victories, are too much defaced 
.to be legible. The doubts of M. de 
Kaulcy respecting the genuineness of 
these atelse are extraordinary in these 
days. 

Close to them are stelao of an Assy- 
rian king, who is now found to be Sen- 
nacherib, who built the great palace at 
Koyunjik. 

Mr. Layard (Nineveh and Babylon, 
p. 355, note) mentions colossal figures 
of an Egyptian sphinx and two priests 
carved on a rock above the city of An- 
tioch.— [G. W.] 

' According to the record seen by 
Herodotus, Sesostns considered the 
people of Palestine a cowardly race. 
To the power of Egypt they must 
have been insignificant ; and though 
the numbers of the Philistines made 
them tronbledome to the Israelites, 
they are not represented as the same 
valiant people as the Anakim (Num. 
xiii. 28, 33 ; Deut. ii. 21 ; ix. 2), who, 
being far less numerous, were con- 
quered by Joshua (Josh. xi. 21, 23), 
a remnant only remaining in Gaza, 
Gath, and Ashdod (Azotus). In Amos 
(ix. 7) the Philistines are said to have 
come from Caphtor. (See Hist. Not. 
App. CH. viii. § 17.) 

Josephus (Antiq. viii. 10. 2) applies 
this bad compliment to the Jews, and 
supposes it was recorded by Shishak, 
to whom Behoboam g^ve up Jerusa- 



! lem without resistance. He thinks 
Herodotus has applied his actions to 
Sesostris.— [G. W.] 

* A figrure, which seems certainly to 
be one of the two here mentioned by 
Herodotus, has been discovered at 
Ninfiy on what appears to have been 
the ancient road from Sardis to 
Smyrna. It was first noticed, I be- 
lieve, by the Rev. J. C. Renouard. 
The height, as measured by M. Texier 
(Asie Mineure, ii. p. 301-) is two 
French metres and a half, which cor- 
responds within a small fraction with 
the measurement of our author. Its 
general character is decidedly Egyp- 
tian, strongly recalling the Egyptian 
sculptures at the mouth of the Nahr 
el Kelb ; yet there are points of detail, 
as the shape of the shoes, in which it 
is peculiar, and non-Egyptian. No 
figure has been found in Egypt with 
shoes of which the points have a ten. 
dency to turn u]). Agtiin, tl»o clashr 
or " calasiris " (supra, ch. 81, note^) 
of an Egyptian is never striped or 
striated, in the way that that of the 
Ninji sculpture is. The hat or helmet 
too, though perhaps it bears a greater 
resemblance to the ordinary Egyptian 
head-dress of the kings and gods than 
to any other known form, yet wants a 

! loading feature of that head-dress — 
the curious curve projecting in front. 
(See ch. 35, note*.) Thus the sup- 
posed figure of Sesostris clearly differs 
from all purely Egyptian types. It 
bears a bow and a spear exactly as 
described, only that the former is in 
the right and the latter in the left 
hand ; but this difference may only 
indicate a defect of memory in onr 
author. There are not now any traces 
of hieroglyphics upon the breast of the 
figure, but as this portion of the rock 
is much weather-worn, they may hare 
disappeai*ed in the lapse of ages. 
Some faintly-marked characters, in- 
cluding a figure of a bird, interrene 
between the spear-head and the face, 



FIGURES OF 8ES0STR1S. 



PLocfea the other betweeu Sardis and Smyrna. In each case 
the iigure is that of a man, four cabits and a Bpan high, 
with a Bpear in his right hand and a how in his Icft,^ the rest 



in which M. Ampire is eaid to truce I really Kgyplinn; but there aeoms to be 

■ome of the tilles of Bameaca the I at any rate no doubt thitt it if ono of 

Great. ItOBeltini and Kiepcrt have I the G);uro3 eecn bj Ilorodotne. and 

qneitioned whether the soulptnre ia ! bcliered by liim to ropresont Seeus- 




Rock-SculpiuK Ml 
iB. (S«e the remarka of H. Tenter, 
iie Hinpore, vol. ii. pp. 30&, 306.) 
' Qonxlotui evideDtlj mppoMi that 



one of Ifaeae is an Egvptian, the other 
aa EthiopiBD weapon. Both were aecd 
by the two people ; bnt the bow wm 



Chap. 103. 



FIGURES OF SESOSTRIS. 



175 



of his costume being likewise half Egyptian, half Ethiopian. 
There is an inscription across the breast from shoulder to 
shoulder,® in the sacred character of Egypt, which says, 
"•With my own shoulders,'' I conquered this land.** The 
conqueror does not tell who he is, or whence he comes, 
though elsewhere Sesostris records these facts. Hence it has 
been imagined by some of those who have seen these forms, 
that they are figures of Memnon ; ® but such as think so err 
very widely from the truth. 



considered particularly Ethiopian, as 

well as Libyan, and " Tosh," P _ 

the Coptic Ethaush, was a name given 
to Northern Ethiopia. The land of 
the nine bows was a term applied to 

Libya, 

which was also called Phit, the 




" bow.** 



I: 



Naphtnhlm, the son of Mizraim, in 
Gen. r. 13, is the same as the Egjp- 
tian plural Niphaiat, " the bowK." 

Phut and Lnbim are placed together 
with Ethiopia and Egypt as the helpers 
of " populous No," Thebes, in Nahnm 
(iii. 9) ; and in Ezckiel (xxx. 5), 
" Ethiopia (KAsh), and Libya (Phiit), 
and Lydia (LAd), and all the (Arab) 
mingled people, and Chub (KAb), and 
the men of the land which is in 
league," are to fall with Egypt and 
Ethiopia. Liid is not Lydia in Asia 
Minor. Phut, or Phit, may have been 
the Libyan side of the Nile thix)ughout 
Egypt and Nubia. It is remarkable 
that the Ethiopian bow is unstrung, 
that of Libya strong. (See noto on 
Book iii. ch. 21.) The expression in 
hieroglyphics, "PhutEthosh," appears 
to be the western bank of Ethiopia. 
The bow earned by the Ethiopians in 
battle is like that of Egypt ; that in 
the name of Northern Ethiopia 
{**Tosh") resembles the bow now 
used in India. This last is even seen 



in the hand of one of Sheshonk's 
(Shishak's) prisoners. — [G. W.] 

^ This is not an Egyptian custom, 
though Assyrian figures are found 
with arix)w-hca'-led inscriptions en- 
graved across them, and over the 
drapery as well as the body ; and the 
Assyrian figures close to those of 
Remeses at the Nahr el Kelh may 
possibly have led to this mistake. — 
[G. W.] 

' The idea of strength was often 
convoyed by this expression, instead 
of " by the force of my arm *' (cp. " os 
hinnerosqne deo similis"). — [G. W.] 

^ Herodotus shows his discrimination 
in ixijocting the notion of his being 
Memnon, which had already become 
prevalent among the Greeks, who saw 
Memnon everywhere in Egypt, merely 
because he was mentioned in Homer. 
A similar error is made at the present 
day in expecting to find a reference to 
Jewish history on the monuments, 
though it is obviously not the custom 
of any people to record their misfor. 
tunes to posterity in painting or 
sculpture. (See note * on ch. 136, 
and App. ch. v.) The Egyptians 
seem to have taken advantage of 
Greek credulity in persuading visitors 
that the most remarkable statue, 
tomb, and temple at Thebes, or Aby- 
dus, were made by the prince they 
usually inquired about, and with 
whose history they fancied themselves 
acquainted ; though Memnon, if he 
ever existed, was not after all an 
Egyptian, nor even from any part of 
the valley of the Nile. According to 
Diodorus (ii. 22) he was sent by 



176 



RETURN OF SESOSTRIS TO EGYPT. 



Book II. 



107. This Sesostris, the priests went on to say, upon his 
return home, accompanied by vast multitudes of the people 
wliose countries he had subdued,® was received by his brother,^ 



Ttatamiis, the 2l8t king of Assyria 
after SomiramiB, with a foroo of 
10,000 Ethiopians and the samo num- 
l>or of Snsans, and 200 chariotn, to 
aitKiet Priam (the brother of his father 
'I'ithonns), when being kill(«l in an 
aniboiscade bv the Thossalians, his 
b»dy was recovered and Xiurni by the 
Ethiopians. These were Ethiopians 
(if Asia, and those of Africa did not 
bum their dead. Herodotus also 
speaks of the ]mlaoc of Moninon, and 
falls Susa a Meninoniau city (v. 53, 
r>l-, and vii. 151). Strain) and Pau. 
Fanias agree with IIen)dotns and Dio- 
doros in making Susa the city of 
Memnon. It is not impossible tliat 
the eastern Cushites, or Ethiopians, 
were the original colonizers of the 
African Cu^h, from the Arabian gulf, 
and that the Ethiopians mentioned 
by Eusebius from Manetho, "who 
migrated from the river Indus and 
8ett1o<l near to Egypt " at the close 
of the 18th dvna?«tv, wore of the same 
race. (See Historical Notice in the 
Ap(>ondix.) 

The resemblance of the name of 
Miamun may have confinnod the mis- 
take resp(!<;ting the stelaj of Amuu- 
mai (or Mi-ainun) Kemcscs, on the 
Lycus, as well as the terni)les built by 
him at Thebes and Abydus, attributed 
to Memnon ; but the vocal statue at 
Thebes was of Amnnoph III. The ' 
supposed tomb of Memnon at Thebes 
was of Remoses V., who had also the • 
title of Mi-amun. Strabo (xvii. p. [ 
1162) says somo think Memnon the 
same as Ismandos, the reputed builder 
of the Labyrinth, according to Dio- 
dorns (i. 61), who calls him Mendes, j 
or Marrus. This name Ismandes ' 
seems to bo retained in that of the 
modem village of Isment, near the 
entrance to the Fy<5om, called lament 
«• QeUX (" of the hill "), to distinguish 
it from Isment el Bdhr ("of the 
river"), which is on the Nile near 
Benisoof. Ismandos and Gaymandyos 



are the samo name. One of the sons 
of Romeses II. was called Setnaudoo, 
or Semunt. The mistake of Memnon 
cannot well have arisen fn^in the word 
mcnnUf "buildings" or "palaces," as 
it Wituld be applie<l to all (;thei's, and 
not to an excavateil tomb. — [G. W.] 

• It was the custom of the Egyptian 
kings to bring their ]>ri8oners to 
Egypt, and to employ them in public 
works, as the Bculptun\s abundantly 
prove, and as IIenxl(»tus states (ch. 
lOS). The Jews were employed in 
the same way : for though at first 
they obtained grazing-Iands for their 
cattle in the land of Goishen ((Hon. 
xlvi. 31-), or the Bucolia, where they 
tendinl the king's herds (Gren. xlvii. 
6, 27), they were afterwanls forced to 
perform various servic<M, like onlinary 
prisoners of war; when their liv<»8 
were made " bitter with hard l>ondage, 
in mortar, and in brick, and in nil 
manner of service in the field " 
(Exod. i. 14); in building treasuri»- 
cities (i. 11); in brickmaking (v. 8), 
and pottery (Ps. Ixxxi. 0) ; in canals, 
and embankments, and public build- 
ings ; though those did not inclndo 
pyi*amids, as Josephus 8upp<we8. To 
hew and drag stones from t he quarries 
was also a common employment of 
captives ; Egyptian inscriptions in Uito 
times state that the writers had fur- 
nished so many stones for a certain 
temple, as " VVe have di-agcred 100 
stones for the work of Tsis in Philae.** 
And the great statue at El Bershoh 
is represented draijcrcd by numerous 
companies of fon»igners (as well us of 
Egyptians), in the early time ot* tho 
first OsirtAsen, in the 21st century 
before our era. — [G. W.] 

* This at once shows that the con- 
queror here mentioned is not the 
early Sesostris of the 12th dynasty, 
but tho great king of the lUth dy- 
nasty ; since Manetho gives the same 
account of his brother having been 
loft as his viceroy in Egypt, and 



f 




Ohap. 107, 108. SESOSTRIS ESCAPES BURNING. 



177 



whom he had made viceroy of Egypt on his departure, at 
DaphnsB near Pelusium, and invited by him to a banquet, 
which he attended, together with his sons. Then his brother 
piled a quantity of wood all round the building, and having so 
done, set it alight. Sesostris, discovering what had happened, 
took counsel instantly with his wife, who had accompanied 
him to the feast, and was advised by her to lay two of their 
six sons upon the fire, and so make a bridge across the flames, 
whereby the rest might effect their escape. Sesostris did as 
she recommended, and thus while two of his sons were burnt 
to death, he himself and his other children were saved. 

108. The king then returned to his own land and took 
vengeance upon his brother, after which he proceeded to make 
use of the multitudes whom he had brought with him from 
the conquered countries, partly to drag the huge masses of 
stone which were moved in the course of his reign to the temple 
of Vulcan — partly to dig the numerous canals with which the 
whole of Egypt is intersected. By these forced labours the 
entire face of the country was changed ; for whereas Egypt 
had formerly been a region suited both for horses and 
carriages, henceforth it became entirely unfit for either.* 



having rebelled against his authority. 
Manet ho calls his name Aruiais, and 
the king Scthosis, or Harnesses (which 
arc the father's and son's names 
assigned to one person), and places 
him in the 18th dynasty, though the 
names of Sethos and Rampses are 
repeated again at the beginning of 
the 19th. He also says that Armals 
was called by the Greeks Danaus, 
that he fled to Greece and reigned at 
Argos, and that Ramesses was called 
^gyptus. The monuments have en- 
abled us to correct the error respect- 
ing Sethos and Rameses, who are 
shown to be two different kings, 
father and son, and the 19th dynasty 
began with a different family, Kamoses 
I., Sethos (Sethi, or Osirei I.), and 
Barneses 11. ; Horus being the last of 
the 18th. The flight of Armais was 
perhaps confounded with that of the 

VOL. n. 



" Stranger Kings," who ruled about 
the close of the 18th dynasty. Their 
expulsion appears to agree with the 
story of Danaus leading a colony to 
Argos, which ArmaYs, flying from his 
brother, could not have done; and 
one of the last of their kings waa 
Todnh. The account given by Dio- 
dorus (i. 57) of Armals endeavouring 
to set fire to his brother's tent at 
night, is more probable than that of 
the two children related by Hero- 
dotus. See note * on ch. 101, and 
note * on ch. 182.— [G. W.] 

' It is very possible that the num- 
ber of canals may have increased in 
the time of Barneses II. : and this, 
like the rest of Herodotus' account, 
shows that this king is the Sesostris 
whose actions he is describing. And 
here again, in his mention of the in. 
creased number of canals, Herodotus 

N 



178 



PUBLIC WORKS OF SESOSTRia 



Book II. 



Though a flat country throughout its whole extent, it is now 
unfit for either horse or carriage, being cut up by the canals, 
which are extremely numerous and run in all directions. 
The king's object was to supply Nile water to the inhabit- 
ants of the towns situated in the mid-country, and not lying 



evidently reported the deeds of an- 
other king, Aninn-m-he III. (Mceris of 
the Lake), who is also considered a 
claimant to the name of Sesostris; 
though the nse of chariots will not 
accord with his reign. For it is eri- 
dent that in tho time of the Osirtascns, 
horses and chariots were not known in 
Eg^Tpt ; and there is no notice of a 
horse or chariot, on any monument, 
before or daring the reigns of those 
kings, though the cnstoms of Egypt 
are so folly portrayed in tho paint- 
ings at Boni Hassan, and snificicntly so 
in the tombs at the Pyramids for this 
omission not to have been accidental. 
The first horses and chariots are ropre. 
sentod at Eilcithyios, and are of the 
time of Ames or Amosis, about 1510 
B.C. Horses are tlierefore supposed 
not to have been known in Egypt 
before the IStli dynasty (see Dr. 
l*iokering's * Races of Man,' p. 373) ; 
unless indeed tho Sbcphei-d-kings in- 
troduced thorn. They doubtless camo 
from Asia into Egjpt; and though 
the Egyptians called a horse Hthor 
(iffar), they used for tho "niarc" tho 
Semitic name sus^ and even snsim 
(with the female sign " t ") ftir 
"marea," tho same os tho plural of \ 
the Hebrew word c\s sCs. The Jews 
applied it to a chariot-horse, the horse 
for riding being Pharas {Faras) tp-is 

(1 Kings V. 6; Ezek. xxvii. 13) : and 
the same as tho modem Arabic word 
for " mare.'* Fares is ** horseman" in 
Arabic and in Hebrew (2 Sam. i. 6). 

The chariot again (called DjolU in 
hieroglyphics — the Coptic asholte) is 
"Merkehat" in Hieratic, a Semitic 
word agreeing with the Merkcheth 
npSTD of Hebrew, which, like 

^^eh, 2Dy is derived from the 

Semitic rekeb, erkeh (to) "ride," 
either on a horse, a camel, or a car. 



Merkeh in Arabic answers to " men- 
iure " in French, and is applied to a 
boat as well as a camel ; not that a 
camel, as often supposed, is called 
the "ship of the desert," but tho 
name is rather transferred to ships 
from camels, which were known to 
Arabs long before ships. Horses 
seem to have come originally from 
Asia, whence they wcro introduced 
into Greece ; but the Greeks wuiy have 
obtained them first from Libya. 
Mesopotamia sent horses as part of 
the tribute to Thothmes III. of tho 
18th dynasty, as well as the neigh- 
bouring people of UpiKir and Lower 
Bot-h.n, or Rot-n.no; the Babylo- 
nians bred them for tlio Persians ; 
and in Solomon's time Egypt was 
noted for its horses (2 Chron. i. 
16, 37 ; 1 Kings x. 29). Tho Arabs in 
the army of Xerxes rode on camels ; 
but they were not the people of 
Arabia, and it is unciei-tain whether 
the famous Arab breed i^f horses was 
introduced, or was indigenous in tliat 
country. The Shat^o mentioned on tho 
monuments are either an Arab race 
in north Arabia, or sonthi^m Syria, and 
they are placed in the lists of captives 
with the Fount, who appear to be a 
])oople of Arabia (sec nolo ^ on ch. 
102). The Shaso are probably the 
Shos, the name given to the Shep- 
herds, or " (Hyk)8os," " (reges) pas- 
tores ; '* and as Rameses II. fell in 
with them on his expedition against 
" Atesh," or " Kadesh," they should 
be a people who lived in, or nwvr, 
Palestine. It is singular that the 
title Hyk "ruler" (which was also 
given to the Pharaohs), should from 
the crook apply doubly to the Shep- 
herd-kings. The horse was known in 
India at least as early as 1200 B.C., 
being mentioned in the Vedas, with 
chariots, but not for riding. — [G. W.] 



Chap.- 108-110. 



HIS DIVISION OF THE SOIL. 



179 



upon the river ; for previously they had been obliged, after 
the subsidence of the floods, to drink a brackish water which 
they obtained from wells.® 

109. Sesostris also, they declared, made a division of the 
soil of Egypt among the inhabitants, assigning square plots 
of ground of equal size to all, and obtaining his chief revenue 
from the rent which the holders were required to pay him 
year by year. K the river carried away any portion of a 
man's lot, he appeared before the king, and related what had 
happened ; upon which the king sent persons to examine, and 
determine by measurement the exact extent of the loss ; and 
thenceforth only such a rent was demanded of him as was 
proportionate to the reduced size of his land. From this 
practice, I think, geometry first came to be known in Egypt,* 
whence it passed into Greece. The sun-dial, however, and the 
gnomon ^ with the division of the day into twelve parts, were 
received by the Greeks from the Babylonians. 

110. Sesostris was king not only of Egypt, but also of 
Ethiopia. He was the only Egyptian monarch who ever ruled 
over the latter country.^ He left, as memorials of his reign, 



' The water filtrates throngh the 
alluvial soil to the inland wells, where 
it is sweet, though sometimes hard ; 
and a stone reservoir of perfectly 
sweet water has lately been found, 
belonging? to the temple of Medeenet 
Haboo, at Thebes ; but in the desert 
beyond the alluvial deposit it is 
brackish, and often salt. See aboye, 
n. ^onch. 93.— [G. W.] 

* See Ap. CH. vii. and n. • on ch. 51. 

* The gnomon was of course part of 
every dial. Herodotus, however, is 
correct in making a difference be- 
tween the yydafjLOfy and the ir6\os. The 
former, called also <rTo<x**ov, was a 
perp>endicular rod, whose shadow in- 
dicated noon, and also by its length a 
particular part of the day, being 
longest at sunrise and sunset. The 
"kSaos was an improvement, and a 
real dial, on which the division of the 
day was set off by lines, and indicated 



by the shadow of its gnomon. See 
Appendix, en. vii. — [G. W.] 

* This cannot apply to any ono 
Egyptian king in particular, as many 
ruled in Ethiopia; and though Osir- 
tasen I. (the original Sesostris) may 
have been the firstj the monuments 
show that his successors of the 12th 
dynasty, and others, ruled and erected 
buildings in Ethiopia. Nor is it cer- 
tain that Barneses II. was the first 
who obtained possession of Napata; 
and though the lions of Amunoph III., 
brought hy the Duke of Northumber- 
land from Gebel Berkel, were taken 
from Soleb (the ancient name of this 
place being in the hieroglyphics upon 
them), it does not prove that the 
Egyptian arms extended no farther 
than Soleb in Amunoph' s time ; and 
the name of a Thothmes was found at 
Gebel Berkel, by the Duke of North- 
nmberland and Colonel Felix. That 



i8o 



MONUMENTS OF SESOSTRIS IN EQTFT. 



BookII. 



the stone statues which stand in front of the temple of Vulcan, 
two of which, representing himself and his wife, are thirty 
cubits in height,'' while the remaining four, which represent 
his sons, are twenty cubits. These are the statues, in front 
of which the priest of Vulcan, very many years afterwards, 
would not allow Darius the Persian^ to place a statue of 



of Omrtasen I., on the snb^tractions 
of the Great Temple, may have been 
m later addition, not being in the 
Bonlpturcs. (See n. ^ on ch. 102.) 
Pliny says (vi. 29), "-^gyptiorum 
bdliii attrita est Ethiopia, yicissim 
imperitando, Berviendoqne. Clara et 
potens etiam nsque ad Trojana boUa, 
Memnono rognante, et Syriao imperi- 
tasse (earn) . . . patet.' Ho has 
madeamistakoabontMomnon; bnttho 
oonqnests are either those of Tirhaka, 
or of the Kings of Thebes (sometimes 
improperly included in Ethiopia). 

The Egyptians evidently overran 
aU Ethiopia, and part of the interior 
of Africa, in the time of the 18th and 
19th dynasties, and had long before, 
nnder the Osirtasons and Aman-ih- 
Lea, conquered Negro tribes. Thoth. 
mes I. recorded victories over Ne- 
g^roes, on a rock opposite Tombos, as 
Amnnopli III. did at Solob, over 
many southern districts of Africa ; 
many of which are called *' Dar,^' as 
at the present day. Rameses 11., 
who built part of the Great Temple at 
Gebel Berkel, extended his arms fur- 
ther than Amun(>ph ; and tho first 
Osirtasen overran a groat portion of 
Ethiopia more than six centuries 
before. Even Oairtasen III. obtained 
▼ictories over Negroes which are re- 
corded at Scmnch ; though ho appears 
to be the first who made that place 
the frontier; and to this the begin. 
ning of actual rule in Ethiopia may 
hare been applied ; for he also has a 
claim to the name of Sesostris. Tho 
Ptolemies continued to have some 
possessions on the eastern coast of 
Abyssinia ; and the kings of Ethiopia 
were in alliance with, or perhaps 
tributary to, them ; but the nominal 
frontier was generally confined to 



Nubia. The Romans merely extended 
their arms sonth, to prevent the 
depredations of tho half-savage 
Ethiopians; for in the time of Au- 
gustus, Petronius only ravaged the 
country to Napata, and returned 
without making any permanent con- 
quests. A fort, however, in the Dar 
Shaikeeh, of Koman construction, 
shows that later emperors extended 
their rule beyond the second cataract, 
and kept garrisons there. Tacitus 
says not in his time. — [G. W.] 

^ As the cubits found in Egypt are 
1 ft. 84 in., if Herodotus reckoned by 
them he would make the statues more 
than 51 ft. high. A Colossus is lying 
at Memphis of Kameses II., which is 
supposed to be one of the two large 
ones hero mentioned, and its height, 
when entire, would be about 42 ft. 8 in., 
without the plinth, or pedestal. Of 
the other four, 20 cubits (above 34 ft.) 
high, one seems to have been found by 
Hckekvan Hov: which if entire would 
be about 3i^4 ^^- -^.11 these point to the 
site of the temple of Pthah.— [G. W.] 

* The name of Darius occurs in the 
sculptures, and great ]xirt of tho prin- 
cipal Temple of El Khargeh, in the 
Great Oasis, was built by him, his 
name being the oldest there. 

He seems to have treated the Egyp- 
tians with far more uniform lenity 
than tho other Persian kings ; and 
though the names of Cambyses, Xerxes, 
and Artaxerxes, occur on stela?, statues, 
or vases, they are mostly records of 
persons who lived during their reigns, 
and are not on any monuments erected 
by them in Egypt. This accords with 
his indulgent treatment of the priests 
mentioned by Herodotus ; and the re- 
mark of Diodorus that **he obtained 
while living the appellation of Diyna/' 



Chap. 110, 111. MONUMENTS OF SESOSTRIS IN EGYPT. 



I8l 



himself; "because," he said, "Darius had not equalled the 
achievements of Sesostris the Egyptian : for while Sesostris 
had subdued to the full as many nations as ever Darius had 
brought under, he had likewise conquered the Scythians,® 
whom Darius had failed to master. It was not fair, therefore, 
that he should erect his statue in front of the offerings of a 
king whose deeds he had been unable to surpass.'* Darius, 
they say, pardoned the freedom of this speech. 

111. On the death of Sesostris, his son Pheron,^ the priests 



is justified by his having received on 
the monaments the same hononrs as 
the old kings. The reply of Darias to 
the Egyptian priest is said by Diodo. 
doms (i. 58) to have been, "that he 
hoped not to be inferior to Sesostris, 
if he lived as long." Bnt his mild 
government did not prevent the Egyp- 
tians from rebelling against him ; and 
their impatience of Persian rule had 
before been the reason of Cambyses 
forsaking the lenient line of condnct 
he first adopted whc^n he conquered the 
country. See Book iii. ch.15. — [G. W.] 

• (See Justin, ii. c. 3.) The conquest 
of the Scvthians bv Sesostris is a 
question still undecided. The monu- 
ments represent a ]ieople defeated by 
Barneses, whoso name, Sheta (or 
Khita), boars a strong resemblance to 
the Scythians ; but it is evident they 
lived in the vicinity of Mesopotamia, 
and not in the distant Scythia. It is 
not impossible that they were the 
same race, established there. (See 
note ® on ch. 112.) A further exami- 
nation of the monuments shows that 
I was wrong in the extent I have given 
(At. Eg. W., vol. i. p. 83) to the con- 
quests of the Egyptians ; but Diodorus 
extends their conquests still further, 
and speaks of the Bactnans revolting 
from the rule of Osymandyas. (Diod. 
i. 47.) Strabo (xv. p. 978) says that 
" Sesostris and Tearcon (Tirhaka) ac- 
tually went into Europe." — [G. W.] 

^ This name does not agree with the 
Bon or successor, either of Osirtasen I., 
of Sethos, or of Remeses. Diodorus 
(i. 59) calls him SesooBis II., Pliny 



Nuncoreus. Fheron has been suppoBod 
to be merely a corruption of Phouro, 
*' the king " (whence uncus, see note • 
on ch. 74), or of Pharaoh, properly 
Phrah, i.e. " the Sun," one of the royal 
titles. Some suppose Phoron to be 
Phiaro, ** the river," retained in the 
modern Arabic Bahr, " the ocean *' 
(comp. *nircav(JT, an ancient name of 
the Nile) ; and Phiaro is connected 
with the King Phuron, or Nilus, and 
with the .dCgyptus of Manetho, " the 
Nile being formerly called -^gyptus." 
(See n. ^, * on ch. 19.) 

If the Phuron of Eratosthenes wag 
really one of the early kings of the 
13th dynasty, it is possible that the 
sudden breaking down of the barrier 
of the Nile at Silsilis, and the moment, 
ary submersion of the lands by the 
sudden flow of the water into Egypt, 
may be the destructive inundation 
mentioned by Herodotus. — [G. W.] 

Lepsius regards this king as Ameno- 
phis or Menephthah III., the Pharaoh 
of the Exodus. (Joseph, c. Ap. b. i. 
sub fin.) He finds his name in the 
Nuncoreus or Nencoreus of Pliny (H. 
N. xxxvi. 11), which he thinks that 
writer misread in his authority, mis- 
taking MENE4»eHC for NENC°PEYa 
He supposes Herodotus to have re- 
ceived bus account of the king from a 
Semitic informant, who called him 
Phero, because he was the great 
Pharaoh of the Jews. (Chronologie 
der -^Egypter, p. 289.) In this case 
the impiety and blindness of the mo- 
narch become traits of peculiar sig- 
nificance. 



1 82 PHEROK. Book II. 

said, mounted the throne. He undertook no warlike expedi- 
tions; being struck with blindness, owing to the following 
circumstance. The river had swollen to the unusual height of 
eighteen cubits, and had overflowed all the fields, when, a 
sudden wind arising, the water rose in great waves. Then the 
king, in a spirit of impious violence, seized his spear, and 
hurled it into the strong eddies of the stream. Instantly he 
was smitten with disease of the eyes, from which after a little 
while he became blind,* continuing without the power of vision 
for ten years. At last, in the eleventh year, an oracular 
announcement reached him from the city of Buto, to the 
effect, that " the time of his punishment had run out, and he 
should recover his sight by washing his eyes with urine. He 
must find a woman who had been faithful to her husband, and 
had never preferred to him another man." The king, there- 
fore, first of all made trial of his wife, but to no purpose — he 
continued as blind as before. So he made the experiment 
with other women, until at length he succeeded, and in this 
way recovered his sight. Hereupon he assembled all the 
women, excei)t the last, and bringing them to the city which 
now beai*s the name of Erythrabolus (Red-soil), he there burnt 
them all, together with the place itself. The woman to wliom 
he owed his ciu'e, he married ; and after his recovery was 
complete, he presented offerings to all the temples of any note, 
among which the best worthy of mention are the two stonr 
obelisks which he gave to the temi)le of the Sun.^ These arc; 



' This is ono of tlio (Jrcck ciceroni I ' They wore thereforo most j)r<). 



talos. A Greek poet mif^ht make a 
ffracefulHtoryof Achilles ninl n Tnijan 
Htrcam ; but the prosaic Egyptians 
would nev(»r represent one of their 
kinf^a perfonninp a feat po opi^osed to 
his habits, and to all their reli;7ions 
Botions. The story about the women 
is equally un-K^yptian ; but tho men- 
tion of a remedy which is still used in 
E<:^pt for o])lithalmia, shows that 
pomo simple fact has been converted 
into a wholly improbable talc. — [G. 
W.] 



bably at Ileliopolis. The luM^'ht of 
100 cubits, at least ir>0 feet, far ex- 
ceeds that of any found in Kgypt, tin* 
hiphest Iwinj; less than 100 feet. The 
mode of raisinu: an olx?lisk seems to 
have been by tiltinp it from an inclined 
piano into a pit, at the bottom of which 
the pedestal was ]>laced to receive it, 
a wheel or n)ller of wood boinp fas- 
tened on each sicle to tho entl of the 
obelisk, whicli enabled it to run down 
tho wall opposite the inclined piano to 
its proper position. During this oi>u- 



Chap. Ill, 112. 



PROTEUS. 



183 



magnificent works; each is made of a single stone, eight 
cubits broad, and a hundred cubits in height. 

112. Pheron, they said, was succeeded by a man of 
Memphis, whose name, in the language of the Greeks, was 
Proteus/ There is a sacred precinct of this king in Memphis, 
which is very beautiful, and richly adorned, situated south of 
the great temple of Vulcan. Phoenicians from the city of Tyre 
dwell all round this precinct, and the whole place is known by 
the name of "the camp of the Tyrians.**® Within the en- 
closure stands a temple, which is called that of Venus the 
Stranger.® I conjecture the building to have been erected to 



ration it was dragged by ropes np the 
inclined plane, and then gradually 
lowered into the pit as soon as it had 
been tilted. (See the reprcKontation 
of the mode of raising an obelisk on 
the pedestal of that at Constantinople.) 
The name obelisk is not Egyptian but 
Greek, from obelos, a " spit " (infra, 
ch. 135). The Arabs call it mescllehj 
a •* packing needle." — [G. W.] 

* This is evidently a Greek story. 
Diodorus (i. 62) says " the Egyptians 
called this king Cetes," which is also 
a Greek name. Ucrodotus has appa- 
rently tranfrformed the God of the 
precinct (who seems to have been 
Dagon, the Phoenician Fish-God, often 
worshipped t^jgether with Astart^') 
into a king who dedicated the pre- 
cinct.— [G. W.] 

* Many places in Egypt were called 
" camps," where foreigners lived apart 
from the Egyptians, as the ** camps" 
of the lonians and Carians (ch. 154) ; 
of the Babylonians, aften^ards occu- 
pied by a Koman legion (Strabo, xvii. 
p. IIM) ; and of the Jews (Josephus, 
Ant. Jud. 1. xiv. c. 8, s. 2). The 
" Trojan " camp or village near the 
quarries of the Eastern hills (Strabo, 
xvii. p. 1147) should probably have 
been the " Tyrian" called from the 
same people — the Phoenicians of Tyro 
mentioned by Herodotus ; and there 
is more reason to suppose that the 
Egyptians had granted to that com- 
mercial people the privilege of resid- 
ing in a quarter of Memphis than that 



they were a remnant of Manetho's 
" PhoDnician Shepherds," who wore 
expelled fix)m Egyi>t after occupying 
the Memphito throne. The Egyptians 
seem also to have changed the name 
of SAr into Tur. (See note "*, ch. 1 16.) 
The above mistake of Trojan for Tyrian 
is confirmed by the name of the place 
being written in those quarries " the 
land of the Phojnix * or Phoenicians. 
"Tros Tyriuaque" (Virg. ^n. i. 574) 
were not always kept distinct. — [G.W.] 
* This was evidently Astarte, the 
Venus of the Phoenicians and Syrians. 
Herodotus is correct in saying that 
nowhere else had she a temple dedi- 
cated to her under that name, and an 
intercourse with the Phoenicians may 
have led to her worship at Memphis. 
The notion of her being Helen arose 
from the Greek habit of seeing Home- 
ric personages everywhere. (See note ' 
on ch. 106.) The Venus Urania of 
Chusas was Athor of Egypt. (See n. •, 
ch. 40; and n. ® , ch. 41.) Astarte is 
mentioned on the monuments as a 
Goddess of the Sheta or Khita. It is 
now genei*ally supposed that this 
people were the Hittites, whose coun- 
try extended to the Euphrates. Joshua 
(i. 4) indeed shows that it reached to 
that river, when he says " from the 
wilderness and this Lebanon even 
unto the great river, the river Euph- 
rates, all the land of the Hittites " 
(Khitim) ; and " the kings of the Hit- 
tites and the kings of the Egyptians " 
are spoken of (2 Kings vii. 6) as the 



1 84 



ALEXANDER AND HELEN IN EGYPT. 



Book II. 



Helen, the daughter of Tyndarus ; first, because she, as I have 
heard say, passed some time at the court of Proteus; and 
secondly, because the temple is dedicated to Venus the 
Stranger; for among all the many temples of Venus there is 
no other where the goddess bears this title. 

113. The priests, in answer to my mquiries on the sul)ject 
of Helen,'' informed me of the following particulars. When 
Alexander had carried off Helen from Sparta, he took ship 
and sailed homewards. On his way across the Egean a gale 
arose,^ which drove him from his course and took him down 
to the sea of Egypt ; hence, as the wind did not abate, he was 
carried on to the coast, when he went ashore, landing at the 
Salt-Pans,® in that mouth of the Nile which is now called the 
Canobic.^ At this place there stood upon the shore a temple, 
which still exists, dedicated to Hercules. If a slave runs away 
from his master, and taking sanctuary at this shrine gives 
himself up to the god, and receives certain sacred marks upon 



terror of the Syrians in fcho tirao of 
Elisha. On the monnmont8 the Khita 
(or Sheta) aro placed next to Naharayn 
in the lii«ts of Eastern nation?, enemies 
of tho Esryptians, and dof«»ated by 
them. At tho Memnoninm they are 
represented muted by Rnnieses II., 
and flyiTJj? across a riror, on wliich 
stands tho fort of Atesh or Ketesh, 
the snnio thnt is mentiono<I in the 
larpo inscription at Aboosimbol re- 
cording the dere.it of the Khita (or 
Sheta) in tho 5th year of tho same 
Pharaoh. There too their coniitry is 
called a reijion of Nahri or Xaharayn 
(Mesopotamia). Carchemish is snp- 
posed to have bclon^irwi to them. It is 
Tory prol»ablo (as Mr. Stuart Poole 
also supposes) that tlie Khita or Ilit- 
tites wore a tribe of Scythians who 
had advanced to and settled on the 
Eapbrates. It is remarkablo that the 
Htttitcs and Syrians bonc^ht Egyptian 
ohariots imported by Solomon's mer- 
oliMits (I Kinf^ X. 29) at a later period 
of Egyptian history.— [G. W.] 

^The eafrcmosB of tho Greeks to 
"inquire'* after events mentioned by 
Homer, and tho readiness of the ! 



Egyptians to take advantage of it, aro 
shown in this story rolnte<l to Iloro- 
d<jtns. The fact of Homer having 
believed that Helen went to Ey^ypt, 
only proves that the story was not 
invent(»d in Herodotus' time, but was 
cum»nt long iK^fore. — [G. W.] 

■* Storms on tliat c^wst are not un- 
usual now. Ammiauus (xxvi. 10) 
mentions some verv violent winds at 
Alexandria.— ["G. W.] 

" Til ere were several of these salt- 
pans on tho Medit(jrranean coast of 
Ei^pt. Those near Pelusium are 
mentione<l in ch. 15. — [G. W.] 

Cf. Stephen of Byzantium ad voc. 
Tapix^cu. 

* This branch of the Nile entered 
the sea a little to the cast of the town 
of Canopus, ch>se to Heracleum, which 
some suppose to l>e the .same as ThA- 
nis. It is still traced near the west 
end of the Lake Elko, and near it are 
ruins supposed to be tho site of tho 
city of Hercules, where tho templo 
stood. This temple still existed in the 
time of Strabo. It may have l>eon 
dedicated to the Tvri.in Ilerculos. — 
[G.W.] 



Chap. 11^115. ALEXANDER BROUGHT BEFORE PROTEUa 1 85 

his person,* whosoever his master may be, he camiot lay hand 
on him. This law still remained unchanged to my time. 
Hearing, therefore, of the custom of the place, the attendants 
of Alexander deserted him, and fled to the temple, where they 
sat as suppliants. While there, wishing to damage their 
master,v.they accused him to the Egyptians, narrating all the 
circumstances of the rape of Helen and the wrong done to 
Menelaus. These charges they brought, not only before the 
priests, but also before the warden of that mouth of the river, 
whose name was Thonis." 

114. As soon as he received the intelligence, Thonis sent a 
message to Proteus, who was at Memphis, to this effect : 
" A stranger is arrived from Greece ; he is by race a Teucrian, 
and has done a wicked deed in the country from which he is 
come. Having beguiled the wife of the man whose guest he was, 
he carried her away with him, and much treasure also. Com- 
pelled by stress of weather, he has now put in here. Are we 
to let him depart as he came, or shall we seize what he has 
brought?** Proteus replied, ** Seize the man, be he who he 
may, that has dealt thus wickedly with his friend, and bring 
him before me, that I may hear what he will say for himself.** 

115. Thonis, on receiving these orders, arrested Alexander, 
and stopped the departure of his ships ; then, taking with him 
Alexander, Helen, the treasures, and also the fugitive slaves, 
he went up to Memphis. When all were arrived, Proteus 
asked Alexander, "who he was, and whence he had come ?*' 
Alexander replied by giving his descent, the name of his 
country, and a true account of his late voyage. Then Proteus 
questioned him as to how he got possession of Helen. In his 
reply Alexander became confused, and diverged from the truth. 



• Showing they wei*e dedicated to I The custom seems to be referred to 
the service of the Deity. To set a | by St. Panl (Gal. vi. 17). 



mark on any one as a protection was a 
very ancient custom. Cp. Gen. iv. 15 ; 
Ezek. ix. 6 ; and Revelation. The 
word " mark " in Ezekiel is tau, in 

the Egyptian flign of life.— [G.W.] 



' Th6ni8, or Th6n, called by Herodo- 
tus governor of the Canopio mouth of 
the Nile, is said by others to have been 
the namo of a town on the Canopio 
branch. See note * on ch. 113.— [G. W.] 



1 86 HELEN DETAINED B7 PROTEUa Book U. 

whereon the slaves interposed, confuted his statements, and 

told the whole history of the crime. Finally, Proteus delivered 

judgment as follows : ** Did I not regard it as a matter of the 

utmost consequence that no stranger driven to my country by 

adverse winds should ever be put to death, I would certainly 

have avenged the Greek by slaying thee. Thou basest of 

men, — after accepting hospitaUty, to do so wicked a deed ! 

First, thou didst seduce the wife of thy own host — then, not 

content therewith, thou must violently excite her mind, and 

steal her away from her husband. Xay, even so thou wert 

not satisfied, but on leaving, thou must plunder the house in 

which thou hadst been a guest. Now then, as I think it of 

the greatest importance to put no stranger to death, I suflfer 

thee to depart ; but the woman and the treasures I shall not 

permit io be carried away. Here they must stay, till the 

Greek stranger comes in person and takes them back with 

liim. For thyself and thy companions, I command thee to 

begone from my laud within the space of three days — and T 

warn you, that otherwise at the end of that tiiue you wiU 

be treated as enemies.'* 

116. Such was the tale told me by the priests concerning 
the arrival of Hflen at the court of Proteus. It seems to me 
that Homer was acquamted ^^■ith this story, and while discard- 
ing it, because he thoui^ht it less adapted for epic poetry than 
the version which he followed, showed thnt it was not unkuo\Mi 
to him. This is evident from the travels which he assigns to 
Alexander in the Diad — and let it be borne in mind that he 
has nowhere else contradicted himself — making him be 
carried out of his course on his retiu^i with Helen, and aftvr 
divers wanderings come at last to Sidon^ in Phoenicia. The 



^ Sitlon. now Sayila. sicni tied "fish- sicnidod "pn.'at." In J- ■>!:::» li. S. 
iiijj pliuv," niul Snyd in Ambic is and lix. 2^S. ** jnx'at Z.ii n " is a 
nppliod to *Mish** or "puno." The doubiful ivadini-. Uon.xUt.i5 vcrv- 
ttriit lot (or, S, 'I'm, or T/.. ii» tho »anie prv^ivrly ranks ihe SivioM.:ins bofcrt* 
in Uobr<»\v hh that of Tyrt\ Siir. or ihoTyrians vviii. o7» : a:ul I>a:ah cali.- 
THUr, and tlioHo towui* »ri« now called TyivdauiThior of S:«ion ^xxiii. 12'. 
Hur (Simr^ and Sayda. Stv noto on having betm foundixi by iho Si«.i« nian<. 
bkiVil.uU.72. 'riiotvriuiiwtiuuof Sidi>Q Sidou ia in Genesis v^. 11} ', bnc no 



Ibt 



Chap. 115-117. HOMERIC ALLUSIONS TO THE STORY. 



187 



passage is in the Bravery of Diomed/ and the words are as 

follows : — 

" There were the robes, many-coloured, the work of Sidonian women : 
They from Sidon had come, what time god-shaped Alexander 
Over the broad sea brought, that way, the high-born Helen." 

In the Odyssey also the same fact is alluded to, in these 
words : • — 

" Such, 80 wisely prepared, were the drugs that her stores afforded. 
Excellent ; gift which once Polydarana, partner of Thdnis, 
Gave her in Egypt, where many the simples that grow in the meadows. 
Potent to cure in part, in part as potent to injure." 

Menelaus too, in the same poem, thus addresses Telema- 
chus ; ^ — 

" Much did I long to return, but the Gods still kept me in Egypt- 
Angry because I had failed to pay them their hecatombs duly." 

In these places Homer shows himself acquainted with the 
voyage of Alexander to Egypt, for Syria borders on Egypt, 
and the Phoenicians, to whom Sidon belongs, dwell in Syria. 

117. From these various passages, and from that about 
Sidon especially, it is clear that Homer did not write the 
Cypria.® For there it is said that Alexander arrived at Ilium 



Tjrre; and Homer only mentionfl Sidon 
and not "Tjnc,*' as Strabo observes. 
It may bo " doubtful which was the 
metropolis of Phcrnicia," in later 
times ; Sidon, however, appears to bo 
the older city (xvi. p. 1075). Plu- 
tarch miglit doubt the great antiquity 
of Tyre, not being noticed by Homer 
and ** other old and wise men ;" but 
it is mentioned by Joshua (xix. 29). 
Q. Curtius (iv. 4) considers that both 
it and Sidon were founded by Agenor. 
The modem Sidon is small, not half a 
mile in length, and a quarter in 
breadth.— [G. W.] 

* H. vi. 290-2. It has been ques- 
tioned whether this reference to a 
portion of the Hiad as " The Bravery 
of Diomed '* can have come from the 
hand of Herodotus. (Valcknaer ad 
loo. Heyne ad Horn. II. vol. viii. 
p. 787.) But there seems to be no 
sufficient reason for doubting a pas- 



sage which is in all the MSS., and has 
no appearance of being an interpola- 
tion. As early as Plato's time por- 
tions of the Iliad and Odyssey were 
certainly distinguished by special 
titles (see Pkt. Cratyl. p. 428, C. ; 
Minos, p. 319, D.) ; and it is probable 
that the practice of so distinguish- 
ing them began with the early Rhap- 
Bodists. The objection that the pas- 
sage quoted is from Iliad vi. and not 
Hiad v., which now bears the title of 
** Diomed's Bravery," is of no import- 
ance, for our present division of the 
books dates from Aristarchus, and in 
the time of Herodotus a portion of the 
sixth book may have been included 
under the heading confined afterwards 
to the fifth. 

« Odyss. iv. 227-230. 

7 Ibid. iv. 351-2. 

* The criticism here is better than 
the argument. There can be no doubt 



1 88 



EGTPTIAN ACCOVKI OF THE TBOJAK WAR. Book U. 



with Helen on the third day after he left Sparta, the wind 
having been favourable, and the sea smooth ; whereas in the 
Biad, the poet makes him wander before he brings her home. 
Enough, however, for the present of Homer and the Cypria. 

118. I made inquiry of the priests, whether the story which 
the Greeks tell about Hium is a fable, or no. In reply they 
related the following particulars, of which they declared that 
Menelaus had himself informed them. After the rape of 
Helen, a vast army of Greeks, wishing to render help to 
Menelaus, set sail for the Teucrian territory ; on their arrival 
they disembarked, and formed their camp, after which they 
sent ambassadors to Ilium, of whom Menelaus was one. The 
embassy was received withia the walls, and demanded the 
restoration of Helen with the treasures which Alexander had 
carried off, and likewise required satisfaction for the wrong 
done. The Teucrians gave at once the answer in which they 
persisted ever afterwards, backing their assertions sometimes 
even with oaths, to wit, that neither Helen, nor the treasures 
claimed, were in their possession, — both the one and the other 
had remained, they said, in Egypt ; and it was not just to 
come upon them for what Proteus, king of Egypt, was detain- 
ing. The Greeks, imagining that the Teucrians were merely 
laughing at them, laid siege to the town, and never rested 
until they finally took it. As, however, no Helen was found, 
and they were still told the same story, they at length believed 
in its truth, and despatched Menelaus to the coui*t of Proteus. 

119. So Menelaus travelled to Egj-pt, and on his arrival 
sailed up the river as far as Memphis, and related all that had 
happened. He met with the utmost hospitality, received 
Helen back unharmed, and recovered all his treasures. After 
this friendly treatment Menelaus, they said, behaved most 
unjustly towards the Egj^ptians ; for as it happened that at 
the time when he wanted to take his departm-e, he was 



that Homor was not tho author of the 
rambling opio onllod ' Tho Cypria.' 
(Of. iMt. POot. 23 ; Prool. 471-6, ed. 



Graisf.) It was probably written by 
Stasiund. (Athen. viii. p. 331-; Schol. 
U. i. 6 ; Tsotzcs ChU. ii. 710.) 



Chap. 117-120. 



OPINION OF HERODOTUS. 



189 



detained by the wind being contrary, and as he found this 
obstruction continue, he had recourse to a most wicked ex- 
pedient. He seized, they said, two children of the people of the 
country, and oflfered them up in sacrifice.® When this became 
known, the indignation of the people was stirred, and they 
went in pursuit of Menelaus, who, however, escaped with his 
ships to Libya, after which the Egyptians could not say 
whither he went. The rest they knew full well, partly by the 
inquiries which they had made, and partly from the circum- 
stances having taken place in their own land, and therefore 
not admitting of doubt. 

120. Such is the account given by the Egyptian priests, 
and I am myself inclined to regard as true all that they say 
of Helen from the following considerations : — If Helen had 
been at Troy, the inhabitants would, I think, have given her 
up to the Greeks, whether Alexander consented to it or no. 
For surely neither Priam, nor his family, could have been so 
infatuated as to endanger their own persons, their children, 
and their city, merely that Alexander might possess Helen. 
At any rate, if they determined to refuse at first, yet after- 
wards, when so many of the Trojans fell on every encounter 
with the Greeks, and Priam too in each battle lost a son, or 
sometimes two, or three, or even more, if we may credit the 
epic poets, I do not believe that even if Priam himself had 
been married to her he would have declined to deliver her up, 
with the view of bringing the series of calamities to a close. 
Nor was it as if Alexander had been heir to the crown, in 
which case he might have had the chief management of 
affairs, since Priam was already old. Hector, who was his elder 
brother, and a far braver man, stood before him, and was the 



• This Btory recalls tho " Sanguine 
plac&stis ventos, et virgine caesA," of 
Virgil (^n. ii. 116) ; and Hcrodotns 
actaally records haman sacrifices in 
Achaia, or Phthiotis (rii. 197). Some 
have attributed human sacrifices to 
the Egyptians ; and Virgil says " Qnis 
illaadati nesoit Busiridis aras.*' (Georg. 



iii. 5) ; but it must be quite evident 
that such a custom was inconsistent 
with tho habits of the civilized Egyp- 
tians, and Herodotus has disproved 
the probability of human sacrifices in 
Egypt by his judicious remarks in ch. 
45. (See note » ad loc.)— [G. W.] 



190 



RHAMPSINITU8. 



Book II. 



heir to the kingdom on the death of their father Priam. And 
it could not be Hector's interest to uphold his brother in his 
wrong, when it brought such dire calamities upon himself and 
the other Trojans. But the fact was that they had no Helen 
to deliver, and so they told the Greeks, but the Greeks would 
not believe what they said — Divine Providence, as I think, so 
willing, that by their utter destruction it might bo made evi- 
dent to all men that when great wrongs are dime, the gods 
will siu*ely visit them with great punishments. Such, at least, 
is mv view of the matter. 

y/ 121. (1.) When Proteus died, Rhampsinitus,* the priests in- 
formed me, succeeded to the throne. Ilis monuments were, 
the western gateway of the temple of Vulcan, and the two 
statues which stand in front of this gat(»way, called by the 
Egj-ptians, the one Summer, the other Winter, eat-h twenty- 
five cubits in height. The statue of Summer, which is the 
northenimost of the two, is worshipped by the natives, and 
has ofiferings made to it ; that of Winter, which stands 
towards the south, is treated in exaetlv the contrarv wav. 

^ King Rhampsinitus was possessed, they said, of <nvat riches in 
silver, — indeed to such an amount, that nt^ni* of the princes, 
his successors. siu*passed or even equiilKd his wi^alth. For 
the bt'ttir custvuly of this money, he prt)p()std to l>uild a vast 
chamber of hewn stone, one side of which was t.> form a part 
of the outiT wall of his palace. The liuildt-r, tlu ivf )re, having 
designs upon the treasures, contrived, as hi' was making the 



' This is oviilon:ly iho namo of a 
Bcnio8i*:3. anil lu t it' a kinsr *'f an oarly 
dynasty. Tlio fu-^t invlivUlunl c:illei 
Kcniosrs montUiii'd on tho uii nunio'its 
waa n iht^sou *'f tho family of A:uo*i.s, 
tho first kinir of tho iMh liviiastv. 
St"»mc olianihors in tho irroat t«»niplo at 
Mctleonot HalKH\ hiiilt by Uoniosos 
III., whort* tho colli ami si Ivor \-aso5 
ami othor prtH'ious thin^ nn? jx*r- 
trnyoil in tho soulpturos, x\*call tho 
troasury of Khani]>sinitus : ami it is 
not iuipn^lmhlo (as enjrci'stoil in At. 
Kg. Tol*. i. p. ^'^ ii. 3oI>. a:id in Mater. 



lliera. p. J>i»> that iho«o were the 
i^anio kin:;:. Hi* il*. ni-i oalls liim liham- 
plii?. llon^'.l'-tus >.iy> ho oroctoil the 
jrri^at rr»|iyhr;» i»u tl.o wos-t of tho 
toniplo i^f I'lhah ^VnIo:\n>. at Mcm- 
j'his. \%hioh \\vn:ll al>'» pri»vo him to 
have ri'iu'noil atior t!:c founders cf the 
pynimiiK^. ainl nt Kmsi as l:ito as tho 
l>tli ir ll'th liyi.asty, as those pyra- 
niiilal t'. wox"S ^oal!o«i Propylara by 
Uontloius^ woro n^ : a'M-.-il to t'.mi»lea 
till tho aooos-ii'n rf ti;o lS;h dvna^tr. 
See bolow. ch. lio, ik»:o *• — ^Li. W. 



Chaf. 120, 121. ROBBEBY OF HIS TREASUBE CHAMBEB. 



191 



building, to insert in this wall a stone,* which could easily be 
removed from its place by two men, or even by one. So the 
chamber was finished, and the king's money stored away in it. 
Time passed, and the builder fell sick, when finding his end 
approaching, he called for his two sons, and related to them 
the contrivance he had made in the king's treasure-chamber, 
telling them it was for their sakes he had done it, that so they 
might always live in aflfluence. Then he gave them clear 
directions concerning the mode of removing the stone, and 
communicated the measurements, bidding them carefully keep 
the secret, whereby they would be Comptrollers of the Royal 
Exchequer so long as they lived. Then the father died, and 
the sons were not slow in setting to work : they went by night 
to the palace, found the stone in the wall of the building, and 
having removed it with ease, plundered the treasury of a 
round sum. 

(2.) When the king next paid a visit to the apartment, he 
was astonished to see that the money was sunk in some of the 
vessels wherein it was stored away. AVliom to accuse, how- 
ever, he knew not, as the seals were all perfect, and the fasten- 
ings of the room secure. Still each time that he repeated his 
visits, he found that more money was gone. The thieves in 
truth never stopped, but plundered the treasury ever more 
and more. At last the king determined to have some traps ® 
made,^ and set near the vessels which contained his wealth. 
This was done, and when the thieves came, as usual, to the 
treasure-chamber, and one of them entering through the 
aperture, made straight for the jars, suddenly he found him- 
self caught in one of the traps. Perceiving that he was lost, 



' This story has been repeated in 
the Pecorone of Ser Giovanni, a Flo- 
rentine of the fourteenth centorv, 
who snbstitutes a doge of Venice for 
the king. Also in other tales. (See 
Dnnlop's History of Fiction, vol. ii. 
p. 382.) A fcecret entrance by a 
movable stone is a favourite notion of 
the Arabs, owing to manj hidden 



passages in E^ryptian temples having 
been closed by the same means. — 
[G. W.] 

* Traps for birds and hysenas are 
often represented in the paintings (see 
above note ^ ch. 77) ; but one which 
the robber and his brother were unable 
to open would require to be very inge. 
nionsly contrived. — [G. W.] 



192 THE BB0THEB8 STRATAGEM — Book U. 

he instantly called his brother, and telling him what had 
happened, entreated him to enter as quickly as possible and 
cut off his head, that when his body should be discovered 
it might not be recognised, which would have the effect 
of bringing ruin upon both. The other thief thought the 
advice good, and was persuaded to follow it ; — then, fitting 
the stone into its place, he went home, taking with him his 
brother's head. 

(8.) When day dawned, the king came into the room, and 
marvelled greatly to see the body of the thief in the trap with- 
out a head, while the building was still whole, and neither 
entrance nor exit was to be seen anywhere. In this perplexity 
he commanded the body of the dead man to be hung up out- 
side the palace wall, and set a guard to watch it, with orders 
that if any persons were seen weeping or lamenting near the 
place, they should be seized and brought before him. When 
the mother heard of this exposure of the corpse of her son, 
she took it sorely to heart, and spoke to her surviving child, 
bidding him devise some plan or other to get back the body, 
and threatening, that if he did not exert himself, she would go 
herself to the king, and denounce him as the robber. 

(4.) The son said all he could to persuade her to let the 
matter rest, but in vain ; she still contmued to trouble him, until 
at last he yielded to her importunity, and contrived as follows : 
— Filling some skins with wine, he loaded them on donkeys, 
which he drove before him till he came to the place where the 
guards were watching the dead body, when pulling two or tliree 
of the skins towards him, he untied some of the necks which 
dangled by the asses* sides. The wine poured freely out, 
whereupon he began to beat his head, and shout with all his 
might, seeming not to know which of the donkeys he should 
turn to first. When the guards saw the wine running, de- 
lighted to profit by the occasion, they rushed one and all into 
the road, each with some vessel or other, and caught the liquor 
as it was spilling. The driver pretended anger, and loaded 
them with abuse ; whereon they did their best to pacify him, 



t. 



Cbap. 121. STEALING THE THIEF 8 BODY. 1 93 

until at last he appeared to soften, and recover his good humour, 
drove his asses aside out of the road, and set to work to re- 
arrange their burthens ; meanwhile, as he talked and chatted 
with the guards, one of them began to rally him, and make him 
laugh, whereupon he gave them one of the skins as a gift. 
They now made up their minds to sit doAvn and have a 
drinking-bout where they were, so they begged him to remain 
and drink with them. Then the man let himself be persuaded, 
and stayed. As the drinking went on, they grew very friendly 
together, so presently he gave them another skin,, upon which 
they drank so copiously that they were all overcome wdth the 
liquor, and growing drowsy lay down, and fell asleep on the 
spot. The thief waited till it was the dead of the night, and 
then took down the body of his brother; after which, in 
mockery, he shaved off the right side of all the soldiers* 
beards,* and so left them. Laying his brother's body upon 
the asses, he carried it home to his mother, having thus 
accomplished the thing that she had required of him. 

(5.) When it came to the king's oars that the thief's body 
was stolen away, he w^as sorely vexed. Wishing, therefore, 
whatever it might cost, to catch the man who had contrived 
the trick, he had recourse (the priests said) to an expedient, 
which I can scarcely credit. He sent his own daughter*^ to 

* Tliis is a curious mistake for any or run the risk of waking the guards, 

one to make who had been in Egypt, The diHgraco of shaving men's beards 

since the soldier^ had no beards, and in tlie Ktiat is certainly verj- great, 

it was the custom of all classes to but they have them there, the Egyp- 

shave. This we know from ancient tians had not. — [G. W.] 
anthors, and, above all, from the * This in a country where social tics 

sculptures, where the only persons were so much regarded, and where the 

who have beards are foreigners. Ilero- distinction of royal and noble classes 

dotns even allows that the f]gyptians was more rigidly maintained than in 

shaved their heads and beards (ch. the most exclusive community of 

36; cp. Gen. xli. 4). Joseph, when modern Europe, shows that the story 



sent for from prison by Pharaoh, was of foreign origin. The arm of a 

" shaved himself and changed his dead man would have been difficult to 

raiment.'* Herodotus could not have | obtain ; but the marriage of an Egyp- 

leamt this story from the Egyptian.^, , tian king's daughter with a man of 

and it is evidently from a Greek | low family and a robber was a gross 

source. The robber would have been fabrication even for a Greek cicerone, 

too intent on his object to lose time I This aud the stories of the daughter 

VOL. II. O 



194 



THE THIEF AND THE PRINCESS. 



Book II. 



the common stews, with orders to admit all comers, but 
to require every man to tell her what was the cleverest and 
wickedest thing he had done in the whole course of his life. 
If any one in reply told her the story of the thief, she was to 
lay hold of him and not allow him to get away. The daughter 
did as her father willed, whereon the thief, who was well aware 
of the king's motive, felt a desire to outdo him in craft and 
cunning. Accordingly he contrived the following plan : — He 
procured the corpse of a man lately dead, and cutting off one 
of the arms at the shoulder, put it under his dress, and so went 
to the king's daughter. When she put the question to him as 
she had done to all the rest, he replied, that the wickedest 
thing he had ever done was cutting off the head of his brother 
when he was caught in a trap in the king's treasury, and the 
cleverest was making the guards drunk and carrying off the 
body. As he spoke, the princess caught at him ; but the thief 
took advantage of the darkness to hold out to her the hand of 
the corpse. Imagining it to be his own hand, she seized and 
held it fast ; while the thief, leaving it in her grasp, made his 
escape by the door. 

(6.) The kuig, when word was brought him of this fresh 
success, amazed at the sagacity and boldness of the man, sent 
messengers to all the towns m his dominions to proclaim a 
free pai-don for the thief, and to promise him a rich rewai'd, 
if he came and made himself known. The thief took the king 
at his word, and came boldly into his i)resence ; whereupon 
Rhampsinitus, greatly admiring him, and looking on him as 
the most knowing of men, gave him his daughter in marriage. 
" The Egj^ptians," he said, *' excelled all the rest of the world 
in wisdom, and this man excelled aU other Eg5T)tians." 

122. The same king, I was also informed by the priests, 
afterwards descended alive into the region which the Greeks 



of Cheops, and of Mycerinns, aro as 
illustrative of Grct k, as those in the 
Decameron of Boccaccio are of Italian, 
ideas; and the pleasure it gave the 



Greeks to repeat snch tales about 
kings and their daughters made them 
overlook the improbability. — [G. W.J 



Chap. 121-123. RHAMPSINITUS DESCENT INTO HADES. 



I9S 



call Hades,* and there played at dice with Ceres, sometimes 
winning and sometimes suffering defeat. After a while he 
returned to earth, and brought with him a golden napkin, a 
gift which he had received from the goddess. From this 
descent of Rhampsinitus into Hades, and return to earth 
again, the Egyptians, I was told, instituted a festival, which 
they certainly celebrated in my day. On what occasion it was 
that they instituted it, whether upon this or upon any other, 
I cannot determine. The following are the ceremonies : — On 
a certain day in the year the priests weave a mantle, and 
binding the eyes of one of their number with a fillet, they put 
the mantle upon him, and take him with them into the road- 
way conducting to the temple of Ceres, when they depart and 
leave him to himself. Then the priest, thus blindfolded, is 
led (they say) by two wolves ^ to the temple of Ceres, distant 
twenty furlongs from the city, where he stays awhile, after 
which he is brought back from the temple by the wolves, and 
left upon the spot where they first joined him. 

123. Such as think the tales told by the Egyptians credible 
are free to accept them for history. For my own pai-t, I 
propose to myself throughout my whole work faithfully to 
record the traditions of the several nations. The Egyptians 
maintain that Ceres and Bacchus® preside in the realms 
below. They were also the first to broach the opinion, that 
the soul of man is immortal,® and that, when the body dies, it 



• Hades was called in Erryptian 
Allien t or Amonti, over which Osiris 
presided as judge of the dead. Plu- 
taroh (de Isid. s. 29) supposes it to 
mean the " receiver and giver.'* It 
corresponded, like Erebas, to the 
West, called Ement by the Egyptians, 
the place of darkness, where the sun 
Bet (see note* on ch. 4A). By Ceres 
HeixHlotus means Isis, to whom she 
was supposed to correspond. He 
seems to doubt that the festival com- 
memorated that fabulous descent of 
the king ; and with good reason, as it 
is very un-Egyptian. — [G. W.] 

^ Wolres are not uncommon in 



^^P*- They are not gregarious, as 
in other countries, but generally prowl 
about singly or by twos. The animal, 
however, represented in Amenti is not 
a wolf ; it is a jackal, the emblem of 
Anubis, and painted black, in token of 
its abode there. The wolf, fox, and 
dog, were all sacred to Anubis ; and 
were treated alike, being of the same 
genus. See above, ch. 67, note^. — 
[G. W.] 

* Answering to Isis and Osiris, who 
were the principal deities of Amenti. 
— [G. W.] 

* This was the g^reat doctrine of the 
Egyptians, and their belief in it is 



K/} 



TKANHMIORATION AN EGYPTIAN DOGMA. 



Book II. 



iiuioTH into t)i(! form of iiri animaP which is bom at the 
inoinciit, th(!iicrc pasHin^on from one animal into another, until 



nviM'ywIimit pHM'tiiiiruMl in iho |Niini- 
iiiKN <if llii> tonil)N. (Soo At. K|<. W. 
|il. HN.) lliiL thu ndiiIn of wicktMl riifri 
uloiiK appiMU' lo linvff Hiin'i'n'd thn dJH. 
fCnuui f»f initiM'iii^ tho IxMly of an 
anliniil, w)ii«n, " «\oi^liiMi in ilio bal- 
uniNi" iNtfon* I III) trihtuiiil of (Kirirt, 
iliny wtMt* piiinoinirtMl iinwortliy to 
ontnrtliK alio<l(> of tlio 1)1ohh«m|. TIu* 
Hoiil wiiri tlion H«'nt luiok in i\\o iMulyof 
A piK (■'*• pl' ^7)i i^iid <li<* 4'oiuninniru. 
lion lirtwri'n liini iiml tht*pliMu« ho Iiiik 
litft IN Hliown lo Ih> (Mil off by a ii^un* 
liitwinK awiiy tlio ^ronml with ini axiv 
(*iroro ( Tuhc. DJHp. i. Hi) huvh I Ik* ini. 
inortiility of tho moiiI wiim lit>t tuuf>'ht 
by IMn»nM«y»l»'H of SyroK, tho jin'ri'pt»»r 
of Pythu^oi-UM, •• whirh wan fhi«»lly fol- 
IowimI (Hit by bi!4 diHcipli*;" l>nt this 
rould only nlbulo to ilM intn>(bn*tiou 
into (ln*(H*i\ Ninr«« it liiul br(*n th(> imi- 
viMxal l>i'hiM'in K::vpt at \vnsi nnvi\v\v 
im tho !hil nn<l Kilt ilvnu'ttv, nion* 
(hail It'HHi V (Ml I'M l»ofo)v. OKI, too, in 
K^ypt wt*n» tho.Px thal^M^»nn n(>ti(>nM 
(hilt iiothini* XH jninihitattHl : that it 
olil\ chiinifrs its^'onu ; Hiul that death 
irt n>pi\u{iu-li4>n !into Iifi\ lypitied l\v 
tho tiiTHi^' of an n»t":o»t at ihi^ ixtivtnit v 
of an K>;\pll:\n loinb. hrxi'iid the >ar- 
(N«phiii;us »«r the ili'ad. iSt'o Ovid. 
MtM. \v. \0\ \1VX -■'•I, I.Vk^ TIu- 
Mauio i-* a U'livt of *' the Vetiantos of 
liubn. and of tlio Sophia vf IN'r-iia ; " 
mill tho dl*^t^^\^ol■ ^^i:m or .Vii -.ai' ;m is 
nUo iho IohI ol' t loner,*; ivMi. ^Sir \V. 
JoiiOK, \ol. I. p. -»Hv> rp. l.uor\*t. i. 

rinio and Txi'aai^Ma'i. saxs rUiiaivh 
^do Vl V\\\\. \\. 7^ "ajiiw lh.li il:e 
«KHll lit in\)Hn-iNh.k\>U' .... the ar.iir.al 
|«ii aK»ne d'.e>." St'o iioti' •. v*?'.. ol, 
an\l t«*» l\'li\»\Mn»r noii's. i«. W.* 
* 'rhod*vir.:ioel ihv* Mo:ojiu*'«vehv*'5is 

K^ypt b\ Tx ilsa^Sni.*. ^S;>« !o*.^'^,' :.j: 
Mid f^liowirc u.'io.^ h wail aN.» 
Wrnusl by ll.o vi:vek* if.<c\>< iy4>x7r» 



[ " circle (orbit) of ncccflsity ;" and bo- 
HuloH tho notion of the kouI pasfling^ 

I through difforcnt l>odi(f8 till it rotiimod 
a^^vin to that uf a man, sonic ima^nod 

' that afti>r a certain poricxl all oTcnta 
hapiHMiud a;pun in the Baino manner 
ILR bofom nil iiloa dcscrilxMl in thcHO 
lin«w by Virjjril, Kclopf. iv. 31 : 

" Altrr cril turn Tiphyii, et altora qiiflc Tchat 
Argo 
IV1«««1«H ir<>n>iv. rnint otUin altorabelln, 
At(|ii<* itiTinii utl Tnjam niagnuii niittHur 
AohilU-a." 

I*ytha;^oraMOven pretended to recollect 
the nhield <»f KiiphorbuH, whoso body 
hiH Koiil had before occupied at the 
Tnijan war. (Hor. i. (M. xxiii. 10; 

, Ovid. Metnin. xv. 1(U\ ir»3 ; riiiloat. 
Vit. A}M)ll(Mi. Tyan. i. 1.) The tnins- 
mii^riititin (^f 8(»uls i;^ also an ancient 
lH»lief in India; and the Chinese Bnd- 
dhists n^present men cnteriu*^ tlui 

I lM)dios of various animals, who in the 
nuwt jn*«»tes<pie manner endeavour to 

: make their limbs c«Miform to tho 
Hhn}M^ of their ni»w aln^de. Tt was 
even a doctrine of the I^lnriseea ac- 
et^nlinii' tt) .Iose]>hus llh-ll. .lud. ii. H, 
I Vi : ami of the Pruid'S. tln'kujrh these 
iNMitiniMl the hal)itativ>n of the seal to 
human Knlies ^^t\\*sar. (\Mnni. R. (lall. 
vi. 13: Tacit. Ann. xiv. 30; Hist. iv. 
ol: DiiHhn-. v. 31: StnilKi. iv. 11»7). 
riaio sjivs tin Tlui^droV *' no s.miN 
will return to ihe:r pri^iine c^nditirn 
till the o\i»inilit»n of-UXlH>'> vears, iv..- 
less they bo of such as have phi !.'<.» 
phi/.ed sintv'.'cly. Those in il:o j»ori<' I 
of ItW voars. if thev have ihric • 
cho<en ilr.-* n:ede t»f life in sncco?*!--' 

shall in tlie 3«X\>:h year l] 

away to their pris::no alv^le. b;- 
other souls Ivinir arrived at the •::; 
of their tii>t life shall bo ju-lir^L A v. i 
of tli->*e whv»an*jav'.ir»>.l, S\me proi^.v:- 
inc to a subtorninoan phuv shiV 
then* nv'^ivo tho pnnisbri.oiits t".-\' 
V. i\ V e doser \- Ovi : at. d o: J: ors Wi : . -j 
; u a i^^^' t :• v • -.ir:! "" ly s' . a'. ! \ >o i' ! ; v "•. : ■: ' : . » 
a Cvlsval p'.Ace . . .• ai.i :ii to 
U\V*ia vt-,\r caoh rviumin* lo the 



Chaf. 123, 124. 



CHEOPa 



197 



it has circled through the forms of all the creatures which 
tenant the earth, the water, and the air, after which it enters 
again into a human frame, and is bom anew. The whole 
period of the transmigration is (they say) three thousand 
years. There are Greek writers, some of an earlier, some of a 
later date,* who have borrowed this doctrine from the Egyp- 
tians, and put it forward as their own. I could mention their 
names, but I abstain from doing so. 

124. Till the death of Bhampsinitus, the priests said, Egypt 
was excellently governed, and flourished greatly ; but after him 
Cheops succeeded to the throne,® and plunged into all maimer 



election of a second life, shall receive 
one agreeable to his desire. . . . Here 
also the soul shall pass into a beast, 
and again into a man, if it has first 
been the sonl of a man." This notion, 
like that mentioned by Herodotus, 
appears to have grown out of, rather 
than to have represented^ the exact 
doetrine of the Egyptians ; and there 
is every indication in the Egyptian 
flcolptnres of the souls of good men 
being admitted at once, after a favour- 
able judgment had been passed on 
them, into the presence of Osiris, 
whose mysterious name they were 
permitted to assume. Men tmd women 
were then both called Osiris, who was 
the abstract idea of " goodness," and 
there was no distinction of sex or rank 
when a soul had obtained that privi- 
lege. All the Egyptians were then 
'* equally noble ; " but not, as Diodorus 
(i. 92) seems to suppose, during life- 
time ; unless it alludes to their being 
a privileged race compared to foreign 
people. In their doctrine of transmi- 
gration, the Egyptian priests may in 
later times have converted what was 
at first a simple speculation into a 
complicated piece of superotition to 
sait their own purposes; and one 
proof of a change is seen in the fact 
of the name of ** Osiris " having in the 
earliest times only been given to 
deceased kings ; and not to other per. 
sons.— [G. W.] 

'^ Pythagoras is supposed to be 



included among the later writers. 
Herodotus, with more judgment and 
fairness, and on better information, 
than some modem writers, allows 
that the Greeks borrowed their early 
lessons of philosophy and science 
from Egypt. Clemens says repeatedly 
that "the Greeks stole their philo- 
sophy from the Barbarian" (Strom, 
i. p. 303 ; ii. p. 358 ; vi. p. 612, and 
elsewhere) ; and observes that Plato 
does not deny its origin (Strom. L p. 
355) . The same is stated by Diodorus, 
Plutarch (de Is. s. 10), Philo, and 
many other ancient writers, some of 
whom censure the Greeks for their 
vanity and disregard of truth ; and 
the candour of Herodotus on this sub- 
ject is highly creditable to him. It 
was not agreeable to the Greeks to 
admit their obligations to " barba- 
rians," and their vanity led them to 
attribute everything, even the words 
of foreign languages, to a Greek 
origin. So too in religion ; and lam- 
blichus says (De Myst. vii. 5), **the 
search after the truth is too trouble- 
some for the Greeks." — [G. W.] 

' It is evident that Herodotus had 
the names of two sets of kings men- 
tioned to him ; the first coming down 
to the Theban Bemeses (Rhampsini. 
tns), the other containing the Mem- 
phite dynasties, in which were Cheops 
and the other builders of the pyra- 
mids, who were in fact older even 
than the Sesostris of the 12th dynasty. 



198 



CHEOPS OPPRESSES THE PEOPLE. 



Book II. 



of wickedncBS. He closed the temples, and forbade the Egyp- 
tians to offer sacrifice, compelling them instead to labour, one 
and all, in his service. Some were required to drag blocks of 
stone down to the Nile from the quarries in the Arabian range 
of hills ; * others received the blocks after they had been 
conveyed in boats across the river, and drew them to the range 
of hills caUed the Libyan.^ A hundred thousand men 



MfmphiUt. 
CheiipA. 
r(>pliren. 
Mycf'rinufi. 
Axychis. 
Anynia. 



The 830 king^ were mentioned to him 

M the whole number ; and the Thcban 

and Mempliite liBts were a BejHirate 

and dctaile<l accoant of the sacces- 

■ion. Of these two liHts he gives 

merely those nainos :- 

TkiniUs and ThebanM. 
Mrnefl. 
McpriM. 
8c«ofitriii. 
l*horon. 
KhanipAlnitUB. 

Those who follow. Sal)aco and others, 
are of later dynastien. But even Mce- 
ris is confounded with a later king, 
and the exploits of SeDostris belong 
principally to Sethos and his son 
Remeses — the first kings of the 1 9th 
dynasty, who as well as Phen)n and 
Rhampsinitus were Thoban princes. 
It is necessary to mention this*, to 
account for the a])])arent anachronism ; 
but other qncHtions rcKpecting the 
succession of those Mom])hito kings 
will be unnecoHsary here ; and I shall 
only notice tlu»ir order as given by 
Herodotus. Tlie nnmo of Choops, 
perhaps, more pro|>orly Shefn^ or 
ShufUf tranHlutcd by Eratosthenes 
KOfAdfrrrjSy ban been ingeniously ex- 
plained by l*rofes«or Kosollini as *' the 
long-haired," which the Egyptian 
shofo or shufu signifies (from /o, 
"hair"). Cheops in written moi-e 
correctly by Manetho " Suphis." Dio- 
dorus imWn him Cheinniis or Chembes, 
and places seven kings between him 
and Kliampsinitus or Khemphis (i. ii3 ; 
see note* on ch. 127). The wickedness 
related of Cheops by Herodotus agrees 
with Manetho's account, " that he was 
arn^ant towards the Gods ; but, re- 
penting, wrote the Sacred Book." — 
[0. W.] 
** The quarries are still worked in 



the mountain on the E. of the Nile 
behind Toora and Masarah ; and hiero- 
glyphic inscriptions are found there of 
early kings. Ptolemy calls the moun- 
tain TpwiKou KlBov UpoSf from the 
neighbouring village of Troja. The 
blocks used in building the pyramids 
were partly from those quarries, and 
partly from the nummulite rock of 
the Libyan hills, but the outer layers 
or coating were of the more even- 
grained st(me of the Eastern range 
(see note •* on ch. 8). The pyramids 
and the tombs about them prove that 
squared stone and even granite hud 
long been employed beforo the 4th 
dynasty ; and from the skill they had 
arrived at in carving granite, we may 
conclude that hewn stone must have 
been used even before the roign of 
TosorthruB, second king of the 3rd 
dynasty, who was evidently the same 
as Athothi.s, the son of Menes. Tho 
pick, stone-saw, wedge, chisol, and 
other t<K)ls were aln?ady in use when 
the pynimids were built. — [G. W.] 

* The western hills being especially 
appnjpriated to tombs in all thei)laces 
where i)yrami<ls were built will ac- 
count for these monuments being on 
that side of the Nile. The abode of 
the dea<l was Hupposed to be the Wost, 
the land of darkness where the sun 
ended his course ; and the analogy 
was kept up by tlie names Eirwni^ tho 
" west," and Ameniif the " lower 
regions of Hades" (see note* on ch. 
122). Some tombs were in the Eastern 
hills, but this was because they hap- 
pened to be near the river, and the 
Libyan hills were too distant; and the 
principal places of burial, as at Thebes 
and Memphis, were on the W. Tho 
only pyramids on the E. bank are iu 



HIS OHEAT CAUSEWAY. 



laboured constantly, and were relieved every three months by a 
fresh lot. It took ten years' oppresBion of the people to make 
the causeway" for the conveyance of the Btones, a work not 



Upper Ethiopia. Tombs of Egypt raos [ a place of Bepnltore, in Older to b« 

hciag Beldum fonnd in Nnbia ma; be ' near to Osiria.— [G. W.] 

owing to their considering it "a I 'The remains ot two caoaewkya 

foreign land," and being therefore Btiil exist — the nortfaem one, which 

buried in the holy ground of E^[ypt, , is the largest, corresponding with tb« 

In like manner many preferred the great pyramid, as the other does with 

sacred Abydus to their own tawoB as | the third. The oater i ' 




fallen or been pnlled down, bo thnt no 
traces remnin ot " the figures of ani- 
malH," or hierojrlyphici'. Hb length 



,. . , __ fcpt, has I fnthomB) of HormlotQa, but the height 

been reduced to about 142 1, though | of 85 feet eiceodB his 8 orgyies. And 

in Pc'cocke'B time it menaurcd JOTO aa tho causownj must necesBarily 

yards, which Tery nearly corrcBpondod | have boon as high as the hill or plateau 



200 



PYRAMID OF CKEOPa 



Book II. 



much inferior, in my judgment, to the pyramid ^ itself. This 
causeway is five furlongs in length, ten fathoms wide, and in 
height, at the highest part, eight fathoms. It is built of 
polished stone, and is covered with carvings of animals. To 
make it took ten years, as I said — or rather to make the 
causeway, the works on the moimd® where the pyramid stands, 
and the undergroimd chambers, which Cheops intended as 
vaults for his own use : these last were built on a sort of island, 
sturrounded by water introduced from the Nile by a canal.*^ 
The pyramid itself was twenty years in building. It is a square, 
eight hxmdred feet each way,^ and the height the* same, built 



to which tho stones were coDT^ed, 
and as Hcrodotns gives 100 feet for 
the height of the hill, which is fVom 
80 to 85 English feet where the canse- 
waj joins it, his 8 orgyios or '18 feet 
most be an oTersight of tho historian, 
or of his copyistfl. This caueeway 
served for both tho great pyramids. 
Some, however, attribute it to the 
Caliphs, bocaaso Diodorus says it had 
disappeared in his time, owing to the 
sandy base on which it stood ; but tho 
gronnd is not of so sandy a natore as 
to canse its fall, and the other cause- 
way, leading to the third pyramid, 
which tho Caliphs could have had no 
object in constructing, is of the same 
kind of masonry'. It is probable the 
Caliphs repaired tho northern one, 
when the stones of tho pyramids were 
removed to erect mosks, walls, and 
other buildings in Cairo. An opening, 
covered over by a single block, was 
left for pci'sons to pass throngh, who 
travelled by land during the inunda- 
tion, which still remains in the south- 
ern causeway. — [G. W.] 

' The name of pyramid in Egyptian 
appears to be ?^r-^r ; but Mr. Kenrick, 
in a note on ch. 136, judiciously ob- 
serves that " pyramid " is prolmbly 
Greek on the following authority : — 
" Stym. M. voc. Tlupofiis, rj iK itvpSov 
«ral fitXiToSj &<nrtp ffttrafilsf r} ix aeffd. 
t»M¥ Kol fjLtXiros" Uvpofiovs (he adds) 
was another name for the same kind 
of cake . . . the crriffatiU was e<pai- 



poMti-fis (Athen. p. 640) ; the wvpoftXsp 
which was pointed and used in th» 
Bacchic rites, may be seen on the table 
at the reception of BacehuFr by Icarus, 
in Hope's Costumes, vol. ii. pi. 22-1-. 
That tho name of the mathematical 
solid was derived from an object of 
common life, and not vice rersd, may 
be argued from analogy : ff<patpa was 
a hand-ball ; nifios, a die for gaming ; 
irwvof, a hoy 8 top ; xiXjivlipos, a hus- 
bandman's or gardener's roller, Tho 
Arabic ahram or hdram Roems to bo 
taken from tho Greek name. — [G* W.] 

* This was icvolling tho top of tho 
hill to form a platform. A piece of 
rock was also left in the centre as a 
nucleus on which the pyramid was 
built, and which may Htill be seen 
within it to the height of 72 feet above 
the level of the ground. — [G. W.] 

* There is no trace of a canal, nor 
is there any probability of one having 
existed, from the appearance of the 
roc'k, or from the position of tho pyra- 
mid, standing as it does upwards of 
100 feet above the level of the highest 
inundation.— [G. W.] 

* The dimensions of the great pyra- 
mid were — each face, 756 ft., now re- 
duced to 732 ft.; original height when 
entire, 480 ft. 9 in., now 460 ft. 9 in. ; 
angles at the base, 51** 50' ; angle at 
the apex, 76** 20^ ; it covered an area 
of 571,536 square feet, now 535,821 
sqoare feet. 

Herodotus* measurement of eight 



Cair. l£4, 12S. 



PYRAMID OF CHEOPS. 



entirely of polished Btooe, fitted together with the utmoBt care. 
The stones of which it is composed are none of them less than 
thirty feet in length,* 

125. The pyramid was built in steps,^ battlement-wise, as it 
is called, or, according to others, altar-wiae. After laying the 
stones for the base, they raised the remaining stones to their 



pletbrs, or 800 ft., for each face, is not 
verj for from tho tnith aa a roond 
nnmber; bot the heijjht, which ho 
uya was the Bamc, ie fai- from correct, 
and wonld require a very different 
angle from Sl° 50' for the alopo of the 
faoea.— [G. W.J 

PerhapH Heroilolns does not intend 
Tortical heiKht, which he woold have 

of the eloping side, whif h he may oica 
have measniwd (intra ch. 127) from 
ODe of the angles at the bftae to the 
kpei. In this case his eetimaCe wonld 
not bo BO very wrong, for the length 
of the lioe from the npei to the ground 
at one of tho angles of the base woold 
have aiceedcd 700 feet. 

■ The size of the stones varies. He. 
rodotns slladcB to those of the enter 
■Drfaoe, which are now gonei but it 
may be donbted if all, eren at the 
loirer part, were 30 feet in length. 
On the Bobject of tlio pvmmida see 
M. Er. W. p. 319 to 371.— [G. W. ] 

' These stopg, or soccesaive ataCOB, 
bad their faces nenrly perperdicniar, 
ot at an angle of nbout 75°, and the 
triangnlar apace, formed by each pro- 
jecting ccDHidembly beyond the one 




immediately above it. was afterwards 
filled in, thaa completing the geoerftl 
form of the pyramid. This waa Bret 
suggested by Hr. Wild, who obaerred 
that " if he had to build a pyramid he 



shonld proceed in that maaner;" for 
I had BUpposed it confined to the 
Third Pyramid, instead of being a 
general ayatem of construction. (M. 
Eg. W. i. 349.) On each of Iheae 
Btagca the machinea Hei-oiiotaB men. 
tions were placed, which drew ap the 
stonca from one to the other. Two 
eiplanations of "the upper portion of 
tho pj'ramid being finiahod first ^' 
muy be given — une that it was adding 
tho pyramidal apex, and filling up the 
triangnlar sptkces as they worked 
downwards; the other that (after tho 
triangular spaces had been filled in) it 
referred to their cutting away the 
I projecting angles of the stones, and 
bringing the whole maaa to a smooth 
level surface, which could only bo 
I done "aa they descended, tho step im> 
I mediately below serving as a resting- 
place, in lieu of scaffolding, on which 
the men worked" (as mentioned id 
. M. Eg. W. i. 340). Dr. Lopaius thinks 
that the size of a pyramid shows tho 
duration of tho king'a reign who built 
it ; As additions coald be mado to the 
uptight sides of tho stages at any time 
before the triangular apaces wore filled 
in ; bat thongh a Urge pyramid might 
require and prove a long reign, wo 
cannot infer a short one from a small 
pyramid. Nor could the small pyra- 
mids be the ntieiBi of larger ones, 
which kings did not lire to finish ; 
and the Plan will show that want of 
apace woald effectually prevent their 
buildere hoping for such an extension 
of their monuments. Any one of 
those before the First (or the Third) 
Pyramid would interfere with it, and 
with their smaller nei>;hbours. 

It is a cnrions question if the Egyp- 
tians broagbt with them the idea of 
the pjranuc^'^or sepDlchral mound, 



207 



PYRAMID OF CHEOPa 



Book II. 



plftcoR l>y meariR of machines * formed of short wooden planks. 
Tho firftt machine raised them from the ground to the top of 
tho first step. On this there was another nlachine, which 
received the stone upon its arrival, and conveyed it to the 
second step, whence a third machine advanced it still higher. 
Either they had as many machines as there were steps in the 
pyramid, or possibly they had but a single machine, which, 
being easily moved, was transferred from tier to tier as the 
stone rose — lioth accounts are given, and therefore I mention 
both. Tlio upper portion of the pyramid was finished first, 
then ttie middle, and finally the part which was lowest and 
nearest the ground. There is an inscription in Egyptian 
rbaracters* on the pyramid whch records the quantity of 
rwlishes,** onions, and garlick'^ consumed by the labourers who 



whi»n thoy TTiif^rntfMl into Iho volley of 
the* Nilf, nrifl if it- CTlf^inatod in the 
pntnf* icioft n^ t ho t<»w«'r, built also in 
»«tf»j(f»f», of Asuvrin, nnd the pngoda of 
rndin. f(». W. | 

^ Tho n«iti(in <»f DicHloruR that ma- 
chlfino wrro n<»t yvi invpnted is HuflS- 
rjpntly <li«|ifuviMl by roninum sense 
ftfid by tho rifiKortioii of Herodotus. It 
}•* eMfninIy wiji^rnhir that the Kgyp- 
fintiji, who hnvp lelt behind them so 
ifintiy riMMMiN of (heir eust<^n»H. should 
hiire oiiiiltfMl ererv e\|ilanntion of 
I heir iihmIo of miMJii^ the «>nornu»us 
bloeltM (hry imed. Some have ima- 
jiitteil iiu'htu'd |>)MiieM. without rtH^^l- 
betlii^r yyhni thoir extent wouhl be 
nhen of mieh a heijrht and length of 
base I nnd (h«Mii;h the inelineil plane 
inwr ha^e bren enn»l«'A«*d for some 
pnrpo«je»j. n» it t^nn in siep'*'* by the 
A«!*>iuM<«» !n»d e(h»M>!. as a " l»rtnk ** 
{'} kinc-* \i\. aL* ; i» Srtm xx. l^^. for 
^nneinn; wy (he n«oreftM»» t«'tieni 
a^i^lnit a |»or|M«nd»:enlar naW. it nouM 
be diOlenU to adapt it to the «lojnrc 
Ouv* ef a pxt^mid. or to intn^luco it 
<nt\» the n\tevior of a lar>:v len^plo. 
The |s*vu»on of th«v«o pvi^»v.id< is very 
>>»w^»VaMe <n ts'iec p*a\vd >v"' exAv^lr 
rrte<^^>t the fenv \'<t\i>bvrtl |>ittt# tV^c 
the xat^Ati^^n of iVe \N^n«j>rts* it.i^t Iv 
aii^^Mta'mM tWm iWm This JKWtrior 



would imply some astronomical know- 
ledge nnd careful observations at that 
time.— [G. W.] 

* This must have been in hiero- 
glyphics, the monumental character. 
The outer stones being gone, it is im. 
possible to verify, or disprove, the 
assertion of Herodotus, which, how- 
ever, would have nothing improbable in 
it, provided the record was not confined 
to the simple inscription he gives. That 
hiert>glyphics were already used long 
before the pyramids were bnilt is cer- 
tain, as thcv were found bv Colonel 
Uoward Vyse in the upper chambers 
he oix»ned, written on the blocks be- 
fore they were built in, and containing 
the name of Shofo. or Shufu (Suphis). 
The cursive style of thea;e hierr^glyphics 
shows that they had been in u>e a long 
time bt^fore. The names of the two 
8hufus on those blc-cks seem to prove 
that the Cirv*at Pvramid was the work 
of tw\^ k:n*s: and this may e3rp;>lain 
its having two chambers. (See n. *. 

oh. i:?:.^— ;g. W] 

* This is the E-tyhjr.'fs s-itirus, var. 
♦*•;*' TiX of Linnarn?. the//? cf ni?dem 
KiTvt^t. jiv n.coh eaten bv the modem 
as «o!*. a* ::.e &-c:<.n: i-:a«ai:ts. I: 
V.»* Wvr. c«*.*>i " i-cr^^p-ri'I ih.*" which 
wonM r.avt* Ky^z pciiijpti:: f*.».d ft* tbe 
K)j;yj<tAss^ Bat ibo: rx< does »:t 



Chap. 125, 126. 



COST OF THE PYRAMID. 



203 



constructed it ; and I perfectly well remember that the inter- 
preter who read the writing to me said that the money ex- 
pended in this way was 1600 talents of silver. If this then is 
a true record, what a vast sum must have been spent on the 
iron tools ® used in the work, and on the feeding and clothing 
of the labourers, considering the length of time the work lasted^ 
which has already been stated, and the additional time — ^no 
small space, I imagine — which must have been occupied by 
the quarrying of the stones, their conveyance, and the forma- 
tion of the underground apartments. 

126. The wickedness of Cheops reached to such a pitch 
that, when he had spent all his treasures and wanted more, 
he sent his daughter to the stews, with orders to procure him 
a certain sum — how much I cannot say, for I was not told ; 
she procured it, however, and at the same time, bent on 
leaving a monument which should perpetuate her own memory, 
she required each man to make her a present of a stone 
towards the works which she contemplated. Witli tliese stones 
she built the pyramid which stands midmost of the three that 
are in front of the great pyramid, measuring along each side 
a hundred and fifty feet.® 



grow in the conntiy. Strskbo mentions 
lentiJs, which doubtless constituted 
their chief food of old, as at present ; 
and it is not probable that they were 
limited to the three roots mentioned 
by Herodotas. The notion of the 
geographer that the rock contains 
Icntilsi the petrified residue of the 
food of the workmen, is derived from 
the small fossils contained in that 
nnmmnlite limestone. Their appear- 
ance misled him. — [G. W.] 

^ Though garlick grows in Egypt, 
that brought from Syria is most os- 
teomod. Till the name " Syrian " 
was tabooed in Cairo, during the war, 
those who sold it in the streets cried 
" T6m shdmee," " Syrian garlick ; '* it 
was then changed to " in fa e torn" 
" garlick is U8eful."—[G. W.] 

® Iron was known in Egypt at a 
very early time. The piece of iron 



found by Colonel Howard Vyse, im- 
bedded between two stones of the 
great pyramid, may have Ijeen placed 
there when the pyramid was built, or 
have been forced between them when 
the Arabs were removing the blocks ; 
and tliere is other better evidence of 
the use of iron by the ancient Egyp- 
tians. See note* <m ch. 86. — [G. W.] 
* In this pyramid the name of king 
Moncheres (or Mycerinus ?) is painted 
on the flat roof of its chamber ; but his 
sarcophagus was found in the Tliird 
Pyramid. (See n. *, ch. 129.) The 
story of the daughter of Cheops is on 
a par with that of the daughter of 
Ehampsinitus ; and we may be certain 
that Herodotus never received it from 
" the priests," whose language he did 
not understand, but from some of the 
Greek *' interpreters," by whom he was 
so often misled. — [G. W.J 



204 



PYRAMID OF CHEPHREN. 



Book II. 



127. Cheops reigned, the Egyptians said, fifty years, and 
was succeeded at his demise by Chephren, his brother.^ 

Chephren imitated the conduct of his predecessor, and, like 
him, built a pyramid, which did not, however, equal the 
dimensions of his brother's. Of this I am certain, for I 
measured them both myself. It has no subterraneous apart- 
ments, nor any canal from the Nile to supply it with water, 
as the other pyramid has. In that, the Nile water, intro- 
duced through an artificial duct, surrounds an island, where 
the body of Cheops is said to he. Chephren built his 
pyramid close to the great pyramid of Cheops, and of the 
same dimensions, except that he lowered the height forty feet. 
For the basement he employed the many-coloured stone of 
Ethiopia.^ These two pjTamids stand both on the same hill. 



1 Manetho mentions Snphia II., or 
Sen-Saphis, i.e. " brother of Suphis." 
It is eyident that two brothers could 
not have reigned snccessively 60 and 
66 years, or 63 and 66, according to 
Manetho; nor have built two Buch 
immense monnments, each requiring 
a long reign. These two Suphises are 



the Shofo, 
or Shufu, 




and Nou, or 
C.1 1 Noum. Shufu, 




of the monuments. They appear to 
have ruled together during the greater 
part of their reign, and Nou-Shufu or 
Suphis II., having survived his bro- 
ther, was considered his successor. 
Another king has been thought by 
some to be Ccphren ; his name roads 



Shafro, 



and as he is called " of the little pyra- 



mid,*' ho has been thought to be the 
builder of the second, before it was 
enlarged. The name of Nonm- Shufu 
is found on a reversed stone in one of 
the tombs near the Second Pyramid, 
which bears in other parts the names 
of both these Shufus. 

The measurements of the Second 
Pyramid are : — present base, 690 ft. ; 
former base (acconiing to Colonel 
Howard Vyse), 707 ft. 9 in.; present 
perpendicular height (calculating the 
angle 52° 20'), -146 ft. 9 in. ; former 
height, 4o4 ft. 3 in. 

Hen)dotus supposes it was 40 feet 
less in height than the Great Pyramid, 
but the real difference was only 24 ft. 
6 in. 

It is singular that Herodotus takes 
no notice of the sphinx, which was 
made at least as early as the 18th 
dynasty, as it bears the name of 
Thothmos IV. The Egyptians called 
it Hor-m-kho, or Re-m-sho, " the sun 
in his resting-place " (the western ho- 
rizon), which was converted by tho 
Greeks into Armachis. — [G. W.] 

* This was red granite of Syene ; 
and Herodotus appears to be correct 
in saying that the lower tier was of 
that stone, or at least the casing, 
which was all that he could see ; and 
the numbers of fragments of granite 



Chap. 127-129. 



REIGN OF MTCERIKUS. 



20S 



an eleyation not far short of a hundred feet in height. The 
reign of Chephren lasted fifty-six years. 

128. Thus the affliction of Egypt endured for the space of 
one hundred and six years, during the whole of which time the 
temples were shut up and never opened. The Egyptians so 
detest the memory of these kings that they do not much like 
even to mention their names. Hence they commonly call the 
pyramids after Philition,® a shepherd who at that time fed his 
flocks about the place. 

129. After Chephren, Mycerinus* (they said), son of Cheops, 
ascended the throne. This prince disapproved the conduct of 
his father, re-opened the temples, and allowed the people, who 
were ground down to the lowest point of misery, to return to 
their occupations, and to resume the practice of sacrifice. His 
justice in the decision of causes was beyond that of all the 



lying abont this pyramid show that it 
baa been partly faced with it. The 
casing which remains on the upper 

Eart is of the limestone of the eastern 
ilia. All the pyramids were ()])ened 
by the Arab caliphs in the hopes of 
finding treasure. Pausanias (iv. ix. 
86) points at Herodotus when he says 
** the Greeks admire foreign wonders 
more than those of their own country, 
and some of their greatest historians 
have described the pyramids of E^yp^ 
with the greatest precision, though 
they hav^e said nothing of the royal 
treasury of Minyas, nor of the walls of 
Tiryns, which are not loss wonderful 
than those pyramids." Aristotle 
(Polit. vii. 11) considers them merc?ly 
the resolt of great lal>our, displaying 
the power of kings, and the misery in- 
flicted on the people ; which Pliny has 
re-echoed by calling them an idle and 
•illy display of royal wealth and of 
Tanity (xxxvi. 12). Later writers 
have repeated this, without even 
knowing the object they were built 
for, and it would be unjust to suppose 
them merely monumental. — [G. W.] 

* This can have no connection with 
the invasion, or the memory, of the 
Shepherd-kings, at least as founders 
of the pyramids, which some have 



conjectured j for those monuments 
were raific<l long before the rule of 
the Shepherd -kings in Egypt. — 
[G. W.] 

Jn the mind of the Egy])tian8 two 
periods of oppression may have gradu- 
ally come to bo confounded, and they 
may have ascribed to the tyranny of 
the Shepherd-kings what in reality 
belonged to a far earlier time of mis- 
rule. It should not be forgotten that 
the Shepherds, whether Philistines, 
Hittites, or other Scyths, would at any 
rate invade Egy[)t from Falvntine^ and 
so naturally be regarded by the Egyp- 
tians as Philistines. Hence perha])s 
the name of Pelusium (=^ Philistin(>. 
town) applied to the last city which 
they held in Egypt. (See J-iepsius, 
Chron. der Egypter, i. p. 341.) 

"* He is called Mencheres by Manetho, 
and Mecherinus by Diodorus. In the 
hieroglyphics the name is 




which reads Mcn-ka-re, Men-ku-re, or 
Men.ker-re.— [G. W.] 



206 



THE GOLDEN COW AT SAIS. 



Book It. 



former kings. The Egyptians praise him in this respect more 
highly than any of their other monarchs, declaring that he not 
only gave his judgments with fairness, but also, when any one 
was dissatisfied with his sentence, made compensation to him 
out of his own purse, and thus pacified his anger. Mycerinus 
had established his character for mildness, and was acting as I 
have described, when the stroke of calamity fell on him. First 
of all his daughter died, the only child that he possessed. 
Experiencing a bitter grief at this visitation, in his sorrow he 
conceived the wish to entomb his child in some unusual way. 
He therefore caused a cow to be made of wood, and after the 
interior had been hollowed out, he had the whole surface 
coated with gold ; and in this novel tomb laid the dead body 
of his daughter. 

180. The cow was not placed under ground, but continued 
visible to my times : it was at Sais, in the royal palace, where 
it occupied a chamber richly adorned. Every day there are 
burnt before it aromatics of every kind ; and all night long a 
lamp is kept burning in the apartment.'^ In an adjoining 
chamber are statues which the priests at Sais declared to repre- 
sent the various concubines of Mycerinus. They are colossal 
figures in wood, of the number of about twenty, and are repre- 
sented naked. Whoso images they really are, I cannot say — 
I can only repeat the account which was given to me. 

131. Concerning those colossal figures and the sacred cow, 
there is also another tale narrated, which runs thus: ** Myce- 
rinus was enamoured of his daughter, and oflfored her viotence 
— the damsel for grief hanged herself, and Mycerinus entombed 
her in the cow. Then her mother cut oflF the hands of all her 
tiring-maids, because they had sided with the father, and 
betrayed the child ; and so the statues of the maids have no 



• This ia evidently, from what fol- 
lows (soe oh. 132), iu honour of a 
deity, and not of the daughter of My- 
oerinns ; and the fact of the Egyptians 
lamenting, and beating themselves in 
honour of Osiris, shows that the cow 
ropresentod cithor Athur, or Isis, in 



the character of a Goddess of Amenti. 
(See Pint, de Isid. et Osir. s. 39.) 
Herodotus very properly doubts the 
story about the daughter and the con- 
cubines of Mycerinus, which he thinks 
a mere fable. — [G. W.] 



Chap. 129-133. MYCERINUS WARNED BY AN ORACLE. 



207 



hands.*' All this is mere fable in my judgment, especially 
what is said about the hands of the colossal statues. I could 
plainly see that the figures had only lost their hands through 
the effect of time. They had dropped oflf, and were still lying 
on the groimd about the feet of the statues. 

132. As for the cow, the greater portion of it is hidden by a 
scarlet coverture ; the head and neck, however, which are 
visible, are coated very thickly with gold,® and between the 
horns there is a representation in gold of the orb of the sun. 
The figure is not erect, but lying down, with the limbs imder 
the body ; the dimensions being fully those of a large animal 
of the kind. Every year it is taken from the apartment where 
it is kept, and exposed to the light of day — this is done at the 
season when the Egyptians beat themselves in honour of one 
of their gods, whose name I am unwilling to mention in con- 
nection with such a matter."^ They say that the daughter of 
Mycerihus requested her father in her dying moments to allow 
her once a year to see the sun. 

183. After the death of his daughter, Mycerinus was visited 
with a second calamity, of which I shall now proceed to 
give an account. An oracle reached him from the town of 
Buto,® which said, ** Six years only shalt thou live upon the 
earth, and in the seventh thou shalt end thy days." Myce- 
rinus, indignant, sent an angry message to the oracle, re- 
proaching the god with his injustice — '' My father and uncle," 
he said, ** though they shut up the temples, took no thought 
of the gods, and destroyed multitudes of men, nevertheless 
enjoyed a long life; I, who am pious, am to die so soon! " 
There came in reply a second message from the oracle — ** For 
this very reason is thy life brought so quickly to a close — thou 
hast not done as it behoved thee. Egypt was fated to suffer 
affliction one hundred and fifty years — the two kings who 



• The gold nsed by the Egyptians 
for overlayiiig the faces of mammies, 
and ornamental objects, is often re- 
markable for its thickness. — [G. W.] 



^ This was Osiris. See notes on 
chs. 60, 61, 85, and 130.— [G. W.] 
^ See notes ', ' on ch. 155. 



2o8 



PTBAMID OF MTCEBINUa 



Book II. 



preceded thee upon the throne understood this — thou hast 
not understood it/* Mycerinus, when this answer reached 
him, perceiving that his doom was fixed, had lamps prepared, 
which he Ughted every day at eventime, and feasted and 
enjoyed himself unceasingly both day and night, moving 
about in the marsh-country • and the woods, and visiting all 
the places that he heard were agreeable sojourns. His wish 
was to prove the oracle false, by turning the nights into days, 
and so living twelve years in the space of six. 

134. He too left a pyramid, but much inferior in size to his 
father's.^ It is a square, each side of which falls short of three 
plethra by twenty feet, and is built for half its height of the 
stone of Ethiopia. Some of the Greeks call it the work of 
Ehodopis* the courtezan, but they report falsely. It seems to 



' These were the reeort of the 
wealthy Egyptians who wished to 
enjoy the pleasures of the chase. 
They were also places of refuge in 
time of danger, to which Anysis, 
AmyrtoBus, and others fled. — [G. W..] 

* The measurements of this pyramid 
are— length of ba«o, 333 feet: former 
length, acconling to Col. H. Vyse, 
3546 ; present perpendicular height, 
2037 inches ; former height, according 
to Col. U. VvKc, 2180; angle of the 
casing, 51°. Herodotus says it was 
much snmllcr than that of Cheops, 
being 20 feet short of 3 plethra each 
face, or 280 feet ; but this is too little, 
and Pliny gives it 363 Komiw feet, or 
about 350 KiigliHh feet ; observing at 
the same time that, though smaller 
than the other two, it was far more 
beautiful, on account of the granite 
that coated it ; which Herodotus 
and Strabo say reached only half- 
way up, or according to Diodorus to 
the fifteenth tier. It now extends 
36 feet 9 inches from the base on the 
Westem, and 25 feet 10 inches on the 
Northern side. The granite stones 
have bevelled edges, a common style of 
building in Egypt, Syria, and Italy, in 
ancient times ; and round the entrance 
a space has been cut into the surface 
of the stones, as if to let in some 



ornament, probably of metal, which 
bore an inscription containing the 
king's name, or some funeral sculp, 
tures, similar to those in the small 
chambers attached to the pyramids of 
Gebel Berkel. In this pyramid wen? 
found the name and coffin of Men- 
cheres.— [0. W.] 

' Her real name was Doricha, and 
Rhodopis, "the rosy -cheeked," was 
merely an epithet. It was under this 
n<ime of Doricha that she was mon- 
tioncd by Sappho ; arid that Hero- 
dotus was not mistaken in calling her 
Rhtxlopis, as Athena?us supposes 
(Deipn. xiii. p. 596), is fully proved 
by Strabo. Khodopis when liberated 
remained in Egypt ; where even be- 
fore Greeks resorted to that country 
foreign women often followed the 
occupations of the modem *' Almeh." 
They are figured on the monuments 
dsmcing and playing musical instru- 
ments to divert parties of guests, 
and are distinguished by their head- 
dress from native Egy]itian women. 
The reason of her having been con- 
founded with Nitocris was owing, as 
Zoega suggested, to the latter having 
also been called " the rosy-cheeked," 
like the Egyptian Queen, who is de- 
scribed by Eusebins (fi-om Manetho) 
as '* flaxen haired with rosy cheeks.** 



BHODOPI8 THE COUBTEZAN. 



me that these persons cannot have any real knowledge who 
Rhodopis iras ; otherwise they would scarcely have ascribed to 



jGIian's atory of PaBoiinetiohnB being 
the Icing into whose lap the eagle 
dropped the BUodal of Bhodopls, and 
of her marriage with him (jBliftn, Tar. 
HiBt. xiii. 33), ehowB that be mistook 
the princess Neitakri of the 2Gth Ay. 
nasty, the wife of Psammeticbna 111., 
for the ancient Nitocris (Neitakri). 
(See note * on ch. 100.) Stmbo, from 



nhom .^lioD borrowed it, does Dot 
mention the name of the king, bet 
aays that the pyramid was erected to 
the memory of " Doricha, as she is 
oalled by Sappho, whom others name 
Rhodop^." (Strabo, ivii. p. 1146.) 
Diodorna (i. 64) says " some think the 
pyramid was erected as a tomb for 
Ehodopis bj certain monarche who had 




loTed her," an idea borrowed from the 
mention of Psnmmotichns and the 
twelve monarchs or kings. The third 
pyramid was said by EnAcbiaa and 
Africanas to bare been built by Nito. 
oris, the last of the 8th dyimsty; and 
it is very possible that both sbo and 
Mencherea (Mycerinns) may have a 
claim to that monameot. We know 
that the latter wb« buried there, not 
only from Herodotus, but from the 
coffin bearing his name found there 
by Colonel Howard Vyee. There is, 
however, reason to believe the pyra- 
mid was originally smaller, and after- 

vou n. 



wards enlarged, when a i 
waa made, and (he old (now the opper) 
passage to the chnmber was closed 
by tho masonry of the larger pyraniid 
bailt over its month. This may be 
bolter eiplaincd by the digram, re- 
doced from Colonel Howard Vyse's 
Plate, And this rouders it possible, 
and even probable, that tbo third 
pyramid had two occnpants, the toat 
of whom may have boon Nilocris. 

this pyramid having been boilt by the 
Greek Rhodopia, becanse she lived in 
the reign of Amssis, Tory many years 



2IO 



BHODOPIS THE COURTEZAN. 



Book II. 



ber a work on which uncounted treasures, so to speak, must 
have been expended. Ebodopis also Kved during the reign of 
Amasis, not of Mycerinus, and was thus very many years later 
than the time of the kings who built the pjTamids. She was a 
Thracian by birth, and was the slave of ladmon, son of Hephies- 
topoUs, a Samian. JEsop, the fable-writer, was one of her 
fellow-slaves.® That zEsop belonged to ladmon is proved by 
many facts — among others, by this. When the Delphians, in 
obedience to the command of the oracle, made proclamation 
that if any one claimed compensation for the mm*der of iEsop 
he should receive it,^ the person who at last came forward was 
ladmon, grandson of the former ladmon, and he received the 
compensation. iEsoi) therefore must certainly have been the 
former Iadmon*s slave. 

135. EhcKlopis really arrived in Egypt under the conduct of 
Xantheus the Samian ; she was brought there to exercise her 
ti'ade, but was redeemed for a vast sum by Charaxus, a Mytilo- 
naean, the son of ScamancU'onymus, and brother of Sappho the 
poetess.^ After thus obtaining her freedom, she remained in 



after tlic death of the founders of 
tho.«»e monuments j but Lucan. not- 
withstnndinir this, buries Amasis him- 
self there. *' Pvmmidum tumuhs evul- 
BUS Amr\si<,*' and even the Pt<«UMnies, 
who wore not boru when Ilerodotus 
^vrote his ]iist«Tv — 

"Cum Itoloni.rorum maneii . . . . , 
I*yraniideH cUudant " 

but neither time nor facts embarrass a 
poet.— T.. W.] 

' >Esop is eaid to have been, like 
Rhodopis, a Tliraciau. (Heraelid. 
Pont. Fr. X. ; Seh<^l. ad An'st. Av.471.) 
Acconlinir to Ensrnv>n (Fr. 3), he was 
a nntivo of Mesembria. 

* Plutarch (Do seril Nnra. Vind. 
p. 65(>, F.) tells as tliat -<Esop, who 
was on intimnto terms with Croesus 
(cf. Suidas), was despatched by him 
to Delphi, with orders to mako a 
maprnitict^nt sacrifice, and give tho 
Delphians four mime a-piece. In con- 
sequence, however, of a quarrel which 
he had with them, u£sop after his 



sacrifice gave the Delphians nothinij, 
but sent all the monev back to Sanlis. 
Hereu|M»n the Delphians j^ot up a 
dharpe of sacrih'i^e air.iinst him, and 
kille<l him by thn)winp him dt)wu 
frwn the n>ck Hyampa'a (infra, viii. 
3i)). The Scholiast on Arist««phanes 
(Vesp. 11-16) adds, that the occasion 
of quarrel was a jest of the poet's, 
who rallied tho Delphians on their 
want of landed pn>perty, and their 
submittinc: to depend on the sacrifices 
for their dailv food. Thev contrived 
their reveniro by hidins^ one of the 
sacred vessels in his bairgnge, and then 
after his departure purjiuinp him and 
discovering it. To this last fact Aris- 
tophanes alludes. (Vesp. I410-I, ed. 
Bothe.) 

* Chanuras, the brother of Sappho, 
traded in wine from Lesl)08, which he 
was in the habit of taking to Nan- 
cratis, the entn.^j»ot of all Greek mer- 
chandise. (Stnibo, xvii., p. 1146.) 
It is probablo that both ho and Rho- 



Chap. 134, 135. 



RHODOPIS THE COURTEZAN. 



211 



Egypt, and, as she was very beautiful, amassed great wealth, 
for a person in her condition ; not, however, enough to enable 
her to erect such a work as this pyramid. Any one who likes 
may go and see to what the tenth part of her wealth amounted, 
and he will thereby learn that her riches must not be ima- 
gined to have been very wonderfully great. Wishing to leave 
a memorial of herself in Greece, she determined to have some- 
thing made the like of which was not to be found in any temple, 
and to offer it at the shrine at Delphi. So she set apart a 
tenth of her possessions, and purchased with the money a 
quantity of iron spits,® such as are fit for roasting oxen whole, 
whereof she made a present to the oracle. They are still to 
be seen there, lying of a heap, behind the altar which the 
Chians dedicated, opposite the sanctuary. Naucratis seems 
somehow to be the place where such women are most attrac- 
tive. First there was this Rhodopis of whom we have been 
speaking, so celebrated a person that her name came to be 
familiar to all the Greeks ; and, afterwards, there was another, 
called Archidice, notorious throughout Greece, though not so 
much talked of as her predecessor. Charaxus, after ransom- 
ing Rhodopis, returned to Mytilene, and was often lashed by 



dopis wero lampooned by Sappho, 
siucc in Herodotus the word "/xiy" 
seems to refer to the former, irhilo 
Athenosas says it was Rhodopis. Ac- 
cording to Ovid (Her. Ep. 15) this 
Sappho was the same whose love for 
Phaon made her throw herself from 
the Leucadian rock into the sea 
(Strabo, x. p. 311) : but others men- 
tion two Sapphos, one of Mytilene, 



the other of Eropus, in Lesbos, 
(^lian. Var. Hist. xii. 9 ; AthensBus, 
Deipn. xiii., p. 596.) — [G. W.] 

® Similar spits, or skewers, of three 
or four feet long, have been found in 
the Etruscan tombs, arranged in the 
same manner as the smaU ones still 
in use in the East. (See woodctit.) — 
[G. W.] 



^ 




212 



REIGN OF ASTCHIS. 



Book n. 



Sappho in her poetry. But enough has been said on the sub- 
ject of this courtezan. 

186. After Mycerinus, the priests said, Asychis*^ ascended 
the throne. He built the eastern gateway ® of the temple of 
Vulcan, which in size and beauty far surpasses the other three. 
All the four gateways have figures graven on them, and a vast 
amount of architectural ornament ; but the gateway of Asychis 
is by far the most richly adorned. In the reign of this king, 
money being scarce and commercial deahngs straitened, a law 
was passed that the borrower might pledge his father's body * 



' The hieroglyphical name of this 
king is not known. It resembles that 
of the Sabacos, whose names wore 
represented by a crocodile, Savak^ the 
Greek aovxos. Ho ooald not be one 
of those of the 13th dynasty, since 
Memphis was then in the hands of 
the Shephoixl -kings, nor is he likely to 
have been the Sabaco who is said by 
Hanetho to have put Bocchoris, the 
Saite, to death, and whom Herodotus 
appears to mention in oh. 137 ; bat as 
Diodoms (i. 91) speaks of Sasyches, a 
predecessor of Sesostris, who made 
great additions to the laws of Egypt, 
and who is evidently the Asychis of 
Herodotu!^, it is more probablo that 
he was Shinhak, of the 22ud dynasty 
(perhaps partly confounded with some 
other kin^), wliich is confirmed by 
Josephus (Bell. Jud. vi. 10) calling the 
Egyptian king who took Jerusalem 
Asochasus. — [G. W.] 

' The lofty pyramidal towers form- 
ing the facades of the courts, or vesti- 
bules, of the t«mple. See notes on 
chs. 91 and 155.— [G. W.] 

• The Egyptians, like other people, 
found the necessity of enacting new 
laws concerning debt at different 
times. This of Asychis gave the 
creditor the right of taking possession 
of the tomb of the debtor, which was 
the greatest pledge, since he could 
not be buried unless the debt had 
been paid. It was the right of burial 
he lost, not the body of the father, as 
fathers could not be supposed to die 
conveniently to stand security for 



their sons, and the law would have 
foreseen the possibility of there being 
many sons of one father. Usury was 
forbidden, as with the Jews (Ps. xx. 6 ; 
Levit. XXV. 36, 37), and Moslems; and 
the interest was not allowed to in- 
crease beyond double the original sum. 
Thn goods really belonging to the 
debtor might bo seized, but not his 
person, since every individual was 
looked upon as belonging to the state, 
which might require his services, and 
it was considered unjust to punish his 
family by depriving him of the power 
of supporting them. (Diodor. i. 78.) 
This law was intnxiuced by Bocchoris, 
who also enacted that no agreement 
should be binding without a contract 
in writing; and if any one took an 
oath that the money hatd not been lent 
him, the debt was not recognized, 
unless a written agreement could be 
pn)duced. The number of witnesses 
required for the execution of the most 
trifling contract, is shown by those 
discovered at Thebes, of the time of 
the Ptolemies ; where sixteen names 
are appended to the sjvle of the moiety 
of certain sums collected on account 
of a few tombs, and of services per- 
formed to the deaxl, amounting only 
to '100 pieces of bmss. (Dr. Young's 
Discovs. in Eg. Lit.) So great a 
number also proves how necessary 
they thought it to guard against 
** false witness," which was even pro- 
vided for in the Jewish covenant by 
a distinct commandment. See At. Eg. 
W. vol. ii. pp. 49, 57, 70.—[Q. W.] 



Chu. 135, 136. HIS BRICK PTRAHID. 313 

to raiBO the Btim whereof he had need. A proTiBO wae ap- 
pended to this law, giving the lender authority over the entire 
sepulchre of the borrower, so that a man who took up money 
under this pledge, if he died without paying the debt, could 
not obtain burial either in his own ancestral tomb, or in any 
other, nor could he during his lifetime bury in his own tomb 
any member of hie family. The same king, desirouB of eclips- 
ing all his predecessors upon the throne, left as a monument 
of his reign a pyramid of brick.' It bears an inscription, cut 
in stone, which runs thus : — " Despise me not in comparison 



' The use of cmile brick was gaae- 
nl in E^ypt, (or dwelling-honBes, 
tombs, Bui ordinary baitdicgs, the 
wbIU of tumiB, furtrsBBCa, and the 
■acred eacloRDres of temples, and for 
all pnrpoaes where atone was not re- 
qaired, which last was nearly con. 
fined to temples, qnayB, and reser- 

temples were of crtiilo bricJc-i, which 
Were merely baked in the 
son, and never bnrn 
Pharaonio times, A great 
nomber of people were e 
ployed in thiBeitonsivo mar 
factoro ; it was an occupati 
to which many priHoners 

Uke the Jewn, worked for 
the king, bricks being a go- 
vemment monopoly. Tbo'pro- 
cesa ia represented at Thoboa, 
and is rendered donbly in- 
teresting from its exact cor- 
respondence with that described in 
Ejiodns (f. 7 — 19), ahowing the hard, 
ness of the work, the tales of bricks, 
the bringing of the straw, and the 
Egyptian taskmasters set over the 
foreign workmen. AriBtopbanes(Birds, 
1132, and Frogs, 1047) speaks of the 
Egyptian bricklayers and laboarers as 
noted workmen, but without describing 
the mannfactare of brioks. 

The Theban bricks of Thothmes 
III. measDra 1 ft. by 0-75, and 0-5S in 
thickoess, weighing 37 lbs. 10 ois. ; 
tuid one of Amnnoph III., in the 



British Mnseam, is O-ll'S inobea by 
O'S'S, and 0'3'9 in thickness, and 
weighs 13 lbs.; bat those of the 
Pyramid of How&ra are 1 ft. 6 in. by 
0-8-8 to O-S-9, and 0-3'S thick, and 
weigh 48 lbs. 6 ozs. 

They were frequently stamped with 
a king's name while making, as Boman 
burnt bricks were with the names of a 
god, a place, a coosal, a legion, a 



5*#^ 



5?s 




r with some other mark. 
Vitmvins thinks that cmde bricks 
were not fit for nso in Italy, till they 
were two years old; and the people of 
Utiea kept thorn for five years. 
(Vitruv. 2, 3.) Thongh tba Jews are 
not distinctly mentioned on the Egyp. 
tian moDomcntB, and the copyists of 
Manetho have cunfonnded them with 
the Shepherds, it is not impossible 
that the name of the city of Abaris 
may point to that of the Hebrews, 
or Abarim DnM (Gen. «'. 16).— 
[0. W.] 



HIS BfilCE PTEAHID. 



with the stone pyramids ; ' for I sorpass them all, as 
mnch as Jove sorpasses the other gods. A pole was plunged 




arch, forming the ro 
UDd pHEsnges. But this woatd require 
AaychiH lo hsve livod &t l«iHt befora 
the 18th djuQpty, &rchca being com* 
moa in the reign of Amnnoph I., the 
HecoDd king ot that dj^astf, and 
poesiblr long before hie time. Here 
agkin HaiMdottu appeals to hare con- 



Chap. 136, 137. 



THE BLIND ANYSIS. 



215 



into a lake, and the mud which clave thereto was gathered ; 
and bricks were made of the mud, and so I was formed." 
Such were the chief actions of this prince. 

137. He was succeeded on the throne, they said, by a blind 
man, a native of Anysis,® whose own name also was Anysis. 
Under him Egypt was invaded by a vast army of Ethiopians,* 



founded an earlier and a later king. 
(On the earlj nse of the arch see my 
At. Eg. pp. 16, 18, 19, 69, 70.) Several 
brick pyramids still remain in Egypt ; 
there are several small ones at 
Thebes ; bat the largest are two near 
the modem Dashoor, or Mensheeh, 
and two others at the entrance to the 
Fyo<5m, at Illahoon, and El Hawdra. 
It seems these four were originally 
cased with stone, and some blocks 
remain projecting from the crude 
brick mass, to which the enter cover- 
ing of masonry was once attached, 
similar to those in some of the old 
tombs near Home. That at Hawara, 
which stands at the end of the laby- 
rinth, was boilt npon a nncleos of 
rock, like the great pyramid of 
CJeezeh, which was found by Colonel 
Howard Vyse to rise to about the 
height of 40 feet within it.— [G. W.] 

* This may be Ei-h-esi, " city 
(abode) of Isis, or Iseum." It could 
not be the Hanes of Isaiah (zzx. 4). 
See note on Book iii. ch. 5. — [G. W.] 

^ This conquest by the Ethiopians 
points to the accession of the 25th 
dynasty, which, coming immediately 
after Bocchoris, the sole king of the 
24th, shows that the latter may have 
been deprived of the throne by Sabaco. 
He, and his successors, are given in 
Manetho's list : — 

24th Dynaity qf one SaiU. 
*• Bocchoris" (the wise). 

25<A Dynatiy qf Ethiopian family. 

*< Sabaco/' Sabakdn, Sabaco I. 

•* Sebechon," Sevechoti, Sabaco II. 

•• Teraoes," Tearchus, Tirhaka (Tehrak). 

It has been doubted which of the 
Sabacos was the So, or Sava, of 2 
Kings xvii. 4; and which Sabaco, or 
Shebek, reigned first. Shebek I. 
appears, from Mr. Layard's discovery 
of his name at Koyni^jik, to be So. A 



stela at Florence reckons 71 years 
from the 3rd of Necho to the 35th of 
Amasis, who died in 525, and the 
44th year of Amasis is found on the 
monuments, and we also find that 
Psammetichus reigned directly after 
Tirhaka; so that it is possible that 
Necho, the father of Psammetichus, 
was a contemporary of Sabaco, as 
Herodotus states (ch. 152). On these 
dates, and the supposed era of Senna, 
cherib, see Hist. Notice in App. ch. 
viii. § 33. While the two Sabacos 
possessed the country, Stophinathis, 
Nechepsos, and Necho I. may have 
assumed a nominal regal powdt; 
though the twelve kings could only 
have been chiefs of nomes, or districts 
in the Delta. 

When the Egyptians mention kings 
who did nothing memorable, or the 
rule of a priest-king like Sethos, or 
twelve kings ruling the country ; and 
when the monuments show that 
nothing was done worthy of record, 
or that kings with the title of priest 
ruled in some part of the country, or 
that a priest dedicated a monument 
instead of a king, there appears evi- 
dence of foreign rule in Egypt. We 
see this at the time of the Shepherd 
invasion, before the accession of the 
18th dynasty ; again, before and after 
the accession of the 22nd and 23rd, 
both foreign dynasties, and about the 
24th, as well as before the 26th, in 
the time of the so-called twelve kings. 
These twelve kings or monarchs could 
not have governed the whole of 
Egypt, nor could they have made the 
labyrinth, as Herodotus states (ch. 
148), which had evidently been erected 
long before. 

The discovery of the stelae in the 
Apis tombs by M. Mariette now shows 
that Psammetichus I. was the inune- 
diate Buooessor of Tirhaka.— [G. W.] 



2l6 AN7SIS DRIVEN OUT BY SABACOS. Book H. 

led by Sabacos,* their king. The blind Anysis fled away to 
the marsh-country, and the Ethiopian was lord of the land for 
fifty years, during which his mode of rule was the following : — 
When an Egyptian was guilty of an offence, his plan was not 
to punish him with death : instead of so doing, he sentenced 
him, according to the nature of his crime, to raise the ground 
to a greater or a less extent in the neighbourhood of the city 
to which he belonged. Thus the cities came to be even more 
elevated than they were before. As early as the time of 
Sesostris, they had been raised by those who dug the canals 
in his reign; this second elevation of the soil under the 
Ethiopian king gave them a very lofty position. Among the 
many cities which thus attained to a great elevation, none 
(I think) was raised so much as the town called Bubastis, 
where there is a temple of the goddess Bubastis, which well 
deserves to be described. Other temples may be grander, and 
may have cost more in the building, but there is none so 
pleasant to the eye as this of Bubastis. The Bubastis of the 
Egyptians is the same as the Artemis (Diana) of the Greeks. 
188. The following is a description of this edifice :® — Except- 

• Herodotus mentions only ono Sa- I chon.-— [G. W.] 
baoo, bat the monuments and Mnnet ho , * This account of the position of tho 



notice two, the Sal>nk6n and Sebichos 
(SeT^chos) of Manetho, called Shebok 
in the hicroplvphicp. One of these is 



temple of Bubastis is very accurate. 
The height of the mound, the site of 
the temple in a low space beneath the 



the same as So (Suva), the contempo- ' houses, from which yon look down 
rary of Ilosea, Kinp of Israel, who is ujwn it, are the very peculiarities any 
said (in 2 Kings xvii. 4) to have made ' one would i*emark on visiting the 
a treaty with the King of Egypt, and remains at Tel Bosta. One street, 
to have refused the annual tribute to which Herodotus mentions as leading 
Shalmaneser, King of Assyria. Tir- ■ to the temple of Mercury, is quite 
hakah, the Tarchos, or Tarachus, of j apparent, and his length of 3 stadia 
Manetho, Toarchr n of Strabo, and the , falls short of its real length, which is 
Tchrak of the hicwglyphics, is noticed . 2250 feet. On the way is the square 
in 2 Kings xix. 9, and Isaiah xxxvii. 9, he speaks of, 900 feet from the temple 
as King of Ethiopia, who had come of Pasht (Bubastis), and apparently 
oat to fight against the King of 200 feet broad, though now much 
Assyria. It has been said that Saba- reduced in size by the fallen materials 
con has not been found on the Egyp- ; of the houses that surrounded it. Some 
tian monuments ; if so, no other fallen blocks mark the position of tho 
king mentione<l by the Greeks is met temple of Mercury; but the remains 
with, since the orth«>graphy of all of that of Pasht are rather more ex- 
differs from the Greek form. A menu- tensive, and show that it measured 
ment at Snkkara gives the name of I about oOO feet in length. We may 
tho second Sabaco, Shebek, or Sove- i readily credit the assertion of Hero- 



Chap. 137-139. 



TEMPLE, OF BUBASTIS. 



217 



ing the entrance, the whole forms an island. Two artificial 
channels from the Nile, one on either side of the temple, 
encompass the building, leaving only a narrow passage by 
which it is approached. These channels are each a hundred 
feet wide, and are thickly shaded with trees. The gateway is 
sixty feet in height, and is ornamented with figures cut upon 
the stone, six cubits high and well worthy of notice. The 
temple stands in the middle of the city, and is visible on all 
sides as one walks round it ; for as the city has been raised up 
by embankment, while the temple has been left untouched in 
its original condition, you look down upon it wheresoever you 
are. A low wall runs round the enclosure, having figures 
engraved upon it, and inside there is a grove of beautiful tall 
trees growing round the shrine, which contains the image of 
the goddess. The enclosure is a furlong in length, and the 
same in breadth. The entrance to it is by a road paved with 
stone for a distance of about three furlongs, which passes 
straight through the market-place with an easterly direction, 
and is about four hundred feet in width. Trees of an extra- 
ordinary height grow on each side the road, which conducts 
from the temple of Bubastis to that of Mercury. 

139. The Ethiopian finally quitted Egypt, the priests said, 
by a hasty flight under the following circumstances. He saw 



dotus respecting its beautj, since the 
whole was of the finest red granite, 
and was surrounded by a sacred en- 
closure about 600 feet square (agree- 
ing with the stadium of Herodotus), 
beyond which was a larger circuit, 
measuring 940 feet by 1200, contain- 
ing the minor one and the canal he 
mentions, and once planted, like the 
other, with a grove of trees. In this 
perhaps was the usual lake belonging 
to the temple. Among the sculptures 
are the names of a Goddess, who may 
be either Bubastis or Bute (see notes 
on ch. 59), and of Bemeses II., of 
Osorkon I., and of Amyrtaeus (?) ; and 
as the two first kings reigned long 
before the visit of Herodotus, we 
know that the temple was the one he 



saw. (See M. Eg. W. vol. i. p. 427- 
430.) The columns of the vestibule 
had capitals representing the buds of 
water, plants'; but near|the old branch 
of the river, the modem canal of 
MoSz, is another column with a palm- 
tree capital, said to have been taken 
from this temple, which has the 
names of Remeses II. and Osorkon I. ; 
and was when entire about 22 feet 
high. Amidst the houses on the N.W. 
side are the thick walls of a fort, 
which protected the temple below ; 
and to the E. of the town is a larg^ 
open space, enclosed by a wall now 
converted into mounds. Osorkon ia 
said to have been called Hercules by 
the Egyptians. — [G. W.] 



2l8 



RETIREMENT OF SABACOS. 



Book II. 



in his sleep a vision : — a man stood by his side, and counselled 
him to gather together all the priests of Egypt and cut every 
one of them asunder. On this, according to the account which 
he himself gave, it came into his mind that the gods intended 
hereby to lead him to commit an act of sacrilege, which would 
be sure to draw down upon him some punishment either at the 
hands of gods or men. So he resolved not to do the deed sug- 
gested to him, but rather to retire from Egypt, as the time 
daring which it was fated that he should hold the country had 
now (he thought) expired. For before he left Ethiopia he had 
been told by the oracles which are venerated there, that he was 
to reign fifty years over Egypt. The years were now expired, 
and the dream had come to trouble him ; he therefore of his 
own accord withdrew from the land. 

140. As soon as Sabacos was gone, the blind king left the 
marshes, and resumed the government. He had lived in the 
marsh-region the whole time, having formed for himself an 
island there by a mixture of earth and ashes. While he re- 
mained, the natives had orders to bring him food unbeknown 
to the Ethiopian; and latterly, at his request, each man had 
brought him, with the food, a certain quantity of ashes. 
Before Amyrtaeus,'' no one was able to discover the site of this 
island,^ which continued unknown to the kings of Egj^pt who 
preceded him on the throne for the space of seven himdred 
years and more.® The name which it bears is Elbo. It is 
about ten furlongs across in each direction. 



' See note on Book iii. ch. 17. 

' This island appears to have stood 
at the S.E. comer of the lake of Bute, 
now Lake Boorlos. — [G. W.] 
t • The 700 years before AmyrtsDus 
wonld bring the time of this king to 
abont 1155 B.C., which ought to point 
to the flight of some king ; but it does 
not agree with the period of the She- 
Bhonke of the 22nd dynasty, who are 
Bapposed to liavo been of an Assyrian 
family. The interval conid not be 
calculated from Anysis, since from the 
beginning of the first Sabaco's reign to 



the defeat of AmyrtsDus was only a 
period of 260 years. — [G. W.] 

Niebuhr, following Pcrizoiiius, pro- 
poses to read 300 for 700 (T or 1' for "¥) , 
remarking that these signs are often 
confounded. (Lectures on Ancient 
History, vol. i. p. 68, note.) It cer- 
tainly does seem almost incredible that 
Herodotus should have committed 
the gross chronological error involved 
in the text as it stands, especially as 
his date for Psammetichus is so nearly 
correct. 



CHi^p. 139-141. 



INVASION OF SANACHABIB. 



219 



141. The next king, I was told, was a priest of Vulcan, called 
Sethos.^ This monarch despised and neglected the warrior 
class of the Egyptians,* as though he did not need their ser- 
vices. Among other indignities which he offered them, he 
took from them the lands which they had possessed under all 
the previous kings, consisting of twelve acres of choice land for 
each warrior. Afterwards, therefore, when Sanacharib, king 
of the Arabians ® and Assyrians, marched his vast army into 
Egypt, the warriors one and all refused to come to his aid. On 
this the monarch, greatly distressed, entered into the inner 



^ No mention is made by Herodotns 
of Bocchoris (nor of his father Tne- 
phachthns, the Technatis of Plutarch) ; 
and the lists of Manetho, as well as 
Diodoms, omit the Asychis and Anysis 
of Herodotus. Scthds again, whom 
Herodotus calls a contemporary of 
Sennacherib, is unnoticed in Manetho's 
lists ; and as Tirhaka was king of the 
whole country from Napata in Ethi. 
opia to the frontier of Syria, no other 
Pharaoh could have ruled at that time 
in Egypt. We may therefore con- 
clude that Herodotus has given to a 
priest of Pthah the title of king. The 
miraculous defeat of the Assyrian 
king mentioned both by the Egyptians 
and the Jews is remarkable. Some 
have attributed the destruction of his 
army to a plague ; but plague does 
not destroy upwards of 185,000 men in 
one night. The omission of all notice 
of Tirhaka by the Egfyptian inform, 
ants of Herodotus may have been 
owing to jealousy of the Ethiopians. 
The Assyrians defeated by Tirhaka 
are represented at Medeenet Haboo in 
Thebes, and in his temple at Gebel Ber. 
kel, wearing cross-belts. — [G. W.] 

' The same spirit of insubordination 
may have been growing up among the 
soldiers which afterwards broke out in 
the reign of Psammetichus ; but it 
could not have had any effect while the 
Ethiopian kings of the 25th dynasty 
ruled the country (see note ^ on oh. 
152). It is not impossible that it had 
already been the cause of the intro- 



duction of the Ethiopian rule ; and the 
desertion of the troops to Ethiopia in 
the reign of Psammetichus may have 
been connected with a similar but 
unsuccessful attempt. There could 
not have been any Egyptian king 
contemporary with the 25th dynasty, 
since the Sabacos (neither of whom 
gave the throne to the Egyptians) 
were succeeded by Tirhaka. — [G. W.] 

' It is curious to find Sennacherib 
called the " king of the Arabians and 
Assyrians " — an order of words which 
seems even to regard him as rather 
an Arabian than an Assyrian king. In 
the same spirit his army is termed 
afterwards '* the Arabian host." It is 
impossible altogether to defend the 
view which Herodotus here discloses ; 
but we may understand how such a 
mistake was possible, if we remember 
how Arabians were mixed up with 
other races in Lower Mesopotamia 
(see Essay x. in vol. i. § 11), and what 
an extensive influence a great Assy- 
rian king would 'exercise over the 
tribes of the desert, especially those 
bordering on Mesopotamia. The 
ethnic connection of the two great 
Semitic races would render union 
between them comparatively easy; 
and so we find Arabian kings at one 
time paramount over Assyria (Beros. 
Fr. 11), while now apparently the case 
was reversed, and an Assyrian prince 
bore sway over some considerable 
number of the Arab tribes. 



220 



GENERATIONS OF THE PRIESTS OF VULCAN. Boot II. 



sanctuary, and, before the image of the god, bewailed the fate 
which impended over him. As he wept he fell asleep, and 
dreamed that the god came and stood at his side, bidding him 
be of good cheer, and go boldly forth to meet the Arabian host, 
which would do him no hurt, as he himself would send those 
who should help him. Sethos, then, relying on the dream, 
collected such of the Egyptians as were willing to follow him, 
who were none of them warriors, but traders, artisans, and 
market people ; and with these marched to Pelusium, which 
commands the entrance into Egypt, and there pitched his 
camp. As the two armies lay here opposite one another, there 
came in the night a multitude of field-mice, which devoured 
all the quivers and bow-strings of the enemy, and ate the 
thongs by which they managed their shields.* Next morning 
they commenced their flight, and great multitudes fell, as they 
had no arms with which to defend themselves. There stands 
to this day in the temple of Vulcan, a stone statue of Sethos, 
with a mouse in his hand,^ and an inscription to this effect — 
" Look on me, and learn to reverence the gods.*' 

142. Thus far I have spoken on the authority of the Egyp- 
tians and their priests. They declare that from their first 
king to this last-mentioned monarch, the priest of Vulcan, was 
a period of three hundred and forty-one generations;® such, at 
least, they say, was the number both of their kings, and of 
their high-priests, during this interval. Now three hundred 



* For a representation of the ** thongs ** 
intended, see vol. i. p. 290. 

■ If any particalar reverence was 
paid to mice at Memphis, it probably 
arose from some other mysterious 
reason. They were emblems of tlio 
generating and perhaps of tho pro- 
ducing principle ; and some tlioaght 
them to be endued with prophetic 
power (a merit attributed now in some 
degree to rats on certain occasions). 
(See B. iv. note on ch. 192.) Tho 
people of Troas are said to have 
reyered mice "because they gnawed 
the bowstrings of their enemies " 
(Enst, U. i. 89), and Apollo, who wm 



called Smintheus (from cfilyOost a 
"mouse"), was represented on coins 
of Alexandria Troaa with a mouse in 
his hand (Miillcr, Anc. Art. s. 361. 5). 
There was also a statue of him by 
Scopas with a mouse under his foot, 
in his temple at Chryse (Strabo, xiii. 
p. 41 (?) , commemorative of their " gnaw- 
ing the leathern parts of tho enemy's 
arms," or because their "abounding 
near the temple made them sacred ; " 
but Apollo Smintheus was worshipped 
in Greece also and other places, which 
argues against the story of the bow- 
strings being Egyptian. — [G. W.] 



Chap. 141-143. 



UECATiEUS AT THEBES. 



221 



generations of men make ten thousand years, three genera- 
tions filling up the century ; and the remaining forty-one 
generations make thirteen hundred and forty years. Thus 
the whole number of years is eleven thousand, three hundred 
and forty ; in which entire space, they said, no god had ever 
appeared in a human form; nothing of this kind had hap- 
pened either under the former or under the later Egyptian 
kings. The sun, however, had within this period of time, on 
four several occasions, moved from his wonted course,'' twice 
rising where he now sets, and twice setting where he now 
rises. Egypt was in no degree affected by these changes; 
the productions of the land, and of the river, remained the 
same ; nor was there anything unusual either in the diseases 
or the deaths. 

143. When HecatsBus the historian® was at Thebes, and, 
discoursing of his genealogy, traced his descent to a god in 
the person of his sixteenth ancestor, the priests of Jupiter did 



• From Menes to Sethos (or to Tir- 
haka his contemporary), which he 
reckons at 11,340 years. The exactly 
similar number of kings and high- 
priests is of course impossible. Tlie 
era of Menes is shown by the monu- 
ments not to require a very extrava- 
gant date. It is to be observed that 
341 generations, at the rate of three to 
a century, do not make 11,340, but 
ll,366f years.— [G. W.] 

^ This has been very ingeniously 
shown by Mr. Poole (Horae ^gyptiEK:a9, 
p. 94) to refer to " the solar risings of 
stars having fallen on those days of the 
vague year on which the settings fell 
in the time of Sethos ; " and " the 
historian by a natural mistake sup. 
posed they spoke of the sun itself." 
This is confirmed by Pomponius Mela, 
who only differs in stating that the 
king to whose reign they calculated 
was Amasis. — [G. W.] 

* This is the first distinct mention 
of HecatsBus, who has been glanced at 
more than once. (Vide supi-a, chaps. 
21, 23.) He had flourished from about 
B.C. 520 to B.C. 475, and had done far 



more than any other writer to pave 
the way for Herodotus. His works 
were of two kinds, geographical and 
historical. Under the former head ho 
wrote a description of the known 
world (r^s ircpio8or), chiefly the result 
of his own travels (Agathemer. i. i. p. 
172), which must have been of con- 
siderable service to our author. Under 
the latter he wrote his genealogies, 
which were for the most part mythical, 
but contained occasionally important 
history (vide infra, vi. 137). The 
political influence of Hecatseus is 
noticed by Herodotus in two passages 
(v. 35, 125.) Ho is the only prose- 
writer whom Herodotus mentions by 
name. The term Xoyoiroihs, which 
he applies to him both here and in 
Book v., I have translated *' histo. 
rian " rather than " chronicler," be- 
cause in Herodotus the word implies 
no disrespect, being the term by which 
he would probably have designated 
himself. " Prose -writer " is perhaps 
its most literal meaning, as it is anti- 
thetical to i'woiroihSf "a writer of 
poetry." 



222 REIGN OF THE GODS IN EGYPT. Book H. 

to him exactly as they afterwards did to me, though I made 
no boast of my family. They led me into the irmer sanctuarj', 
which is a spacious chamber, and showed me a multitude of 
colossal statues, in wood, which they counted up, and found to 
amount to the exact number they had said ; the custom being 
for every high-priest during his lifetime to set up his statue in 
the temple. As they showed me the figures and reckoned 
them up, they assured me that each was the son of the one 
preceding him ; and this they repeated throughout the whole 
line, beginning with the representation of the priest last 
deceased, and continuing till they had completed the series. 
When Hecataeus, in giving his genealogy, mentioned a god as 
his sixteenth ancestor, the priests opposed their genealogy to 
his, going through this list, and refusing to allow that any 
man was ever bom of a god. Their colossal figures were 
each, they said, a Pu-omis, born of a Piromis,® and the 
number of them was three hundred and forty-five ; through 
the whole series Piromis followed Piromis, and the line did 
not run up either to a god or a hero. The word Piromis may 
be rendered " gentleman." 

144. Of such a nature were, they said, the beings repre- 
sented by these images — they were very far indeed from being 
gods. However, in the times anterior to tbem it was other- 
wise ; then Egyi)t had gods for its rulers,^ who dwelt upon the 
earth with men, one being always sui)reme above the rest. 

• Tho Egyptians juf^tly ridicnlcd the ■ mcaniujj of PiVomi, nor by the sense 

Greeks for deriving their origin from required. — [G. W.] 

Gods, which were attributes of the i * This is in accordance with the ac- 

Deity ; and nothing could appear more count given by Manetho and with the 

inoonsistent than to claim for an Turin PapyruH, both which represent 

ancestor Hercuh-t*, the ahtitrart idea of the GodH as the first kings of Egypt 

strength. Pirdmis or Pi-rome was the before Menes. The last of them in 

nsiial Eg5'ptian word for ** man," with tho papyrus is also Horus the younger, 

the definite article ttl, *' the/' prefixed; ' the son of Osiris (see note - ch. 4, and 

and the simple and obvious meaning ' note * ch. 99). This Horus was dis- 

of the observation here recorded was, tinct from Aroeris (Hor-oeri), the 

that each of the statues represented elder ITorus, the brother of Osiris, and 

a " man" engendered by a " man " also from Harpocnito:?, the infant son 

without there being any God or Hero of Osiris and Isis, said by Eratosthenes 

among them. The tranijlation which to be "the G<k1 of day." See note • 

Herodotus gives of the term, ttaXhs Koi ' on ch. 92.— [G. W.] 
iefp0h, JB justified neither by the 



Chap. 143-145. HERCULES, BACCHUS, AND PAN. 



223 



The last of these was Horns, the son of Osiris, called by the 
Greeks Apollo. He deposed Typhon,^ and ruled over Egypt 
as its last god-king. Osiris is named Dionysus (Bacchus) by 
the Greeks. 

145. The Greeks regard Hercules, Bacchus, and Pan as the 
youngest of the gods. With the Egyptians, contrariwise, Pan 
is exceedingly ancient,^ and belongs to those whom they call 
** the eight gods," who existed before the rest. Hercules is 
one of the gods of the second order, who are known as " the 
twelve ; " and Bacchus belongs to the gods of the third order, 
whom the twelve produced. I have already mentioned how 
many years intervened according to the Egyptians between 
the birth of Hercules and the reign of Amasis.* From Pan 
to this period they count a still longer time ; and even from 
Bacchus, who is the youngest of the three, they reckon fifteen 
thousand years to the reign of that king. In these matters 
they say they cannot be mistaken, as they have always kept 
count of the years, and noted them in their registers. But 
from the present day to the time of Bacchus, the reputed son 
of Semele, daughter of Cadmus, is a period of not more than 
sixteen hundred years ; to that of Hercules, son of Alcmena, 
is about nine hundred; while to the time of Pan, son of 
Penelop^ (Pan, according to the Greeks, was her child by 
Mercury), is a shorter space than to the Trojan war,^ eight 
hundred years or thereabouts. 



' Typhon, or rather Seth, the brother 
of OsiriSy was the abstract idea of 
** evil," as Osiris was of " g(X)d ; " and 
in after times many fables (as Plutarch 
shows) arose out of this opposite nature 
of the two Deities. For both were 
adored until a change took place 
respecting Seth, brought about appa- 
rently by foreign influence. (See 
note * on ch. 171.) It is singular that 
names so like Typhon should occur in 
other languages. In Arabic Tyfoon 
(like TtMpiits) is a whirlwind, and Tufan 
is the " Deluge ; " and the same word 
occurs in Chinese as Tyfong. On the 
different constructions put upon the 



fable of Osiris and Typhon, see notes * 
and * on ch. 171.— [G. W.] 

^ See note ^^ on ch. 4, note 'on ch. 
42, and note ^ on ch. 43. 

■* Supra, ch. 43. 

* The dates for the Trojan war vary 
almost two centuines. Duris placed 
it as early as B.C. 1335 (Clem. Alex. 
Stromat. i. p. 337i A.). Clemens in 
B.C. 1149. Isocrates, Ephorus, Demo- 
critus, and Phanias, seem to have 
inclined to the later, Herodotus, Thu- 
cydidos, the author of the Life of 
Homer, and the compiler of the Parian 
Marble, to the earlier period. The 
date now usually L*eceived, B.C. 1183, is 



d 



224 



AGE OF HERCULES, BACCHUS, AND PAN. Book II. 



146. It is open to all to receive whichever he may prefer of 
these two traditions ; my own opinion about them has been 
already declared. If indeed these gods had been publicly 
known, and had grown old in Greece, as was the case with 
Hercules, son of Amphitryon, Bacchus, son of Semele, and 
Pan, son of Penelope, it might have been said, that the last- 
mentioned personages were men who bore the names of certain 
previously existing deities. But Bacchus, according to the 
Greek tradition, was no sooner born than he was sewn up in 
Jupiter's thigh, and carried off to Nysa,* above Egypt, in 



that of Eratosthenes, whoso chronology 
was purely artificial, and rested on no 
solid basis. The following is a list of 
the principal views on this subject : — 

B.C. 
1335 
1270 
1360-}- 

1360+ 
1209 



Darifl placed the fall of Troy In 
Author of the Life of Homer . . 

Herodotus 

Thucydidefl 

Parian Marble 



Eratosthenes 
Sosibius 
Ephorus 
Clemens 



• • • • • • 



1143 
1171 
1169 
1149 



• The story of Bacchus being taken 
to Nysa in Ethiopia is explained by 
the identity of Osiris and that Grod. 
Nysa looks like h.isi (for 6i h-isi), 
Iseum ; but tlicro were several cities, 
caves, and hills of this name, and 
some in Greece. Those of Arabia 

iDiodor. i. 15 ; iii. 63) and India 
Arrian. Ind. c. v. ; Q. Cnrt. viii. 10) 
were most noted. Diodorus (iii. 63) 
says Bacchus was nursed at Nysa, an 
island of the river Triton in Libya ; 
and the Theban Bacchus in the Ny8a»n 
cave between PhoDnicia and Egypt 
(iv. 2). He also mentions Nysa in 
Arabia (iii. 63) and the city of Nysa 
in Arabia Felix, near Egypt, where 
Osiris was educated, and says that from 
his father Jove and this place he was 
called Dionysus (i. 15 ; see Her. iii. 97 ; 
Virg. JEn. vi. 805 ; Ovid. Met. iv. 13). 
Diodorus saying (i. 19) that Nysa in 
India was built by Osiris, in imitation 
of that of Egypt, seems to give an 
Egyptian origin to the name. Pomp. 
Hela (iii. 7), speaking of India, says 
"of the cities, which are numerous, 
Kyaa is the largest and most .oele. 



brated ; " and mentions Mount Meros 
sacred to Jove. Philostratus (Vit. 
ApoU. Tyan. ii. 1) speaks of "the 
Indians calling Bacchus Nyseus, from 
a place in their country, called Nysa;" 
and (ii. 4) of a " hill near Nysa called 
Meros (thigh), where Bacchus was 
bom ; " and of " the hill Nysa," Hesy- 
chius says " Nysa and the Nysaaan 
Mount are not in one place alone, but 
in Arabia, Ethiopia, Egypt, Babyloh, 
Erythea, Thrace, Thessaly, Cilicia, 
India, Libya, Lydia, Macedonia, Naxus, 
and about the Pangeum, a place in 
Syria ; " to which may be added 
Euboea, PhsBacia (Schol. Apollon. 
Rhod. iv. 640, 983), and Phrygia, near 
the river Sangarius. (Eustath. in 
Dionys. Perieg. 910. See also Schol. 
Hom. L. vi. 133; II. ii. 508; Eurip. 
Bacch. 556; Soph. Antig. 1131 ; Strabo, 
XV. 687, 701 ; Dion. Perieg. 626, 940, 
1159; Schol. Apoll. Rhod. ii. 904, 
1211.) Pliny (vi. 21) says, "Nysam 
urbem plerique Indise adsoribunt, men- 
temque*Merum Libero patri sacrum, 
unde origo fabuhe Jovis femine (firip^) 
editum." Plin. v. 18 says " Scytho- 
polis was formerly Nysa;" and Ju- 
venal mentions Nysa on Mt. Parnas- 
sus (vii. 63). The Hindoos have also 
a sacred mountain called Meru. The 
custom of having " holy hills " was of 
very early date, and common to the 
^gyV^^'B'^'^t Jews, Greeks, and many 
people. Gebel Berkel in Ethiopia is 
always called " the holy hill " on the 
monuments there (see n. ^ on ch. 29). 
Part of Mount Sinai was so con- 
sidered by the early Pharaohs, and 



CHi.p. 146, 147. 



THE TWELVE KINGS. 



225 



Ethiopia ; and as to Pan, they do not even profess to know 
what happened to him after his birth. To me, l^herefore, it is 
quite mani/est that the names of these gods'became known to 
the Greeks after those of their other deities, and that they 
count their birth from the time when they first acquired a 
knowledge of them. Thus far my narrative rests on the 
accounts given by the Egyptians. 

147. In what follows I have the authority, not of the Egyp- 
tians only, but of others also who agree with them. I shall 
speak Ukewise in part from my own observation. When the 
Egyptians regained their liberty after the reign of the priest 
of Vulcan, unable to continue any while without a king, they 
divided Egypt into twelve districts, and set twelve kings "^ over 
them. These twelve kings, united together by intermarriages, 
ruled Egypt in peace, having entered into engagements with 
one another not to depose any of their number, nor to aim 
at any aggrandisement of one above the rest, but to dwell 
together in perfect amity. Now the reason why they made 
these stipulations, and guarded with care against their infrac- 
tion, was, because at the very first establishment of the twelve 
. kingdoms, an oracle had declared — -'* That he among them 
who should pour in Vulcan's temple a libation from a cup of 
bronze,^ would become monarch of the whole land of Egypt.** 
Now the twelve held their meetings at all the temples. 



hy the Jews, ChristianB, and Moslems 
to this daj ; and pilgrimages to it will 
readily acContit for those inscriptions 
caUcd Sinai'tic, which are evidently 
not Jewish, bat of a seafaring people 
of that coast, since they have left 
similar records in the same language 
at the watering-places on the Egyptian 
side of the Red Sea as far S. as lat. 
29^ and 27** SC, where the Israelites 
oonid never have been (see App. ch. v. 
§ 30).— [G. W.] 

' The sarcastic observation that as 
they could not' exist without a king, 
they elected twelve, most have been 
amusing to the Greeks. They were 
probably only governors of the twelve 

VOL. II. 



principal nomes, not of all Egypt bnt 
of the Delta, to which Strabo gives 
ten and Ptolemy t\ienty-four, and 
which in later times contained thirty- 
five, including the Oasis of Ammon. 
(See note* on ch. 137, and n.^ ch. 164, 
of the Nomes of Egypt.) Pliny speaks 
of sixteen nomes of all Egypt who met 
in the Labyrinth (xxxvi. 13) ; and Strabo 
(xvii. p. 558) states that the number of 
nomes corrospopded to that of its cham- 
bers, when it was first built. — [G. W.] 
^ This should not have been remark- 
able if those cups were so commonly 
used in Egypt as Herodotus says. See 
note* on ch. 37.— [G. W.] 



226 



THE LABYfilNTH. 



Book II. 



148. To bind themselves yet more closely together, it seemed 
good to them to leave a common monument. In pursuance 
of this resolution they made the Labyrinth which lies a little 
above Lake Moeris,* in the neighbourhood of the place called 
the city of Crocodiles.^ I visited this place, and found it to 
surpass description ; for if all the walls and other great works 
of the Greeks could be put together in one, they would not 
equal, either for labour or expense, this Labyrinth ; * and 



* The position of the natural lake is 
weU known ; but M. Linant has dis- 
oovered that of the artificial Moeris, 
near the site of Crocodilopolis, now 
Medeenet-el-Fyodm. It has long formed 
part of the caltivatcd plain of the 
Fjodm, and Pliny's nsing the word 
**fuit" shows it was no longer used 
in his time. It was an extensive 
reservoir secured by dams ; and from 
it channels conveyed the water in 
different directions to all parts of that 
inland province. A small reservoir 
at the modem town, a very hamble 
imitation of the Lake Moeris, supplies 
in the same manner the various 
■treams that irrigate the Fyo<5m ; and 
the ancient lake being a work of man 
accords with Pliny's ** Moeridis lacus 
hoc est foHsa grandis," as well as with 
the assertion of Herodotus. The other 
lake, now Birket-cl-Kom, is formed 
by nature, and recciv€?d in former 
times, as it does at present, the super- 
abundant water that ran off after the 
lands had boon irrigated by the chan- 
nels from the artificial Maoris. See 
M. Linant's Memoir on his interesting 
and important discovery. — [G. W.] 

* Afterwards called Arsinoe, from 
the wife and sister of Ptolemy Phila- 
delphus, like the port on the Red Sea 
(now Suez) . The reason of the croco- 
dile being sacred in this inland pro- 
vince was to ensure the maintenance 
of the canals, as De Pauw observes 
(vol. ii. pt. iii. p. 7, p. 122.)— [G. W.] 

* The admiration expret^sed by He- 
rod(>tus for the Labyrinth is singular, 
when there were so many far more 
magnificent buildings at Thebes, of 
which he takes no notice. It was 



probably the beauty of the stone, tho 
richness of its decoration, and the 
peculiarity of its plan that struck him 
so much. Remains of tho white stones 
he mentions may still be traced even 
in the upper part ; they are a hard 
silicions limestone, and the broken 
columns of red granite with bud 
capitals are perhaps those alluded to 
by Pliny, who supposes them por- 
phyry. Strabo gives the length of 
the Labyrinth as a stadium, which 
agrees very nearly with the actual 
measurement, and makes the pyramid 
at the end of it 4 plethra, or 400 feet, 
square, and the same in height, which 
Herodotus calculates at 50 orgyies, or 
300 feet (see note ' on ch. 136). The 
excavations made by tho Prussian 
comminsion have ascertained the exact 
size and plan of the Labyrinth. The 
oldest name found there was of Amun- 
xh-he III., who corresponds to Amercs, 
and whose immediate predecessor La- 
maris (or Labaris) is said by Manetho 
to have made the Labyrinth. Perhaps 
fifff hy A&fiapis was corrupted from 
fitO* ty ih Mdpis. These resemblances 
of names led to numerous mistakes of 
Greek writers (see note * on ch. 13, 
and note • on ch. 100). Gliddon thinks 
Labyrinth was so called from Labaris 
(Otia "^gyptiaca) . Strabo describes 
well the position of the Labyrinth ; 
and his distance of 100 stadia from 
Arsino^ agrees very well with the 114 
English miles from the centre of its 
mounds to the pyramid of Hawara. 
Diodorus calls the founder of the 
Labyrinth Mendes ; and Pliny (xxxvi. 
13), who erroneously places it in the 
Heracleopolite nome, and attributes it 



A 



Chap. 148. 



THE LABYRINTH. 



227 



yet the temple of Ephesus is a building worthy of note/ 
and BO is the temple of Samos.* The pyramids likewise 
surpass description, and are severally equal to a number 
of the greatest works of the Greeks ; but the Labyrinth sur- 
passes the pyramids. It has twelve courts, all of them roofed, 
with gates exactly opposite one another, six looking to the 
north, and six to the south. A single wall surrounds the 
entire building. There are two different sorts of chambers 
throughout — half under ground, half above ground, the latter 
built upon the former ; the whole number of these chambers 
is three thousand, fifteen hundred of each kind. The upper 
chambers I myself passed through and saw, and what I say 
concerning them is from my own observation ; of the under- 
ground chambers I can only speak from report : for the 
keepers of the building could not be got to show them, since 
they contained (as they said) the' sepulchres of the kings who 
built the Labyrinth, and also those of the sacred crocodiles. 
Thus it is from hearsay only that I can speak of the lower 



to king Petesucus, or Tithofis, ehowB 
thafc it stood near tho frontier of the 
Crocodilopolito nomo (or Fyodm) ; as 
hie expression " primus factus est'* 
implies that it was added to by other 
kings. This was usual in Egyptian 
monuments; and the names of more 
than one king at the Labyrinth prove 
it was tho case there also. If the 
number of chambers was equal to that 
of the nomcs of Egypt, it must have 
varied greatly at different times (see 
note 7 on ch. 164).— [G. W.] 

^ The original temple of Diana at 
Ephesus seems to have been destroyed 
by the Cimmerians (see tho Essays 
appended to Book i., Essay i. § 14) in 
their great incursion during the reign 
of Ardys. Tho temple whiqji Hero- 
dotus saw was then begun to be built 
by Chersiphron of Cnossus and his son 
Metagenes, contemporaries of Theo. 
dorus and Rhcecus, the builders of the 
Samian Heraeum. (Cf. Vitruv. prsef. 
ad lib. vii. ; Strab. xiv. p. 918 ; Plin. 
H. N. XXX vi. 14.) These architects 



did not live to complete their work, 
which was finished by Demetrius and 
Peonius of Ephesus, tho robuilder of 
tho temple of Apollo at BranchidsB. 
(Vitruv. 1. 8. c.) The architecture of 
the temple of Chersiphron was Ionic. 
(Vitruv. iii. 2.) It was, according to 
Pliny, 220 years in building. After 
its destruction by Eratosti'atus in the 
year of Alexander's birth (Plut. Alex, 
c. 1 ; Timsens, Fr. 137), the temple of 
Diana was rebuilt with greater mag- 
nificence, and probably on a larger 
scale, than before ; as the dimensions 
given by Pliny considerably exceed 
those which observation assigns to 
the Herseum of Samos, while the 
HersBum was in the days of Herodotus 
"the largest of Greek temples " (infra, 
iii. 60). No traces remain of this 
much-admired fabric (Chandler, vol. i. 
p. 153), unless the ruins noticed by 
Mr. Hamilton, near the western extre- 
mity of the town (Asia Minor, vol. ii. 
pp. 24, 25) , are admitted to mark its site. 
* Vide infra, iii. 60, note. 



> 



228 



LAKE M(EBia 



Book II. 



chambers. The upper chambers, however, I saw with my 
own eyes, and found them to excel all other human produc- 
tions; for the passages through the houses, and the varied 
windings of the paths across the courts, excited in me infinite 
admiration, as I passed from the courts into chambers, and 
from the chambers into colonnades, and from the colonnades 
into fresh houses, and again from these into courts unseen 
before. The roof was throughout of stone, like the walls ; and 
the walls were carved all over with figures ; every court was 
'surrounded with a colonnade, which was built of white stones, 
exquisitely fitted together. At the comer of the Labyrinth 
stands a pyramid, forty fathoms high, with large figures 
engraved on it ; which is entered by a subterranean passage. 

149. Wonderful as is the Labyrinth, the work called the 
Lake of Mceris,^ which is close by the Labyrinth, is yet more 
astonishing. The measure of its circumference is sixty 
schoenes, or three thousand six hundred furlongs, which is 
equal to the entire length of Egypt along the sea-coast. The 
lake stretches in its longest direction from nprth to south, and 
in its deepest parts is of the depth of fifty fathoms. It is 
manifestly an artificial excavation, for nearly in the centre 
there stand two pyramids,® rising to the height of fifty fathoms 
above the surface of the water, and extending as far beneath, 
crowned each of them with a colossal statue sitting upon a 
throne. Thus these pyramids are one hundred fathoms high, 
which is exactly a furlong (stadium) of six hundred feet : the 
fathom being six feet in length, or four cubits, which is the 
same thing, since a cubit measures six, and a foot four, 
palms."^ The water of the lake does not come out of the 



' Soo note ^ to the preceding chap- 
ter. 

• No traces remain of these pyra- 
mids. The mins at Biahmoo ^ow 
from their forms, and from the angle 
of their walls, 67**, that they were not 
pyramids ; unless a triangular facing 
made up the pyramid (see ch. 125, 
n. a).— [Q.W.] 



' The measures of Herodotus aro 
almost all drawn either fix)m portions 
of the human body, or from bodily 
actions easily performable. His small- 
est measure is the StLcrvXo;, or *' fin- 
ger's breadth," four of which go to 
the maXcua-T'fi (" palm " or " hand's 
breadth"), while three palms make 
the ewtBofi'fi C'span"), and four the 



CsAF. 148, 149. 



LAKE M(£RIS. 



229 



ground, which is here excessively dry,® but is introduced by a 
canal from the Nile. The current sets for six months into the 
lake from the river, and for the next six months into the river 
from the lake. While it runs outward it returns a talent of^ 
silver daily to the royal treasury from the fish that are taken ; • 



wOf ("foot"). The T1JXW ("cnbit," 
or length from the tip of the fingers 
to the elbow) is a foot and a half, or 
two spans ; the 6pyvid (*' fathom," or 
length to which the arms can reach 
when extended) is fonr cnbits, or six 
feet. The wXtdpor (a word the deriva- 
tion of which is uncertain) is 100 feet; 
and the crdSioy (or distance to which 



a man could ran before ho required 
to stop) is six plethra, or 600 feet. 
These are the only measures used bj 
Herodotus, besides the sohoene and 
parasang, by which he found distances 
determined in Egypt and Persia res- 
pectively. The following table will 
exhibit his scheme of measures : — 



1 A<SicTvXoc. 


1 waXataxti. 


1 (Tiritfa/iif. 


1 rouf . 


1 wrixin. 


1 Ofyyma. 




4 




12 


3 




U 


4 


U 




34 


6 


2 


U 




96 


24 


8 


6 


4 




IMO 


400 


133^ 


100 


66} 


16! 


1 irX^0^ov. 




96M 


2400 


800 


600 


400 


100 


6 


1 rrditov 



^ This is the nature of the basin on 
which the alluvial soil has been depo- 
sited ; but it resembles the whole 
valley of the Nile in being destitute 
of springs, which are only met with 
in two or t!rree places. * The weUs are 
all formed by the filtration of water 
from the river. In the Birket-el-Kom 
are some springs, serving, with the 
annual supply from the Nile, to keep 
up the water of the lake, which in the 
deepest part has only 24 feet, and it 
is gradually becoming more shallow 
from the mud brought into it by the 
canals.— [G. W.] 

• A great quantity of fish is caught 
even at the present day at the mouths 
of the canals, when they are closed 
and the water is prevented from re- 
turning to the Nile. It aftbrds a con- 
siderable revenue to the government. 
It is farmed by certain villages on the 
banks, and sonie idea may be formed 



of its value by the village of Agalteh 
at Thebes paying annually for its 
Ismail canal 1500 piastres, equal till 
lately to 211. The custom of farming 
the fisheries was probably derived by 
the Arab government from the ancient 
Egyptians ; but El Makrisi mentionsit 
as of comparatively late introduction. 
(See Silv. de Sacy's Relation de 
I'Egypte, par Abd-al-latif, p. 283, note.) 
Herodotus reckons the revenue from 
the fish of the Lake Mceris at a talent 
of silver (I93L 153. English, or as some 
compute it, 2252., or 2432. 153.) daily; 
and when the water flowed from the 
Nile into the lake at 20 minse (641. 123., 
or 811. I3. Set.), amounting at the 
lowest calculation to more than 
47,0001. a-year. According to Diodo- 
rus (i. 52) this was part of the pin- 
money of the queens. See n. * ch. 98. 
-[G. W.] 



230 



REION OF THE TWELVE KIKOS. 



Book II. 



but when the current is the other way the return sinks to one- 
third of that sum. 

150. The natives told me that there was a subterranean 
passage from this lake ^ to the labyan Syrtis, running west- 
ward into the interior by the hills above Memphis. As I could 
not anywhere see the earth which had been taken out when 
the excavation was made, and I was curious to know what had 
become of it, I asked the Egyptians who live closest to the lake 
where the earth had been put. The answer that they gave me 
I readily accepted as true, since I had heard of the same thing 
being done at Nineveh of the Assyrians. There, once upon a 
time, certain thieves, having formed a plan to get into their 
possession the vast treasures of Sardanapalus, the Ninevite 
king,^ which were laid up in subterranean treasuries, pro- 
ceeded to tunnel a passage from the house where they lived 
into the royal palace, calculating the distance and the direc- 
tion. At nightfall they took the earth from the excavation 
and carried it to the river Tigris, which ran by Nineveh, con- 
tinuing to get rid of it in this manner until they had accom- 
plished their purpose. It was exactly in the same way that 
the Egyptians disposed of the mould from their excavation, 
except that they did it by day and not by night ; for as fast 
as the earth was dug, they carried it to the Nile, which they 
knew would disperse it far and wide. Such was the account 
which I received of the formation of this lake* 

151. The twelve kings for some time dealt honourably by 
one another; but at length it happened that on a certain 
occasion, when they had met to worship in the temple of 
Vulcan, the high-priest on the last day of the festival, in bring- 



* Horodotns hero eridontly allndes 
to the natural lake, now Birket-eU 
Kom, not to the artificial Mceris. The 
belief in underground communications 
IB still very prevalent in Egypt (aa in 
other countries) to the present day ; 
Mid might very reasonably arise from 
what wo see in limestone formations. 
— [G. W.] 



' It is uncertain which Assyrian 
king is here intended. The Greeks 
recognized two monarchs of the name 
— one a warrior, who is ])erhapa Asshwr- 
ixir-palf the father of the Black Obe- 
lisk king : the other the voluptuary, 
who closed, according to them, the 
long series of Assyrian sovereigns* 



Chap. 140-152. 



BANISHMENT OF PSAMMETICHUS. 



231 



ing forth the golden goblets from which they were wont to 
pour the libations, mistook the number, and brought eleven 
goblets only for the twelve princes. Psammetichus was stand- 
ing last, and, being left without a cup, he took his helmet, 
which was of bronze,® from off his head, stretched it out to 
receive the Uquor, and so made his libation. All the kings 
were accustomed to wear helmets, and all indeed wore them at 
this very time. Nor was there any crafty design in the action 
of Psammetichus. The eleven, however, when they came to 
consider what had been done, and bethought them of the 
oracle which had declared " that he who, of the twelve, should 
pour a libation from a cup of bronze, the same would be king 
of the whole land of Egypt," doubted at first if they should 
not put Psammetichus to death. Finding, however, upon 
examination, that he had acted in the matter without any 
guilty intent, they did not think it would be just to kill him ; 
but determined, instead, to strip him of the chief part of his 
power and to banish him to the marshes, forbidding him 
to leave them or to hold any communication with the rest of 
Egypt. 

152. This was the second time that Psammetichus had 
been driven into banishment. On a former occasion he had 
fled from Sabacos the Ethiopian,* who had put his father 
Necos to death ; and had taken refuge in Syria, from whence, 
after the retirement of the Ethiop in consequence of his 
dream, he was brought back by the Egyptians of the Saitic 
canton. Now it was his ill-fortune to be banished a second 
time by the eleven kings, on account of the libation which he 



' If this were bo, and the other kings 
wore the same kind of helmet, the 
Egyptians would not have been sar. 
prised at seeing men in similar armour 
coming from the sea (ch. 152). Bronze 
armour was of very early date in 
Egypt, and was therefore no novelty 
in the reign of Psammetichus. It is 
represented in the tombs of the kings 
at Thebes ; and bronze plates, forming 
part of a corslet of scale armour, have 



been found bearing the name of Shea- 
honk, and are in Dr. Abbott's collec- 
tion. (See note on B. vii. ch. 89.) 
XdKKos is really " bronze/' 6ptlxct\Kos 
'* brass." Objects have been found of 
brass as well as of bronze in Egypt. — 
[G. W.] 

* On the Sabacos, Tirhaka, and 
Psammetichus, see notes * and * on oh. 
137, and Hist. Notice in App. ch. viii. 
§ 31-34.— [G. W.] 



232 



HE VANQUISHES THE ELEVEN. 



Book II. 



haA. poured &om his helmet ; on this occasion he fled to the 
marshes. FeeUng that he was an injured man, and designing 
to avenge himself upon his persecutors, Psammeticlius sent to 
the city of Buto, where there is an oracle of Latona, the most 
veracious of all the oracles of the Egyptians, and having 
inquired concerning means of vengeance, received for answer, 
that *' Vengeance would come from the sea, when brazen men 
should appear." Great was his incredulity when this answer 
arrived ; for never, he thought, would brazen men arrive to be 
his helpers. However, not long afterwards certain Carians 
and lonians, who had left their country on a voyage of 
plunder, were carried by stress of weather to Egypt, where 
they disembarked, all equipped in their brazen armour, and 
were seen by the natives, one of whom carried the tidings to 
Psammetichus, and, as he had never before seen men clad in 
brass, he reported that brazen men had come froni the sea 
and were plundering the plain. Psammetichus, perceiving at 
once that the oracle was accomplished, made friendly advances 
to the strangers, and engaged them, by splendid promises, to 
enter into his service. He then, with their aid and that of the 
Egyptians who espoused his cause, attacked the eleven and 
vanquished them.^ 



' The Assyrian inscriptions show 
that Piiamnietichus obtained the throne 
by the aid of troops sent to liim from 
Asia Minor by Uyges. (See above, 
Tol. i. p. 353.) The story told to lle- 
rodotas probably grew out of this fact. 

[This was in fact the first time that 
the Egyptian Pharaohs had rcconrso to 
Greek mercenaries, and began to lind 
their utility ; and though the ancient 
kings in the glorious times of Egypt's 
great power had foreign auxiliaries 
(see woodcut, next page ; and that in 
note, B. vii. ch. 61, where three of 
these people are enemies of Egypt), 
they were levies composing part of 
the army, like those of the various 
nations which contributed to the ex- 
peditions of Xerxdfc and other Persian 
monarchs. But the introduction of 



Greek paid tnK>ps into the Egj'ptian 
service excited the jealousy of the 
native army (who could not have been 
long in perceiving the 8U{>criority of 
those strangers) ; and the favour 
shown to them led to the defection of 
the Egyptian troops (see note ** on ch. 
30). The Egyptian army had lost its 
former military ardour ; and now tliat 
Syria was so often threatened by the 
powerful nations of Asia, it was 
natural that Psammetichus should 
seek to employ foreigners, whoso 
courage and fidelity he could trust. 
(See Hist. Notice, App. en. viii. § 31.) 
Herodotus states that these Gi-eek 
troops were the fii-st forcipfners allowed 
to establish themselves in Egj'pt ; that 
is, after the Shepherds and Isi'aelitos 
left it (see noko^ch. 112). Strabo 



Ohu. na, 153. 



HIS BUILDINGS. 



233 



153. Wben PBammetichus ha4 thus become Bole moDttrcli 
of Egypt, be built tbe southern gateway of the temple of Vul- 
can in Memphis, and also a court for Apis, in which Apis* is 
kept whenever he makes his appearance in Egypt. This 
court is opp<Mite the gateway of Psammetichus, and is sur- 



{ivii. p. 1131) speaks ot tha emploj- 
ment of meroeaatj troops in Egfpt as 
kn old CDstom. That of Fauamati- 
chos diffaisd from tbe earlier system 
of auxiliaries ; it was a aigti of weak- 
ness, and *raa fatal to Egypt as to 
Cartbaee (see Uacchiavelli, Prino. o. 
18). PolTffiDiu Bays that Psammeti- 
chuB took the Cariana into hi» pay, 
hoping tbat the plames they wore oo 
their helmets poinl«d to the onicle, 



whioh had warned ToftttnthM, then 
king of Egypt, agaiiut cooks. (Cp. 
Pint. Tit. Artu. of Carian orests.) 
With them be tberefore attacked 
Temanthea, and having Idlled him, 
gave those soldierH a qnorter in Hem- 
phia, thence called Caromemphis. The 
mercenary troops, or " hired men," 
in tbe time of " Necbo," am men- 
tioned in Jeremiah (ilvi. 21). — 

a. w.] 







• This court was anrronnded by 
Osiride pillars, like that of Hedeenet 
Haboo at Thebes. Attached to it 
wore probably the two stables, "dola. 
bra," or '" thalami," mentioned by 
Pliny (Tiii. 46) : and Strabo (irii. p. 
656) says, " Before tha sfikos or cham- 
ber where Apis is kept la a vestibule, 
in which is another chnniber for the 
mother of tbe Hacred bull, and into 
this reatibule Apis is sometimes in- 



troduced, particnlarly when shown to 
BtranKcra ; at other timca he ia only 
seen through B window of the s^kos. 
.... The temple of Apis ia cloae to 
that ot Vulcan." Pliny protends that 
tbe entry of Apis into tho one or the 
other of tho " delobra " was a goud 
or a bad omen. Oo Apia, Sfo above, 
ch. 38, note', and oompare B. iii. cb. 
28.— [G. W.] 



234 



HIS IONIAN AND CARIAN SOLDIER& 



Book II. 



rounded with a colonnade and adorned with a multitude of 
figures. Instead of pillars, the colonnade rests upon colossal 
statues, twelve cubits in height. The Greek name for Apis is 
Epaphus. • 

154. To the lonians and Garians "^ who had lent him their 
assistance Psammetichus assigned as abodes two places oppo- 
site to each other, one on either side of the Nile, which 
received the name of " the Camps." ® He also made good all 
the splendid promises by which he had gained their support ; 
and further, he intrusted to their care certain Egyptian 
children, whom they were to teach the language of the Greeks. 
These children, thus instructed, became the parents of the 
entire class of interpreters* in Egypt, The lonians and 
Carians occupied for many years the places assigned them by 
Psammetichus, which lay near the sea, a little below the city 
of Bubastis, on the Pelusiac mouth of the Nile.* King 
Amasis, long afterwards, removed the Greeks thence, and 
settled them at Memphis to guard him against the native 
Egyptians. From the date of the original settlement of these 
persons in Egypt, we Greeks, through our intercourse with 
them, have acquired an accurate knowledge of the several 
events in ^(gpptian history, fi-om the reign of Psammetichus 
downwards ; but before his time no foreigners had ever taken 
up their residence in that land. The docks where their 
vessels were laid up, and the ruins of their habitations, were 
still to be seen in my day at the place where they dwelt 



' The Carians seem to have been 
fond of engaging themselves as mer- 
cenarj soldiers from a very early date, 
and to have continued the practice so 
long as they were their own masters. 
According to some commentators, the 
expression in Uomer (II. ix. 378), iv 
Kof^s af(r}7, is to bo understood in this 
sense. (See the Scliol. ad Platon. ed. 
Bnhnken, p. 322, and comp. the note 
of Heyno, vol. v. p. 605.) Archilochas 
certainly spoke of them as notorious 
for mercenary sei'vice, as appears 
from the well-known line — 



icai h'n 'wiKovpot, Strrt Kap, iccKAi7<ro^ai. 

The Scholiast on Plato says that they 
were the first to engage in the occu- 
pation, and quotes Ephorus as an 
authority. 

* See note' on ch. 112. 

* See end of note * on ch. 164. 

* The site chosen for the Greek 
camps shows that they were thought 
necet«8ary as a defence against foreign 
invasion from the eastwaixi. (See 
Diodor. i. 67.) The Roman Scena; 
Veieranorum wore not very far from 
this.— [G. W.] 



Chap. 153-155. 



TEMPLE OF BUTO. 



235 



originally, before they were removed by Amasis. Such was 
the mode by which Psammetichus became master of Egypt. 

165. I have already made mention more than once of the 
Egyptian oracle ; * and, as it well deserves notice, I shall now 
proceed to give an account of it more at length. It is a temple 
of Latona,® situated in the midst of a great city on the Seben- 
nytic mouth of the Nile, at some distance up the river from the 
sea. The name of the city, as I have before observed, is Buto ; 
and in it are two other temples also, one of Apollo and one of 
Diana. Latona's temple, which contains the oracle, is a spacious 
building with a gateway ten fathoms in height.* The most won- 
derful thing that was actually to be seen about this temple* 



'Supra, chs. 83, 133,* and 152. 
There were several other oracles, bat 
that of Buto, or Latona, was held in 
the highest repute. (See ch. 83.) 

'Herodotus says that this goddess 
was one of the great deities (ch. 156) . 
She appears to be a character of Maut, 
and may, in one of her characters, be 
Thriphis the Groddess of Athribis, 
where the Mjgale or shrew-mouse, 
which was sacred to Buto, was said 
by Strabo to have been worshipped. 
I have seen a small figure of a hedge- 
hog with the name of Buto upon it. 
fiuto, as Cham poll ion supposed, was 
probably primasval darkness. (See 
notes ^ and * on B. ii. ch. 59, and App. 
CH. iii. § 2, Maut.) Lucian (De De& 
8yr4, s. 36) says there were many 
oracles in Egypt, as in Greece, Asia, 
and Libya, the responses of which 
were given " by priests and prophets." 
The principal ones in Egypt were of 
Buto, Hercules (Gem), Apollo (Horus), 
Minerva (Neith), Diana (Bubastis), 
Mars (Honurius, or more probably 
Mandoo, see note^ on ch. 63), and 
Jupiter (Amun, at Thebes; see chs. 
54, 57, 83, 111, 133). That of Besa 
was also noted, which was said by 
Ammianus Marcel linus to have been 
at Abydus, or, according to others, 
near the more modern Antinoopolis ; 
bat it is uncertain who that Deity 
was. Heliopolis had also its oracle 
(Mftorob, Satur. i, 30) ; but the most 



celebrated was that of '* Ammon " in 
the Oasis. The position of the city of 
Latona, near the Sebennytic mouth, 
was on the W. bank, between that 
branch of the Nile and the lake, about 
20 miles from the sea. The isle of 
Chemmis was in that lake. Hero- 
dotus is supposed to have been in- 
debted to Hocatseus for the mention 
of this island. (See Miiller's Fragm. 
Hist. GrsBC. vol. i.)— [G. W.] 

* This is the height of the pyramidal 
towers of the propylsBum, or court of 
entrance. The 10 orgyiae, or 60 feet, 
is the full height of those towers, 
which seldom exceed 50. In front, on 
either side of the entrance, was 
usually a colossus of the king, before 
which stood two obelisks terminating 
an avenue, or dromos, of sphinxes. 
Clemens confounds the propylsenm 
with the pronaos. Pylon, pyldn^, and 
propylon are applied to the stone gate- 
way, when standing alone before the 
temple ; and the same kind of entmnce 
is repeated between the two towers 
of the inner court or propylasum, 
immediately " before the door " of the 
actual temple, or at least of its portico. 
A stone pylon is also placed as a side 
entrance to the crude brick enclosure 
of a temenos. — [G. W.] 

'Herodotus says, "the most won- 
derful thing that tvas actually to he 
seen," because he considers that the 
wonder of the floating island, which 



Crap. 155, 156. 



ISLAND OF CHEMMIS. 



m 



was a chapel in the enclosure made of a single stone,^ the 
length and height of which were the same, each wall being 
forty cubits square, and the whole a single block ! Another 
block of stone formed the roof, and projected at the eaves to 
the extent of four cubits. 

156. This, as I have said, was what astonished me the 
most, of all the things that were actually to be seen about the 
temple. The next greatest marvel was the island called 
Ghemmis. This island lies in the middle of a broad and deep 
lake close by the temple, and the natives declare that it floats. 
For my own part I did not see it float, or even move ; and 
I wondered greatly, when they told me concerning it, whether 
there be really such a thing as a floating island.*^ It has 



he "did not see " (ch. 156), would, if 
tme, have been Btill more astonishing. 
' According to these measurements, 
supposing the walls to have been only 
6 feet thick, and the material granite, 
as in other monoliths, this monument 
would weigh upwards of 6738 tons, 
being 76,032 cubic feet, without the 
cornice, which was placed on the roof. 
The reigns of the Psammetichi and 
other kings of this 26th dynasty were 
the period of the renaissance or re- 
viral of art in Egypt, both for the 
size and beauty of the monuments ; 
and though the sculptures are not so 
spirited as during the 18th and 19th 
dynasties, they have great elegance, 
sharpness of execution, and beauty of 
finish. It is singular that though the 
sculpture^ and paintings in the tombs 
near the pyramids are inferior to those 
of the best age, and though prog^ss 
is perceptible in different times, there 
is no really rude or archaic style in 
Egypt ; there are no specimens of a 
primitive state, or early attempts in 
art, such as are found in other coun- 
tries ; and the masoniy of the oldest 
monuments that remain, the pyramids, 
vies with that of any subsequent 
age, particularly in their exquisitely 
wrought granite. The art of Egypt 
was of native growth, and was ori- 
ginal and characteristic ; but the Egyp- 
tians, like all other ]>eople, borrowed 



occasionally from those with whom 
they had early intercourse; and as 
tha Assyrians adopted from them the 
winged globe, the lotus, and many 
other emblems or devices, the Egyp- 
tians seem also to hare taken from 
Assyria certain ornaments unknown 
in Egypt before and during the 12th 
dynasty. Among these may be men- 
tioned vases with the heads of a horse, 
a cock, a vulture, or an eagle (such as 
is given to the supposed Assyrian 
deity Nisroch), the knot, and the 
feather patterns, and perhaps some of 
the trappings of the horse, an animal 
apparently introduced from Asia. 
Even the Typhonian monster with 
feathers on his head, so common under 
the 22nd dynasty, seems to hare 
some connedtion with Asia, as well as 
with Libya. Those devices first occur 
on monuments of the 18th and 19th 
dynasties, whose kings came muoh in 
contact with the Assyrians; and it 
was perhaps from them that the 
pointed arch of that time was copied, 
which, though not on the principle of 
the true ai*ch, appears to have been 
cut into the stone roof, in i-mitaiion of 
what the Egyptians had seen, as the 
round one was in imitation of the 
brick arches they had thendselves so 
long used (see n.* ch. 136). — [G. W.] 

7 HecatajuB had related the marvels 
of this island, which be called Chem- 



238 SIEGE OF AZOTUS. Book n. 

a grand temple of Apollo built upon it, in ^hich are three dis- 
tinct altars. Palm-trees grow on it in great abundance, and 
many other trees, some of which bear fruit, while others are 
barren. The Egyptians tell the following story in connection 
with this island, to explain the way in which it first came to 
float : — " In former times, when the isle was still fixed and 
motionless, Latona, one of the eight gods of the first order, 
who dwelt in the city of Buto, where now she has her oracle, 
received Apollo as a sacred charge from Isis, and saved him 
by hiding him in -what is now called the floating island. 
Typhon meanwhile was searching everywhere in hopes of find- 
ing the child of Osiris." (According to the Egyptians, Apollo 
and Diana are the children of Bacchus and Isis ; ^ while 
Latona is their nurse and their preserver. They call Apollo, 
in their language, Horus ; Ceres they call Isis ; Diana, Bubas- 
tis. From this Egyptian tradition, and from no other, it must 
have been that iEschylus, the son of Euphorion, took the idea, 
which is found in none of the earlier poets, of making Diana 
the daughter of Ceres.^) The island, therefore, in consequence 
of this event, was first made to float. Such at least is the 
account which the Egyptians give. 

157. Psammotichus ruled Egypt for fifty-four years, during 
twenty -nine of which he pressed the siege of Azotus ^ without 



bis, withont any nppenrancc of incre- hawk's bead like Horns. They there- 

dulity. (Fr. 281) 'J'hore is a tacit fore called the city <if Uor-Hat Apol- 

allnsiion to him in this ]>assaj]:e. linopolis Magna (i.\'/oo), and that of 

** Apollo was llorus, the son of Isis Aroeris Ajx)! linopolis Parva (Kvos), — 

and Osiris (Ceres and Bacchns) ; but [G. W.] 

he bad no sister in Eiryptian mytho- • Pansanias reports this also (viii. 
Ic^y, and Diana was Bubastis or ' xxxvii..§ 3), but seems to be merely 
Pasht, who appears to be one of the following Hennlotus. It is not a 
groat deities, and was the second happy conjecture of Bahr's (not. ad 
member of the great triad of Mem- loc.) that it was for revealing this 
phis, composed of Pthah, Pasht, and secret {':) that ^'Escbylus was accused 
Kofre-Atmoo. The Diana of the of violating the mysteries. The men- 
Greeks was daughter of Latona ; and tion of ^schylns is important, as 
Herodotus and Plutarch say that ^s- showing that Herodotus was ac- 
chylos was the only one who mentions quainted with his writings. 
her as Ceres, in imitation of the Kgyp- ^ Azotus is Ashdod or Ashdoodeh of 
tiuks. Aroeris and even Hor-Hat sacred scripture. This shows how 
wen also supposed by the Greeks to much the Egyptian power had declined 
to Apollo, from their having a when Psammetichus was obliged to 



Chap. 156-158. 



ACCESSION OF NECOS. 



239 



intermission, till finally he took the place. Azotus is a great 
town in Syria. Of all the cities that we know, none ever stood 
so long a siege. 

158. Psammetichus left a son called Needs, who succeeded 
him upon the throne. This prince was the first to attempt the 
construction of the canal to the Red Sea * — a work completed 



besiege a city near the confines of 
Egypt for so long a time as twenty, 
nine years, the armies of the Pharaohs 
in the glorious days of the 18th and 
19th dynasties being in the constant 
habit of traversing the whole country 
from the Nile to the Euphrates. Dio- 
dorus says it was in the Syrian cam- 
paign that the Egyptian troops de- 
serted from Psammetichas. The cap- 
ture of Azotus facilitated the advxknco 
of his son Neco when he continued 
the war. The duration of the siege 
of Azotus was probably owing to its 
having received an Assyrian garrison, 
being an important advanced point to 
keep the Egyptians in check ; and the 
king of Nineveh was perhaps pre- 
vented by circumstances at that time 
from sending to succour it. For 
Tartan had been sent by " Sargdn, 
king of Assyria," and had taken Ash- 
dod (Isaiah xx. 1). Tartan is thought 
not to bo the name of an individual, but 
the title '* general." The mention of 
Ethiopians and Egyptians taken pri- 
soners by the Assyrians (Is. xx. 4) 
doubtless refers to the previous cap- 
ture of Azotus, when it held a mixed 
garrison (Egypt having then an Ethi- 
opian dynasty) which was compelled 
to surrender to the Assyrians. Ash- 
dod was the strong city of the Philis- 
tines, where they took the ark " into 
the hoQse of Dagon" (1 Sam. v. 2) ; 
and that it was always a fortified 
place is shown by the name, which signi- 
fies, like the Arabic shedeed/* strong " 
In the wars between the Egyptians 
and Assyrians it was at one time in 
the possession of one, at another of 
the rival power. Psammetichus reigned 
according to Herodotus fifty-four 
years, and his 54th year occurs on 
the Apis StelsD (see Historical Notice 



of Egypt in Appendix, CH. viii. § 33). 
— [G.W.] 

• Herodotus says Neco (or Needs) 
beg^n the canal, and Strabo attributes 
it to " Psammetichus his son ; " but 
the ruins on its banks show that it 
already existed in the time of Beme- 
ses II., and that the statement of 
Aristotle, Strabo, and Pliny, who 
ascribe its commencement at least to 
Sesostris, is founded on fact. That 
from its sandy site it would require 
frequent re-excavating is very evi- 
dent, and these successive operations 
may have given to the difiFerent kings 
by whom they were performed the 
credit of commencing the canal. It is 
certainly inconsistent to suppose that 
the Egyptians (who of all people had 
the greatest experience in making 
canals, and who even to the late time 
of Nero were the people consulted 
about cutting through the Isthmus of 
Corinth — Lucian) should have been 
obliged to wait for its completion till 
the accession of the Ptolemies. The 
authority of Herodotus suffices to 
prove that it was completed in his 
time to the Bed Sea ; and the monu- 
ments of Bemeses at a town on its 
banks prove that it existed in his 
reign. Neco may have discontinued 
the re-opening of it ; Darius may have 
completed it, as Herodotus states, 
both here and in Book iv. ch. 39 ; and 
it may have been re -opened and im- 
proved by the Ptolemies, and again 
by the Arabs. In like manner, though 
the Alexandrian cafial is attributed 
entirely to Mohammed Ali, this does 
not prove that it was not the successor 
of an older canal, which left the Nile 
at another point. The trade of Egypt 
was very great with other countries, 
to which she exported com at a re- 



240 



CANAL TO THE RED SEA. 



Book II. 



afterwards by Darius the Persian ' — ^the length of which is four 
days' journey, and the width such as to admit of two triremes 
being rowed along it abreast. The water is derived from the 
Nile, which the canal leaves a little above the city of Bubastis,^ 



mote period ; and we find from Athe- 
nsBos (ii. c. 3) that Ba^ cbjlides, who 
lired abont the time of Pindar, speaks 
of oom going to Greece in ships from 
Egypt, when he says, *' all men when 
drank fancy they are kings, their 
houses are resplendent with gold and 
ivory, and corn-bearing ships bring > 
over the bright sea the abundant 
wealth of Egypt." Wheat is repre- 
sented as its staple commodity, at the 
coronation of the early Egyptian kings. 
The trade with Arabia by sea appears 
to have been opened as early as the 1 2th 
dynasty, and afterwards trade extended 
to India. But even under the Ptolemies 
and CsBsars it was confined to the 
western coast and the islands ; and in 
Strabo's time "few merchants went 
from Egypt to the Ganges " (xv. p. 
472). The first Egyptian port on the 
Bed Sea was probably ^unum, after- 
wards Philotcra, so called from the 
yonngest sister of Ptolemy Philadel- 
phns (now old Kossayr) , at the water- 
ing-place near which are the monn- 
ments of Ainnn-m-ho II. and Osirtason 
II.-[G. W.] 

' An inscription of Darius in the 
Persian Cuneiform chaiacter is en- 
gpraved upon the Suez stone near the 
embouchure of the ancient canal. It 
reads : " DaryavuHh naqa wazarka,'* 
" Darius the Great King." (Behistun 
Memoir, vol. i. p. 313.) 

* The commencement of the Red 
Sea canal was in different places at 
various periods. In the time of Hero- 
dotus it left the Pelusiao branch a 
little above Bubastis ; it was after- 
wards supplied with water by the 
Amnis Trajanus, which left the Nile 
at Babylon (near old Cairo) ; and the 
portion of it that remains now begins 
a short distance from Bclbays, which 
is about II miles south of Bubastis. 
Strabo must be wrong in saying it 
was at Phacusa, which is too low down 



the stream. The difference of 13 feet 
between the levels of the Bed Bea 
and Mediterranean is now proved to 
be an error. Pliny says that Ptolemy 
desisted from the work, finding the 
Bed Sea was 3 cubits (4j^ feet) higher 
than the land of Egypt; but, inde- 
pendent of our knowing that it was 
already finished in Herodotus' time, 
it is obvious that a people accustomed 
to slaic^, and every contrivance ne- 
cessary for water of various levels, 
would not be deterred by this, or a 
far greater, difiference in the height of 
the sea and the Nile, and Diodorus 
expressly states that sluices were con- 
structed at its mouth. If so, these 
were on account of the different 
levels, which varied materially at high 
and low Nile, and at each tide, of 5 to 
6 feet, in the Bod Sea, and to prevent 
the sea-water from tainting that of 
the canal. The city of the Eels, Pha- 
groriopolis, was evidently founded on 
its banks to ensure the maintenance 
of the canal. The place of the sluices 
appears to be traceable near Suez, 
where a channel in tlie rock has been 
cut to form the mouth of the canal. 
It is probable that the merchandise 
was transhipped from thovboats in the 
canal to those in the harbour, on the 
other side of the quay, and that sluices 
were not opened except during the 
inundation, when the stream ran from 
the Nile to the Bod Sea. In the time 
of the Bomans it was still used, but 
afterwards fell into disuse, and was 
choked up until the caliph Omar re- 
opened it, in order to send supplies to 
Arabia, in record of which* benefit he 
received the title of "Prince of the 
Faithful," Emeer el Momenecn^ which 
was continued to or assumed by his 
successors. It was closed 134 years 
afterwards by El Munsoor Aboo Gafer, 
the 2nd Abbaside Caliph, to prevent 
supplies going to Medeeneh, then in 



Chap. 158. 



CANAL TO THE RED SEA. 



241 



near Patumus, the Arabian town,*^ being continued thence until 
it joins the Red Sea. At first it is carried along the Ai-abian 
side of the Egyptian, plain, as far as the chain of hills opposite 
Memphis, whereby the plain is bounded, and in which lie the 
great stone quarries ; here it skirts the base of the hills run- 
ning in a direction from west to east ; after which it turns, 
and enters a narrow pass, trending southwards from this 
point, until it enters the Arabian Gulf. From the northern 
sea to that which is called the southern or Erythraean, the 
shortest and quickest passage, which is from Mount Casius, 
the boundary between Egypt and Syria, to the Gulf of Arabia, 
is a distance of exactly one thousand furlongs.® But the way 
by the canal is very much longer, on account of the crooked- 
ness of its course. A hundred and twenty thousand of the 



the hands of one of the descendants 
of Ali ; since which time it has re- 
mained closed, thouj^h El H^kem is 
said to have once more rendered it 
navigable for boats, a.d. 1000. After 
that it was filled np with sand, though 
some water passed daring the high 
Nile as far as Shekh Hanaydik and 
the Bitter Lakes, until Mohammed 
Ali closed it entirely, and the canal 
now only goes to Tel e' Rigdbeh, about 
26 miles from Belbays. Its course 
was nearly due east for 35 miles from 
Belbays as far as Shekh Handydik, 
when it curved to the southward and 
ran by the Bitter Lakes to the sea. 
Its sea-mouth in early times was pro- 
bably further N. ; the land having 
risen about Suez. — [G. W.] 

* Herodotus calls Patumus an Ara- 
bian town, as lying on the east side 
of the Nile. Patumus was not (as I 
formerly supposed) near the Bed Sea, 
but at the commencement of the 
canal, and was the Pithom mentioned 
in Exod. i. II. It was the Thoum 
(Thou) of the Itinerary of Antoninus, 
54 M.P. from Babylon, whose site ap- 
pears to be marked by the ruined 
town opposite Tel el Wddee, 6 miles 
east of the mouth of the canal. From 
Thoum to the Bitter Lakes may bo 

VOL. XL 



about 38 miles, and from Thoum to 
the sea about 80. Pliny reckons 37 
M.P. from the western entrance of the 
canal to the Bitter Lakes, giving it a 
breadth of 100 feet and a depth of 40 
(H. N. vi. 33). On its length, according 
to Herodotus, see following note. (See 
M. Eg. W. i. 310 to 316.) 

Pithom Dn3 is related to the word 
Thummim D*Dn. which is translated in 
the Septuagint " Truth," and is taken 
from the Egyptian TAntei, "Truth," or 
" Justice," whence the Greek d4fiis 
and irvfios. The double capacity of 
the Egyptian goddess Thmei is re- 
tained in Thummim. — [G. W.] 

^ This Herodotus considers less than 
the length of the canal ; but his 1000 
stadia (about 114 English miles at 600 
Greek feet to the stadium) are too 
much ; and he appears to have in- 
cluded in it the whole distance by 
water from the Mediterranean to the 
Red Sea, both by the Nile and the 
canal. The length of the canal was 
about 80 miles, or, if measured from 
the Bubastite branch to the Red Sea, 
about 96. The shortest distance from 
the Mediterranean to the Red Sea 
overland is about 76 miles. The line 
from Mount Casius is not the shortest, 
being about 90 miles. — [G. W.] 



242 



NECOS GIVES EGYPT A FLEET. 



Book II. 



Egyptians, employed upon the work in the reign of Necos, lost 
their lives in making the excavation."^ He at length desisted 
from his undertaking, in consequence of an oracle which 
ifamed him " that he was labouring for the barbarian." ® The 
Egyptians call by the name of barbarians all such as speak 
a language different from their own. 

169. Necos, when he gave up the construction of the canal, 
turned all his thoughts to war, and set to work to build a fleet 
of triremes,* some intended for service in the northern sea, 
and some for the navigation of the Erythraean. These last 
were built in the Arabian Gulf, where the dry docks in which 
they lay are still visible. These fleets he employed wherever 
he had occasion ; while he also made war by land upon the 
Syrians, and defeated them in a pitched battle at Magdolus,^ 



7 This calls to mind the loss of life 
when the Alexandrian canal was made 
by Mohammed Ali ; bat we may Bup> 
pose the nambers greatly exagge- 
rated. Mohammed Ali lost 10,000 
ipen. The reason was that they were 
collected from distant parts of the 
conntr}'; and taken to the spot, and, 
no food being jirovidcd for them, 
those whoso families failed to send 
them provisions died of hunger, and 
Bome few from fatigue or accidents. 
— [G. W.] 

' This was owing to the increasing 
power of the Asiatic nations. Berber 
was api)arently an Egyptian name 
applied to some people of Africa, as 
now to the NubianH, who do not call 
tfiemseJves Berbcn». It was afterwards 
extended to, and adopted by, other 
people. It was vrned by the Egyptians 
as early at least as the 18th dynasty. 
It is one of many instances of redu- 
plication of the original word. Ber 
became Berber, as Mar Marmar, in 
Marmarica, a district of North Africa ; 
and, the B and M being transmutable 
letters, Marmarica and Barbarica 
would apply equally well to the coast 
of Barbary.— [G. W.] 

• Fleets had been equipped and 
built by Sesostris ; and Herodotus 
speaks of the docks, or the stocks, 



where the ships of Neco were made. 
The Egyptians had one fleet on the 
Bed Sea, and another on the Mediter- 
ranean ; and their ships of war arc 
represented on a temple of Bemesos 
IIL— [G. W.] 

^ The place here intended seems to 
be Megiddo, where Josiah lost his 
life, between Gilgal and Mount Car- 
mel, on the road through Syria 
northwards, and not Migdol (MayUca* 
\6s)t which was in Egypt. The simi- 
larity of the two names easily led to 
the mistake (2 Chron. xxxv. 22). 
Neco had then gone " to fight against 
Carchemiith by Euphrates," and Josiah 
attacked him on his march, in the 
" valley of Megiddo," " as he went up 
against the king of Assyria to the 
river Euphrates " (2 Blings xxiii. 29.) 
Neco is there called " Pharaoh (Phrah)- 
Nechoh." 

The position of the Jews between 
the two great rival powers exposed 
them to the resentment of the one 
against whom they took part ; as was 
the case with Hosca, king of Israel, 
when he sided with *' So, king of 
Egypt," and Shalmaneser, king of 
Assyria," carried Israel away into 
captivity" (2 Kings xvii. 4, 6). — 
[G. W.] 

There were two cities known to the 



Chap. 158, 159. 



NECOS TAKES CADYTIS. 



243 



after which he made himself master of Cadytis,* a large city of 
Syria. The dress which he wore on these occasions he sent 
to BranchidsB in Milesia, as an offering to Apollo.® After 
having reigned in all sixteen years/ Needs died, and at his 
death bequeathed the throne to his son Psammis. 



Jews by the name of Migdol (^iijo) ; 
one, mentioned in Exodus (xiv. 2) 
and Jeremiah (xlvi. 14), was not only 
on the borders of Egj-pt, but was ac- 
tually in Egypt, as is apparent from 
both passages. This is undoubtedly 
the Magd61us of classical writers, 
which appeared in Hecata?us as " an 
Ej?yptiai* city" {ir6\i5 Aiy&irrovy Fr. 
2b2), and which in the Itinerary of 
Antonine (p. 14) is placed 12 Roman 
miles to the west or south-west (not 
east, as B&hr says, vol. i. p. 921) of 
Pelusium. The other, called for dis- 
tinction's sake Mii^dol-el (^n-^i:*:), 

was in the lot of Naphtali (Josh. xix. 
38), and is fairly identified with the 
"Magdala" of St. Matthew (xv. 39) 
— the birthplace of Mary Magdalene. 
This place, which retains its name 
almost unchanged (Stanley's Pales- 
tine, p. 375), was on the borders of 
the Sea of Galilee, at the south- 
eastern corner of the plain of Gen- 
nesareth. Herodotus probably meant 
this last place by his Magdulus, 
i-ather than the Magd61tis of Egypt. 
But he may well have made a con- 
fusion between it and Megiddo Oi:p), 

just as " some MSS. in Matt. xv. 39 
turn Magdala into Magedon " (Stan- 
ley, 1. 8. c). 

- After the defeat and death of 
Josiah, Xeco proceeded to Carchemish, 
and on his return, finding that the 
Jews had put Jehoahaz, his son, on 
the throne, " he made him a prisoner 
at Riblah, in the land of Hamath, and, 
after having imposed a tribute of 100 
talents of silver and a talent of gold 
upon Jerusalem, he made his brother 
Eliakim (whose name he changed to 
Jchoiakim) king in his stead, carrying 
Jehoahaz captive to Egypt, where he 
died" (2 Kings xxiii. 29). Cadytis 



has generally been considered the 
Greek form of the name of Jerusalem, 
Kadesh, or Kadusha, "the holy" 
(given it after the building of the 
Temple by Solomon, and retained in 
its Arabic name El Kods), which was 
applied to other places, as Kadeah- 
Barnea, &,c. ; but as Herodotus says 
(iii. 5) Cadytis appeared to him to be 
not much smaller than Sardis, as he 
probably never went to Jerusalem, 
and as he mentions the seaport towns 
from Cadytis to Jenysus, it is thought 
not to be the Jewish capital, but 
rather to lie on the coast. Toussaint 
thinks it was Gaza. HeixKlotus calling 
it a city of the " Syrians of Palestine" 
(iii. 5) led to the conclusion that it 
was Jerusalem, as he seems to apply 
that name to the Jews (ii. 104) ; but 
Cadytis is supposed to be the Khazita 
taken by Shalmancser, which was cer- 
tainly Gaza, or Ghuzzeh. Ho could 
scarcely have meant by Cadytis in 
iL 159, Jerusalem ; and in iii. 5, Gaza. 
[G. W.] 

^ Neco's dedication of his corslet 
to Apollo was doubtless a compliment 
to the Greek troops in his pay, who 
had now become so necessary to the 
Egj'ptian kings. — [G. W.] 

For an accoimt of the temple of 
Apollo at Branchida), see note ^ on B. 
i. ch. 157. 

* The reverses which soon afterwards 
befel. the Egyptians are not men- 
tioned to Herodotus. Neco was de- 
feated at Carchemish by Nebuchad- 
nezzar, in the 4th year of Jehoiakim 
(Jer. xlvi. 2), and lost all the territory 
which it had been so long the object 
of the Pharaohs to possess. For " the 
king of Babylon took, from the river 
of Egypt unto the river Euphrates, 
all that pertained to the king of 
Egypt" (2 Kings xxiv. 7). This river 




244 



REIGX OF PSA>DIIS. 



Book II. 



160. In the reign of Psammis,^ ambassadors from Elis® 
arrived in Egj-pt, boasting that their arrangements for the 
conduct of the Olympic games were the best and fairest that 
could be devised, and fancying that not even the Egyptians, 
who surpassed all other nations m wisdom, could add any- 
thing to their perfection. When these persons reached Egypt, 
and explained the reason of their visit, the king summoned an 
assembly of all the wisest of the Egyjitians. They met, and 
the Eleans having given them a full account of all their rules 
and regulations with respect to the contests, said that they 
had come to Egypt for the express puq)ose of learning whether 
the Egyptians could improve the fairness of their regulations 
in any particular. The Egyptians considered awhile, and 
then made inquirj', "If tliey allowed their own citizens to 
enter the lists ? ** The Eleans answered, " That the lists were 
open to all Greeks, whether they belonged to Elis or to any 
other state.'* Hereupon the Egyptians observ'ed, "That if 
this were so, they departed from justice very widely, since it 



of Egyi)t was the smaU torrent-bed 
that forme<l the bonndary of tho 
country on tho N.E. side by the 
modern Kl AnVsli. Jcmsalem was 
aftcrvranls takon l>v Nobuchadnozzar, 
and the poople wore led into captivity 
to Babylon (.for. lii. 28, 29, 30; 2 
Kings xxiv. and xxv.), when some 
Jews flcil to Eiryiit (2 Kings xxv. 26), 
and settled at Talipanhes, or Daphna?, 
near Pelusiiim (Jcr. xliii. 9), a strongly 
fortified post (Her. ii. 11), where tho 
king of E^ypt had a palaco ; and also 
at Migdol, at Noph, and in tho land of 
Pathros (Jer. xliv. 1). This was in 
the reign of Ilophra or Apries. See 
Hist. Notice in App. to Book ii. — 
[G. W.] 

* Psammis is called Psammetichus 
(Psamatik) in the Pculptnres, and was 
succeeded by a third king of that 
name, whose wife was called Nitocris 
(Neitacri), and whose daughter 
married Amasis. (See note ' on ch. 
100.) Psammis api)ear8 to be Psam- 
metichus II. of the monuments. — 
[G. W.] 



* Tliis shows tho great repute of the 
Egyptians for learning, even at this 
time, when tliey ha<l greatly declined 
as a nation. — [G. W.] 

Diodorns transfers the story to the 
reign of Amasis, and says the answer 
was given by that king himself (i. 95). 
Plutarch (Qiwst. Plat. vol. ii. p. 1000, 
A) assigns it to one of the wise men. 
The real iuii)artiality of the Eleans 
was generally admitted (cf. Pint. A])o- 
phtheg. Reg. p. 190, C. Dio Chrysost. 
Rhod. p. 31-}, C), and is evidence<l by 
the fact that in the only com])leto list 
of Olympian victors which we possess, 
that of tho winners of tho foot-race or 
stadium, Eleans occur but eight times 
between the original institution of 
the games, n.c. 776, and the reign of 
Caracalla, a.d. 217, a period of 993 
years, or 219 Olympiads. Of these 
eight victors, three occur within tho 
first five Olympiads, when the contest 
was probably confined to Elis and its 
immediate noighl)ourhood. (See Euseb. 
Chron. Can. Pars i, c. xxxiii.) 



Chap. 160, 161. 



REIGN OF APRIES. 



245 



was impossible but that they would favour their own country- 
men, and deal unfairly by foreigners. If therefore they 
really wished to manage the games with fairness, and if this 
was the object of their coming to Egypt, they advised them 
to confine the contests to strangers, and allow no native of 
Elis to be a candidate." Such was the advice which the 
Egyptians gave to the Eleans. 

161. Psammis reigned only six years. He attacked Ethio- 
pia,^ and died almost directly afterwards. Apries, his son,** 
succeeded him upon the throne, who, excepting Psammetichus, 
his great-grandfather, was the most prosperous of all the kings 
that ever ruled over Egypt. The length of his reign was 
twenty-five years, and in the course of it he marched an army 
to attack Sidon, and fought a battle with the king of Tyre by 
sea. When at length the time came that was fated to bring 
him woe, an occasion arose which I shall describe more fully 
in my Libyan history,^ only touching it very briefly here. An 



' The names of Psammetichus I. 
and II. frequently occur at Asouan, as 
well as that of Amaais. — [G. W.] 

® Apries is the Pharaoh-Hophra of 
Jeremiah (xliv. 30), whose dethrone- 
ment seems to be thus foretold : '* I 
will give Pharaoh-Hophra, king of 
Egypt, into the hands of his enemies, 
and of them that seek his life.*' His 
reign was at first very prosperous, 
more so than that of any other king of 
this dynasty, except his great-grand- 
father, Psammetichus I. He sent ex- 
peditions against Cyprus and Sidon, 
and engaged the king of Tyre by sea, 
and having taken Graza (Jer. xlvii. 1) 
he besieged Sidon, and reduced the 
whole of the coast of Phcsnicia (Died, 
i. 68), and advancing to Jerm»ilem, 
forced the Chaldees to raise the siege 
(Jer. xxxviu 5-11), thus recovering 
much of the territory wrested from his 
grandfather, Neco. But fortune then 
deserted him, and Nebuchadnezzar 
returned to the-siege of Jerasalem and 
took it in the 11th year of Zedekiah 
(Jer. xxxix. 1, 2). According to the 
account given by the Egyptians to 



Herodotus, it was an unsuccessful ex- 
pedition sent by him to Cyrene which 
caused his downfall — Amasis, who was 
sent to recall the Epryptian troops to 
their duty, having taken advantage of 
that movement to usurp the throne, 
which he ascended after Apries had 
reigned, as Manetho says, 19, or, ac- 
cording to Herodotus, 25 years. The 
name of Hophra, or Apries (Haiphra- 
het), occurs on a few monuments ; 
but another king, Psammetichus III., 
intervenes between Psammetichus II. 
(Psammis) and Amasis, whose daugh- 
ter was married to Amasis. The reign 
of Psammetichus III. may have been 
included in that of Apries. Amasis 
died in 525 B.C., and as Herodotus 
assigns him 44 years, which date is 
found on the monuments, his reign 
began at least as early as 569 b.c., and 
probably much earlier; but these 
events, and the dates, are very uncer- 
tain. See Hist. Notice in App., and 
note *, ch. 169, and note *, ch. 177. — 
[G. W.] 

9 Infra, iv. 159. 




24^ REVOLT HEADED BY AMASIS. Book II. 

nrmy rlcHi)ai(;li(?<l by Ai)ricB to attack Cyrene having met with 
a t(?n'il)lcj n^vcrw, tho Ep[yptians laid the blame on him, 
itnaKiniit^ t)iat ho liad, of maHcc xircpense, sent the troops 
into th(j jawH of destruction. They beUeved he had wished a 
vast number of them to bo slain, in order that he himself 
nn'i;{)it r<'ij;n witli more sc^curity over the rest of the Egy|)tians. 
Indigimnt thc^n^foro at this usa(:;e, the soldiers who retmned 
and the fricMids of the slain broke instantly into revolt. 

102. Apries, cm leaniin;^ these circumstances, sent Amasis 
to the rc^bi'ls, to ai)p(^aso tlio tumult by persuasion. Upon 
his arrival, as ho was seeking to restrain the malcontents by 
his oxhortntions. one of them, coming behind him, put a helmet 
on his luMid, saying, as ho put it on, that he thereby crowned 
him king. Anuisis was not altogether displeased at the 
notion, as his conduct soon made manifest: for no sooner 
had the insurgents agreed to make him actually their king, 
than ho prepared to march with thom against Apries. That 
monarch, on tidings of these events reaching him, sent 
Patarbemis, one of his courtiers, a man of high rank, to 
AtuasiH, with onlers to bring him alive into his presence, 
ratarbemis, on arriving at the place where Amasis was, 
called on him to come back with him to the king, whereupon 
Amasis broke a coarse jest, and said. ** Prvthee take that 
back to tbv master." When the envov, not^^'ithstandinG: this 
reply, persisted in his n^piest. exhorting Amasis to obey the 
summons of the king, he made answer. " that this was exactly 
what he bad Ion?: bei-n intending to do : Apries would have no 
n^asou to complain of him on the score of delay ; he would 
jfihortly oome himself to the king, and bring others with 
him." * Tatarlvuns, ujvn this, Cvmiprohending the intention 
of Amasis. partly from l.is replies, and partly from the pre- 
|>Ar;ltions which he sciw in progress, departetl hastily, wishing 
to inform tl:c king w:;h all sptod of what was goinj on. 



ArtXTHjcv^ ^ . lir\ t«hvV s'S.^^r* :>*: n'X*. 



Cbap. 161-164. THE SEVEN CLASSES OF THE EGYPTIANS. 



247 



Apnea, however, when he saw him approaching without 
Amasis, feU into a paroxysm of rage ; and not giving himself 
time for reflection, commanded the nose and ears of Patar- 
bemis to be cut ofif. Then the rest of the Egyptians, who had 
hitherto espoused the cause of Apries, when they saw a man 
of such note among them so shamefully outraged, without 
a moment's hesitation went over to the rebels, and put them- 
selves at the disposal of Amasis. 

168. Apries, informed of this new calamity, armed his 
mercenaries, and led them against the Egyptians : this was a 
body of Carians and lonians,* numbering thirty thousand 
men, which was now with him at Sais,® where his palace 
stood — a vast building, well worthy of notice. The army 
of Apries marched out to attack the host of the Egyptians, 
while that of Amasis went forth to fight the strangers ; and 
now both armies drew near to the city of Momemphis,* and 
prepared for the coming fight. 

164. The Egyptians are divided into seven distinct classes *^ 



2 The Grcok troops continned in tho 
pay of the king. Tho state of Egypt, 
and the dethronement of Apries, are 
predicted in Isn. xix. 2, and in Jer. 
xliv. 30. (See Hist. Notice, in App. 
en. viii. § 37.) As Amasis pnt him- 
self at the head of the Egyptian army, 
and Apries had the Greeks with him, 
it is evident that the former was 
alone employed against Gyrene, either 
out of fear of sending Greeks there, 
or from their unwillingness to fight 
against a Greek colony. Amasis 
afterwards (infra, ch. 181) wisely 
courted the friendship of tho Greeks 
of Cyrene.— [G. W.] 

' Manotho agreed with Herodotus in 
representing this dynasty (his 26th) 
as Saite. (Fr. 66 and 67.) That the 
family of Psammetichus belonged to 
Sais had been already indicated, by 
what is related of the Saites bringing 
Psammetichus back fiX)m Syria (supra, 
ch. 152). 

* Momemphis was tm the edge of 
the desert, near the mouth of the 



Lyons canal, some way below the 
modem village of Algam. Clemens 
(Pa>dag. i. c. 4) says the Egyptians 
marched to battle to the beat of drum, 
a statement fully confirmed by the 
sculptures ; but the trumpet was 
used for directing their evolutions. — 
[G. W.] 

^ These classes, rather than castes^ 
were, according to Herodotus — 1. The 
sacerdotal. 2. The military. 3. The 
herdsmen. 4. Swineherds. 5. Shop- 
keepers. 6. Interpreters. 7. Boat- 
men. Diodorus (i. 28) says that, like 
the Athenians, who derived this insti- 
tution from Egypt, they were distri- 
buted into three classes : I. The priests. 
2. The peasants, from whom the sol- 
diers were levied. 3. The artificers. 
But in another place (i. 74) he extends 
the number to five, and reckons tho 
pastors, husbandmen, and artificers, 
independent of the soldiers and priests. 
Strabo (xvii. p. 541) limits them to 
three — the soldiers, husbandmen, and 
priests; and Plato (Timssns) divides 



248 



THE SEVEN CLASSES OF THE EGYPTIANS. 



Book II. 



— ^these are, the priests, the warriors, the cowherds, the 
swineherds, the tradesmen, the interpreters, and the boat- 
men. Their titles indicate their occupations. The warriors 
consist of Hermotybians and Calasirians,® who come from 



them into six bodios — tho jmosts, orti- 
ficera, shepherds, huntsmen, hnsbond. 
men, and soldiers. The sailors em- 
ployed in ships of war appear to havo 
been of the military class, as Herodo- 
tos (Book ix. ch. 82) shows them to 
have been of the Calasiries and Her- 
motybies. 

From these different statements we 
may conclude that tho Egyptians 
were divided into five general classes, 
which were subdivided again, as is the 
case in India even with the castes. The 
Ist was the sacerdotal order ; the 
2nd tho soldiers and sailors ; tho 8rd 
peasants, or the agricultural class ; 
the 4th the tradesmen; and tho 5th 
the plebs, or common people. Tho 
1st consisted of priests of various 
grades, from the pontifTs to the inferior 
functionaries employed in tho temples; 
the 2nd of Boldiors and sailors of the 
navy; the drd was subdivided into 
farmers, gardeners, huntsmen, Nile- 
boatmen, and others ; tho 4th was 
composed of artificers, and various 
tradesmen, notaries, musicians (not 
sacred), builderH, sculptors, and pot- 
ters; and tho 5th of pastors, fowlers, 
fishermen, labourers, and poor people. 
Some of these again were subdivided, 
as ]mi«tors into oxhenis, shepherds, 
goathcnls, and swineherds ; which 
last, acconling to Herodotus, were tho 
lowest grrnde, even of the whole com- 
munity, since no one would establish 
any family tie with them, and they 
could not enter a temple without a 
previous purification ; which resembles 
the ti'eatment of s^^'ineherds in India 
at this day. 

Though Diodorus places the soldiers 
with the husbandmen, it is more pro- 
bable that they constituted a class by 
themselves ; not that their following 
agricultural pursuits degraded them ; 
for even a Hindoo soldier in like man- 
ner may cultivate land without fear 



of reproach. According to Megastbe- 
nes the Indians were divided into 
seven castes ; they have now four. 
(See Strabo, xv. p. 1118.) Herodotus 
says each person followed the profes- 
sion or occupation of his father, as 
with the Lacedaemonians (Book vi. ch. 
60) ; but it seems that, though a man 
was frequently of the same class and 
ocoapation as his father, this was not 
oom])ul8ory. Each person belonged 
to one of the classes, and it is not pro- 
bable that he would follow an inferior 
occupation, or enter a lower class 
than his father, unless circumstances 
rendered it necessary : but the sculp- 
tures show that sons sometimes did 
BO, and priests, soldiers, and others 
holding civil offices are found among^ 
the members of the same family. 
The Eg^'piians had not, tlierc fore, real 
castes, but classes, as has already 
been shown by ]SIr. Birch and M. 
Ampere. lYoofs of this, from the 
families of men in tradi\ and others, 
arc not so readily established, as few 
monuments remain, except of priests 
and military men — tho aristocracy ot* 
Eg}'])t. 

Quarters of a town were appro- 
priated to certain trades (as now at 
Cairo) ; henct' " the loather-cutters of 
the Memnonia," at Thebos, in tho 
papyrus of Auastasy. (Dr. Yoiini^s 
Discov. in Eg. Lit., p. GG.) The in- 
terpreters, Herodotus says (ch. 151), 
were the descendants of those Egyp- 
tians who had been taught Greek by 
the lonians in the service of Psamme- 
tichus, which would certainly apply 
rather to a class than to a caste, and 
his statement (whether true or not) 
respecting the low origin of Auiasis 
shows he Imd not in view castes, but 
classes. — [G. W.] 

* This name (as Mr. Bii*ch has 
ahown) is Klaslur, followed by tho 
figure of an archer, or the rcprcsenta. 



Chap. 164-166. THE CANTONS OR NOMES OF EGYPT. 



249 



different cantons,^ the whole of Egypt being parcelled out into 
districts bearing this name. 

165. The following cantons furnish the Hermotybians : — The 
cantons of Busiris, Sais, Chemmis, Papremis, that of the 
island called Pros6pitis,® and half of Natho.® They number, 
when most numerous, a hundred and sixty thousand. None 
of them ever practises a trade, but all are given wholly to war. 

166. The cantons of the Calasirians are different — ^they 
include the following: — The cantons of Thebes/ Bubas- 



tion of an Egyptian soldier ; bowmen 
being the chief corps of the army. 
The Calasiries were probably all, or 
mostly, archers. See note on Book ix. 
oh. 32.— [G. W.] 

' The number of the nomes or can- 
tons varied at different times. Hero- 
dotus mentions only 18 ; but in the 
time of Sesostris there were 86, and 
the same under the Ptolemies and 
Ca3sar8 ; 10, according to Strabo, 
being assigned to the Thebatd, 10 to 
the Delta, and 16 to the intermediate 
province. This triple division varied 
at another time, and consisted of 
Upper and Lower Egypt, with an in- 
tervening province containing 7 nomes, 
and hence called Hoptanomis. In 
after times an eighth, the Arsinotte, 
was added to Heptanomis ; and the 
divisions were, 1. Upper Egypt, to 
the Thebaica-phylak^ (<pv\aidli)f now 
Daroot e" Sheredf. 2. Heptanomis, to 
the fork of the Delta. And 3. Lower 
Eg3'pt, containing the northern part 
to the sea. Pliny gives 44 nomes to 
all Egypt, some under other than the 
usual names. Ptolemy mentions 24 
in the Delta, or Lower Egypt, which 
under the later Roman emperors was 
divided into four districts — Augustam- 
nica prima and secunda, -^gyptus 1» 
and 2^*, still containing the same 
nomes ; and in the time of Arcadius 
the son of Theodosius the Great, Hep 
tanomis received the name of Arcadia 
The Thebaid was made into two parts 
Upper and Lower, the line oi separa 
tion being Panopolis and Ptolemals 
Hemiii ; and the nomes were then 
increased to 58, of which the Delta 



contained 35, including the Oasis of 
Ammon. These nomes were as on the 
following page. 

Each nome was governed by a Nom- 
arch, to whom was entrusted the 
levying of taxes, and various duties 
connected with the administration of 
the province. See Mr. Harris's 
Standards of the Nomes and Top- 
archies of Egypt. His discovery can- 
not bo too highly appreciated. He 
has also those of Ethiopia, which 
we may hope will be published. — 
[G. W.] 

® Of Busiris, see note * on ch. 61, 
and preceding note. The Basirite 
nome was next to the Sebennytic, and 
to the south of it. Of Sa'is, see note ' 
on ch. 62, and note » on ch. 170. Of 
Chemmis, see note ^ on oh. 91 ; it was 
in Upper Egypt. Of Papremis, see 
note * on ch. 63. Of Prosopitis, see 
not« ^ on ch. 41.— [G. W.] 

^ This was the tract between the 
Sebennytic, or Busiritio branch, and 
the Thermuthiac, which ran to the 
east of Xois.— [G. W. 

* It is singular that only two nomes 
of Upper Egypt are here mentioned, 
Thebes and Chemmis. But as Hero- 
dotus has mentioned so few of the 
nomes, it is more probable that he has 
overlooked some, than that no soldiera 
belonged to any nome in Upper 
Egypt but the Theban and Chem- 
mite. The largest force was neces. 
sarily quartered in these northern 
nomes, being wanted for defence 
against the enemy from the eastward : 
but it does not follow that they were 
nearly all raised there. Besides tho 



i$0 NOMES OF EGTPT. Book II. 

The Nomos of the Delta, or Lower Eftjipt, banning from tbe East, were : 





Nome. 


Chirr Ci.r. 


Modrrn S»iof . 






Hellopolli 






S. DnlwlJIn. 




Tel But!. 




3. Anihrlblin (*IIb lbe> 


AthrtUi 


»rnblMl.AlMl. 




4. H.mOT»lll« r;„ ... 




AbonkfhApJ (T 




». ArSi. .™... 




Shrki lluirltk (!) 




J. S«bWta. 




TrlSh^rtgO 




f. Tnlls 










FlurbMibai .'.'.' 


iurh.n.DrHMrb4Jl. 




}i M™Ji»"*'... ::: 




Tuibool (!) 






I'nnrniik 






». BMlrtUS 


Biiiri. ... .:: 


AboiimJ!)' 










1>- Any-li 


P^^^Jr^!' ::: :;; 


BtUyt. 


if 






18. EI«rchta 






11 


1*. Thtlileof.Nulio ... 


N«iho '.'.'. '.'.'. '.'.'. '.'.'. '.'.'. 


SlhT^it 


». XoSm 


XOt 




si NiiriM (Nltitotte) ... 


a-- ■:: ;:: 


ZmfcMk (!) 




M. iT«opB« ,., .; ... 


Pnwupb, or Kbdn 


Mon«ff:-)orn«Mddie) 






T.«' 


Sboodi in 






nii%(Su) 


Sn.rl Hig-r. 




M. PhlhntMM !!! i;'. 






i 




Cibww '.'.'. 


Kom SbabiiV 


1 




N»ucr»tll 






W. McWIW. 


M«*l!i 


¥<Mib. 


i 






lukrnderWh. 


1 


31. M»H?« 


KcTuv^llBFavt 






W. LMoinlltM 


rSf,.;™!'":;:: 


Wewm (?) 




1 M. yturfiL. UhyiL 


n H.vt (?1 






Hnnnnonls ".'. ".'. '.'.'. 


SM«.b (SlB-rih), 



(For Uk DfIu. ll> lowTiMi 
Tll» NoBiM ipf rpppr EgJT>t. < 



1 brwcbn otihe Mlp, >k £«n<t "^^ Thebw. vi 
rthe ThelnM. uid of ttcptaoomls. Inclining IVo 



9. Aphmilliopallia .. 

3- Arfllniiit4 , 

«. llnKlrvnotllM .. 
t. nxyrhlnchltH ... 

ei AnUBtS™ ("tai 



HFnclnnoll* 

; OjLjThLnchdH 

1 Cynnpolln ... ... 

< Hcnoopolit MiffDiI 



l.rcnpoHl 

Hnwfll*- 

AplinxlltopoUs 

ll>lo]«ii&-»-HcniiU ... 
TMiHpoll" PuTu 

4 'nl^hF^ DImp^Hb MagB. 
i "KiiyiiilaiiTbPhffl." 
JTh»LrbT«n, nrW«»m 
1 jwnofThebffl. 
HrrmanlUi ... ... ... 

Inlopoll* 

ApDllInopDllfl Mignft ... 



Chap. 166. THE HERMOTYBIANS AND CALASIRIANS. 



251 



tis,^ Aphthis,^ Tanis,* Mendes, Sebennytus, Athribis, Phar- 
baethus, Thmuis, Onuphis, Anysis, and Myecphoris^ — this last 
canton consists of an island which lies over against the 
town of Bubastis. The Calasirians, when at their greatest 
number, have amounted to two hundred and fifty thousand. 
Like the Hermotybians, they are forbidden to pursue any 
trade, and devote themselves entirely to warlike exercises, the 
son following the father's caUing. 



nome of Thebes on the east, was the 
Pathyritic on the opposite bank, 
which contained " the Libyan suburb" 
of Thebes, or the " Momnoncia." (See 
Dr. Young, Disc. Eg. Lit., p. 66.) It 
was called Pa-Athor, " belonging to 
Athor" (Venus), who presided over 
the West. The Theban and Chemmite 
may have been the two that furnished 
the troops of the Ethiopian frontier, 
and of the garrisons in Upper Eg3rpt. 
According to Herodotus the whole 
force was 410,000 men. Diodorus 
(i. 54) makes it amount, in the time 
of Sesostris, to 600,000 foot, 24,000 
horse, and 27 chariots ; but he pro- 
bably included in these the auxiliaries. 

-fo. W.] 

^ See notes on chs. 59, 60, 138. 

3 The position of this nome is un- 
certain. — [G. W.] 

* The city of Tanis is the Zoan of 
sacred Scripture, and the modern San 
or Zan, — the Garni (or Djami) or 
Athonnes, of the Copts. It has exten- 
sive mounds, and remains of a small 
temple of the time of Remeses the 
Great, remarkable from its having at 
least ten, if not twelve obelisks. The 
name of Osirtasen III. found there 
(see Burton's Excerpta, pi. 38, 39, 40) 
shows that an older temple once stood 
at Tanis : and the great antiquity 
of Tanis is also shown by its existing 
in the time of Abraham, and being 
founded seven years after Hebron, 
where Sarah died (Gen. xxiii. 2 ; Num. 
xiii. 22). In " the field of Zoan " the 
miracles of Moses are said to have 
been performed (Ps. Ixrviii. 12) ; and 
its present desolation shows how com. 
pletely the prophecies against it have 



been fulfilled. (Ezek. xxx. 14; Isa. 
xix. 11; xxx. 4).— [G. W.] 

* See note ' on Mendes, ch. 42. Se- 
bennytus, the modern Semenood, has 
no remains, except a few sculptured 
stones, on one of which are the name 
and figure of the God. (See note ^ on 
ch. 43.) They are of the late time of 
Alexander, the son of Alexander the 
Great, in whose name Ptolemy Lagi 
was then Governor of Egypt. Seme- 
nood stands on the west bank of the 
modem Damietta branch. Athribis, 
now Benha-el'Assalf from its " honey," 
is marked by its mounds, still called 
Atre^b. The town was nearly a mile 
in length, E. and W., and three-fourths 
of a mile N. and S. It is on the E. 
bank of the old Sebennytic (and 
modem Damietta) branch. Pharbae- 
thus, now Harhayt (the isame as the 
old name without the article P), is 
between 12 and 13 miles to the N. 
of Bubastis. It stood on the Tanitio 
branch. The site of Thmuis is marked 
by a granite monolith at Tel.Etmai, 
bearing the name of Amasis. Its 
Coptic name is Thnioui. It stands a 
short distance to the south of the 
Mcndesian branch. Onuphis is sup- 
posed to have stood on the Sebennytic 
branch, a little below its union with 
the Phatmetic channel, and a little 
to the W. of Anysis, probably at the 
modem Banooh, Anysis may be 
Iseum, now Behayi (see note • on ch. 
61), about 6 miles below Sebennytus ; 
and the name is probably Si-h-isi, 
" house (city) of Isis." Myecphoris was 
an island between the Tanitic and 
Pelusiac branches. See M. Eg. W., 
vol. i. pp. 899-452.— [G. W.] 



252 



EGYPTIAN CONTEMPT FOR TRADE. 



Book n. 



167. Whether the Greeks borrowecl from the Egyptians 
their notions about trade, like so many others, I cannot say 
for certain.** I have remarked that the Thracians, the Scyths, 
the Persians, the Lydians, and almost all other barbarians, 
hold the citizens who practise trades, and their children, in 
less repute than the rest, while they esteem as noble those 
who keep aloof from handicrafts, and especially honour such 
as are given wholly to war. These ideas prevail throughout 
the whole of Greece, particularly among the LacedaBmonians. 
Corinth is the place where mechanics are least despised.'^ 

168. The warrior class in Egypt had certain special privi- 
leges in which none of the rest of the Egjrptians participated, 
except the priests. In the first place each man had twelve 
arurce^ of land assigned him free from tax. (The arura is a 
square of a hundred Egyptian cubits, the Egyptian cubit 



* Those notions were not nocessarily 
borrowed by one people from another, 
being very general in a certain state 
of society.— [G. W.] 

^ It is curioas to find this trait in a 
Dorian state. Bat the situation of 
Corinth led so naturally to extensive 
trade, and thence to that splendour 
and magnificence of living by which 
the useful and ornamental arts are 
most encouraged, that, in spite of 
Dorian pride and exclusiveness, the 
mechanic's occupation came soon to 
be regarded with a good deal of 
favour. As eai*ly as the time of 
Cypselus elaborate works of art pro- 
ceeded from the Corinthian work- 
shops, as the golden statue of Jupiter 
at Olympia (Paus. v. ii. § 4), and the 
plane-tree in the Corinthian treasury- 
at Delphi (Plut. Sept. Sap. 21). 
Afterwards, under Periander, art was 
still more encouraged, and the offer- 
ings of the Cypselidae at various 
shrines were such as to bear a com- 
parison with the works of Polycrates 
at Samos and of the PisistratidaD at 
Athens. (Ar. Pol. v. 9. Comp. Eph. 
Fr. 106, and Theophr. ap. Phot, in 
Vixr^tXiZwv hfdOrifia.) A little later a 
Corinthian architect rebuilt the temple 



at Delphi. (Pausau. X. v. ad fin.) 
Finally, Corinth became noted for the 
peculiar comjwsition of its bronze^ 
which was regarded as better suited 
for works of art than any other, and 
which under the name of ^a Corinth- 
iacum was celebrated throughout tho 
world. (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 3.) 

^ The arura, according to Ilorodo- 
tus and Ilorapollo, was a square of 
100 cubits, and contained 10,000 
square cubits, about 22,500 squaro 
feet. It was a little more than three- 
fourths of an English aero ; and was 
only a land measure. Tho 12 nrurae 
were about nine English acres. Dio- 
dorus says the laud of Egypt had 
been divided by Sesostris into throe 
parts, one of which was assigned to 
the military class, in order that they 
might be more ready to undergo tho 
hazards of war, when they had pro- 
perty in the country for which they 
fought. This answered well at first, 
but in time the soldiers became more 
fond of their property than of glory, 
and another occupation took away 
the taste for war, as was the case 
with the Janissaries of Turkey. — 
[G. W.] 



Chap. 167-169. 



BATTLE OF MOMEMPHIS. 



253 



being of the same length as the Samian.®) All the warriors 
enjoyed this privilege together ; but there were other advan- 
tages which came to each in rotation, the same man never 
obtaining them twice. A thousand Calasirians, and the same 
number of Hermotybians, formed in alternate years the body- 
guard of the king; and during their year of service these 
persons, besides their aruroe, received a daily portion of meat 
and drink, consisting of five pounds of baked bread, two 
pounds of beef, and four cups of wine.^ 

169. When Apries, at the head of his mercenaries,^ and 
Amasis, in command of the whole native force of the Egyp- 
tians, encountered one another near the city of Momemphis,® 
an engagement presently took place. The foreign troops 
fought bravely, but were overpowered by numbers, in which 
they fell very far short of their adversaries. It is said that 
Apries believed that there was not a god who could cast him 
down from his eminence,* so firmly did he think that he had 
estabUshed himself in his kingdom. But at this time the 
battle went against him ; and, his army being worsted, he fell 
into the enemy's hands, and was brought back a prisoner to 
Sais,* where he was lodged in what had been his own house, 



^ On the Egyptian cubit, see App. 
en. iv. ad fin. It seems to have been 
rather more than 20^ English inches. 
The ordinary Greek cubit was 18J^ 
inches. — [G. W.] 

^ These 2000 spearmen, selected by 
turns from the army, as a body-guard, 
had daily rations of 5 minsD (Gibs. 8oz. 
14 dwt. 6 grs.) of bread, 2 of beef 
(2 lbs. 8 oz. 5 dwt. 17 g^rs.), and 4 
arusters, or a little more than 2 pints 
of wine, during their annual service. 
The mina seems to have been 16f oz. ; 
the talent about 80 lbs. Troy. The 
mina in hieroglyphics is called menj or 
mtui ; in Coptic, emnaj or amna ; and 
the talent ginshdr. See P. A. Eg. W., 
vol. ii. p. 259.— [G. W.] 

* See note ' on ch. 163, and note ' 
on ch. 152. 

' See note * on ch. 163. 

* This was probably after having 



obliged the Babylonians to retire from 
before Jerusalem (see note ® on ch. 
161) ; for before the end of his reign the 
return of Nebuchadnezzar must have 
convinced him of his enemy's power. 
His pride is noticed in Ezek. xzix. 3, 
8, 9. See note * on ch. 177.— [G. W.] 
* This was the roval residence of 
this 26th Satte dynasty; and the 
sacred temenos, or enclosure, contain, 
ing the temple and the lake, was sur- 
rounded by massive walls of crude 
brick. Some houses also stood within 
it, but the town itself was outside the 
walls. It was the custom of the 
Egyptians in the early periods to 
enclose their garrison towns with 
strong crude brick walls, generally 
about fifteen or twenty feet thick, 
and fifty feet high, crowned with 
battlements in the form of Egyptian 
shields, as a breastwork to the spacious 



254 



APRIES PUT TO DEATH— HIS TOMB. 



Book II. 



hut was now the palace of Ainasis. Amasis treated bim with 
kindnesH," and kc^pt him in the palace for a while ; but finding 
liiH conduct blamed by the Ef^yptians, who charged him with 
actin;^ unjustly in preserv^g a man who had Rho^\'n himself 
HO bitter an enemy both to them and him, he gave Apries over 
into the hands of his former subjects, to deal with as they 
chose. Then the Egyptians took him and strangled him, but 
having ho done they buried him in the sepulchre of his fathers. 
This tomb is in the temple of Minerva, vt-ry near the sanc- 
tuary, on the left hand as (me enters. The Saftus buried all 
the kings who Ixjbmged to their canttm inside this temple ; 
and thus it even ccmtains the toml) of Amasis, as well as that 
of Apries and his family. The latter is not so close to the 
sanctuary as the former, but still it is within the temple. It 



nunimrt, wliicli wrh nmnMidiMl l»y l>n»jnl 
iiu'liiird plant's; niid tlu* tfiiiplos had 
liNiinlly u H(*par:ito oiielosuiv within 
tliin j;*Mw»nd iMiruit. In th(Mr ivirnlar 
forin»ss<'M till* outer walls wore 
HtnMi|;th<'n<>d with st|uart» tow(»rrt at 
intrrvnls; and pandlid to tho outor 
wmUm wan a lt»wi»r ono of fircuinvalla- 
tion, <liHiant ahoiir twelve to lift^'en 
fet't, tin* ohjiM't (tf whieh wa«< to pn*- 
vent tlu» enemy hrintriie^ his halterinu: 
rainH, or ot Iut enuri"**?'. ^lirecl ly airainst 
the main walls, hefore lu« had thn>wn 
down this advanet'd nni> ; whieh, when 
the plaee \\af* surnuiniled by a <liteh, 
Kt«H»il in the ntiddh* of it, anil serveil 
lis a tenaille antl ravelin. In laviTiT 
fort i ilea tit ins the dileh h:id Intth a 
hearp and eonnii*rsearp. and even a 
ivi^nlar >;laei?t ^as at Semn<*10 ; and 
the low wall in the diteh was of sfom*, 
us at i\intr;i IVeU-ii*. Then* was aNo 
u wall rnnnini; out at ri^lit niiirli'S 
friMU (and of eipial hei^rht with) the 
main wall, whieh en»'*sed tlie diteh. 
for the pur|H»<e of nikinir it. hy wluit 
wo tdiould eall a " tlankiinr tin>." 
Then* was one main pile. Ivtween 
two towers; and on the river side 
was n \«»tof-4r:iie. pivtoeted by a 
ciwertwnv. This was a ivirular sv*. 
torn of fovtitiejitiou; but after the 
accowkqa of the iMh dvnnaiv these 



ftirtivsscs a])penr to have been seldom 
bnilt ; and the loftv stone towers of 

• 

the rni])yla?ii bcMnjjr adiled to the 
ttnnples became detaehe<l forts in 
eaeli eitv. ami an asvUini for what 
was nidst ])p'ei(»ns, the saerod thinjrs, 
tin* persons of the kinj; and priests, 
and the trea«ijirv, as well as a protec- 
tion apiinst foreitrn and domestic foes. 
(Sjv Arisiot. Tolit. iv. 11.) Kven 
Thebes h!id m> wall of eireuit ; its 
htmdred irati-s (a weakness in a wall) 
weri» tln^se i)f ilu' niinuToiis courts t»f 
its teinph'-! ; ami thonijh the fortresses 
(»f lNdn>*iuni, and other ?.tronirh(.»lds of 
tlu' fn^ntirrs, still C(>ntinued to be 
used, town>< wen* seldom i-nclosed by 
a wall, t»\eept sn)all om-s on a pass, or 
in some eomman^lins*" position. See a 
letter in tin* Tran>aelions of the 
Society of Liteniture. vol. iv.. new 
serie-", on the level of the Nile and 
Ki^yptian t\»rritienti«wi. — ^^0. W. : 

'• It has been th(>u«^ht that Apries 
niav have continutvl to ho iu»minallv 
kimr. until Ama«*is had ^u:liciently es- 
tablished his |H>werand reconcile<l the 
Ki^yptians to his usuq>atiou : and the 
latter vears of his iviirn nmv have 
Knmi inelu lei in "the II vears of 

m 

Amasis ; " bar the s!u»rtness of that 
period, aiitl the Apis steke. Jisprcvo 
this. — It. W.~ 



Chap. 169, 170. 



TEMPLE OF MINERVA AT SAIS. 



255 



stands in the court, and is a spacious cloister, built of stone, 
and adorned with pillars carved so as to resemble palm-trees,^ 
and with other sumptuous ornaments. Within the cloister is 
a chamber with folding doors, behind which lies the sepulchre 
of the king. 

170. Here too, in this same precinct of Minerva at Sais, is 
the burial-place of one whom I think it not right to mention 
in such a connection.® It stands behind the temple, against 
the back wall, which it entirely covers. There are also some 
large stone obeHsks in the enclosure, and there is a lake ® near 
them, adorned with an edging of stone. In form it is circular, 
and in size, as it seemed to me, about equal to the lake in 
Delos called " the Hoop." ^ 



^ They are common in Egyptian 
temples, particularly in the Delta, 
where they are often of granite, as at 
Bnbastis, and Tanis. The date.palm 
was not, as Dr. Pickering thinks (p. 
873), introdnced into Egypt in the 
Hyksos period, being represented on 
the tombs aboat the Pyramids of the 
4th dynasty, where rafters for rooms 
are shown to have been already made 
of it, as at the present day. The 
palm-branch was also the emblem of 
*• years '* in the oldest dates. Its not 
being indicated at periods of which no 
records remain is no proof of its not 
being known in Africa then, or long 
before ; negative inferences are very 
doubtful ; and the evidence of a plant, 
or an animal, being foimd in ancient 
Egypt is frequently derived from the 
accidental preservation of a single 
monument. See Dr. Pickering's valu- 
able work, the Haces of Man, p. 386, 
seq.—lG. W.] 

^ ThiB was Osiris, in honour of 
whom many ceremonies were per. 
formed at SaTs, as in some other 
towns.— [O. W.] 

^ This lake still remains at Sats, 
the modem Sa-eUHagar, ** Sa of the 
stone ; " the ancient name being Ssa. 
(See above, note * on ch. 62.) The 
stone casing, which always lined the 
sides of these sacred lakes (and which 
may be seen at Thebes, Hermonthes, 
and other places), is entirely gone; 



but the extent of the main enclosure, 
which included within it the lake and 
temple, is very evident ; and the mas- 
sive crude brick walls are standing 
to a great height. They are about 
seventy feet thick, and have layers of 
reeds and rushes at intervals, to serve 
as binders. The lake is still supplied 
by a canal from the river. Some 
ruined houses stand on a ground with- 
in the enclosure (at B d) near the 
lake, perhaps on the site of the palace, 
but of a much later time than Amasis. 
Many have been burnt. Their lofty 
walls in one part have obtained the 
name of El Kala, "the Citadel." It 
is difficult to ascertain the position of 
the temple of Minerva, as no ruins 
remain above groimd, and you come 
to water a very short way below the 
surface ; the Nile being of higher 
level than in former times . It stood 
within a ** temenoSf** or inner sacred 
enclosure near the lake, probably 
about E in the plan. At o may have 
been the royal tombs. Other tombs 
are in the moimds outside near the 
modem village, at p, and at q beyond 
the canal to the westward, is another 
burial-place, of private individuals. 
The lake is no longer, if it ever was, 
" round," but oblong, measuring nearly 
2000 feet by 750. (See plan opposite) . 
— [G. W.] 

^ The Delian lake was a famous 
feature of the great temple or sacred 



256 



THE EGYPTIAN MYSTERIES. 



Book II. 



171. On thin lake it in that the Egj'ptians represent by night 
hiH HiifTirrinf^'H''' whose name I refrain from mentioning; and 
thiH njpn^Hentation they call their Mysteries.^ I know well 



<in()1(iHnr(« of Apollo, which wns tho 
chiof fr\ory of that iKland. It is rolo- 
hriiUHl by \\u* MHUoni poet Thooj^riiB 

(II, f. G W) iiiiclor tho Hanio appollation 
rpoxo9t^'flt) awiij^iu'd it by Herodotua 
(Thcof(ti. 7) ; ihhI ih twico niontioned, 
(inoi» aH rpox69(T(ra (Hymn. a<l Dol. 
2rtl), and one** aH wtpirryht (Hymn, ad 
AjH)!!. r>l»). hy CallimachiiH. Apollo 
%vaN HiippoHcd to havo boon born uixm 
itd bankn. Lan^hor (note ad loo.) 
NhowM Katinfaotorily that it wan Hitu- 
utod within tho saoivd onclosnro; and 
do<MdoH with jfoocl rt^aMon in favour of 
itH idontitv with tho oval basin dia. 
<M)VoitMl by MoMHrs. Hpon and Whoolor 
In Kw"*, of whioh an aooount is ffivon 
in thoir TmxM'lH (vol. i. ]>. 85, Fivnch 
Tr.). Tlu» (lintonsionH, whioh do not 
Hooni to havo bron acourafolv nioa- 
huhmI, an» i'ook«»nod at lUV) jmooa 
(K)(H> foot) by 2(H> (UHX) foi>t ). It wa8 
thuH an oval, liko tho lakoat SaVn, and 
not vffu ilifforont in its dinuMision««. 
^ ■ Th»» KiryptiauH and thi» Syrians 
Imd oaoh tin* nntli i»f a dvinu: (uhI; 
Imt t!>oy Molootod « difToivnt phivno- 
nion<»n for its Ivj^sis ; tho fi^nnor tho 
Nilo,tln» SMJans, tho as^KH't »f natJiro, 
or. a« Mnon^bin^ shi»\Ns ^^Satnrji. i. 2(>), 
tho sin» ; uhioh, dnrinij ouo ]n\rt of 
ttio A our lusuufostiuvj its vivifvinur 
offoot.-* on tho ourth's surf:u''\ sooniod 
tv» tlio ot\ tho appiwu'h of wintor; and 
hotuv tho notion v( a l»»^il who was 
In^th nu'Vtal and iu\nun*tal. In th.o 
ivli^ion \»f liixHvo \xo ti*:^oo this nioro 
obNCuridx ; l»ut tho i^ivtnns ivliovod 
th«l Jupitor had diisi, nr.d oven 
*how»st his tond» v^^'**^'- ^'^^^^ Poor. 3), 
whioh n\rtdo rallinuiotius, takin?:: it 
lilorsUh, n*vih^ tlvo CiviaiiS "as 
liars : '* 

— «n opithe: i^uotod by St. l>\ul fn^:>; 
K|»ittK*nidos. v^*P^^'' * ''^ T.ius i. li.> 
Thi* Iviiof WHS ivrhnps K rt\^w\N! frv "u 
CkTI^ ^^ 'J^^ui Syria: K>r iho Cin.vks 



derided tho notion of a God dyin£f ; 
whence tho remark of Xenophanes 
and others to the Egyptians, " If ye 
believe them to be GikIs, why do ye 
weep for them ; if they deserve your 
lamentationM, whv repute them to be 
Gods ? " (Pint, do Is. 71.) They, on 
tho other hand, committed the error 
of makinr^ men into God.s, and, mis- 
understanding tho allegorical views of 
tho Egy))tian8 an<l others, ran into the 
prrossost errors rosj)octing those deities 
whom they adopted. In Crete again, 
Apollo's grief for Atymnius was comme- 
morated ** ^Air^Wufy 8a/cpuxfW ipartivhy 
*ATv/xyioifj*' as that of Venns for Adonis 
in Syria, where the women sitting and 
weei>ing for Tammiiz (Tamooz), and 
tho Jews weeping in tho high places, 
when they fell off to the idolatry of 
thoir neighbours (Ezok. viii. 6, It; 
Jorem. iii. 21), show the general cus- 
tom of tlie Syrians, The wailing of 
the ortluHlo.'<: Jews, though not un- 
usual, was of a different kind (Numb. 
XXV. 6), and was j>ennittod except on 
festivals. (Joseph, xi. 55.) The la- 
mentations of tho Kgj'ptinns led to 
thorvMnarkof Apuloius : '•^E.rypriorum 
numinum fana plena plangoribas, 
Gnwa ploruimpio oh»reis." — [G. W*.] 

' Tho sufforiniJTs and death of 0>iris 
wore tho givat mystoiy of tho Egyp- 
tian n^ligit^n; and some traces of it 
are jvrooptiblo ainoi-.g other pe »ple of 
antiquity, llis being the divine gocd- 
uoss. ami the abstmct idea of " good," 
llis n»anifostat ion ujnn earth tlike an 
Indiiin (iod>, his tloath.. a!id resurrec- 
tion, and hisoff.oe as judco of tliedead 
in n futurt^ state. i.>'k liko the earlr 
r\^vo'.atii»n of a fv.i'.irt* n:anifosta::on of 
the deity otT.veruHi into a mytholi'iri- 
cal faMo ; ai^d are iv< : loss rer.iarkal'le 
than that notion of :he Esry^.tians 
montior.txl by F'-utanh .in V£t. 
Nu«*;vV iV.at a wv:r.:\!: :;-.'i:::: oonoeire 
by the apprvw.'h of >>^:r.o o.ivir.e Sv^irit. 
As i>f:r:s s-^nit^iv. *• *r •v!.** Tyyhon (or 
rather Seth) w^ -evi:;'* and the re- 



Chap. 171. 



THE EGYPTIAN MYSTERIES. 



257 



the whole course of the proceedings in these ceremonies,* but 
they shall not pass my lips. So too, with regard to the 



markable notion of good and evil being 
brothers is abnnda^tlj illustrated in 
the early scolptnres ; nor was it till 
a change was made, apparently by 
foreigners from Asia, who held the 
doctrine of the two principles, that 
evil became confounded with sin, when 
the brother of Osiris no longer re- 
ceived divine honoors. (See At. Eg. 
W., p. 124 to 127.) Till then sin, 
"the great serpent/' or Aphophis 
'* the giant," was distinct from Seth, 
who was a deity, and part of the 





No. I. 

divine system, which recalls those 
words of Isaiah (xlv. 7), "I form 
the light, and create darkness ; I 
make peace, and create evil ; I the 
Lord do these things ; " and of 
Amos (iii. 6), " shall there be evil 
in a city, and the Lord hath not 
done it?" In like manner the 
mythology of Lidia admitted the 
creator and destroyer as charac- 
ters of the divine Being. Seth 
was even called Baal-Seth, and 
made the Gk)d of their enemies 
also, which was from war being 
an evil, as peace in the above 
verse is equivalent to good ; and 
in (Baal) Zephon we may perhaps 
trace tbd name of Typhon. In 
the same sense the Egyptians re- 
presented Seth teachmg a Pharaoh 
the use of the bow and other weapons 
of destmction which were producers 
of evil. Sin, the giant Aphophis, as 
"the great serpent," often with a 

VOL. II. 



human head, being represented pierced 

by the spear of Horus, or Atmoo (as 

Be the " Sun "}, recalls the war of the 

gods and giants, and the ^ 

fable of Apollo (or the sun) 

and the Python. Comp. the 

serpent slain by Yishnoo. 

(See note on Book iv. ch. 

191.) Osiris may be said 

rather to have presided over 

the judgment of the dead, 

than to have judged them ; he 

gave admission to the abode 

of happiness 
to those 
who were 
found worthy. He was 
not the avenging deity ; 
he did not punish, nor 
could he show mercy, 
or subvert the judg- 
ment pronounced. It 
was a simple question 
of fact. If wicked they 
were destined to suffer 
punishment. A man's 
actions were balanced 
in the scales against 

justice or truth, and, if found wanting, 

he was excluded from future happi- 



QAA/f^ 




No. II. 



ness. Thus, though the Egyptians are 
said to believe the gods were capable 
of influencing destiny (Euseb. Pr. Ev. 
iii. 4), it is evident that Osiris (like 
the Greek 2Seus) was bound by it ; and 

S 



258 



THE GREEK MYSTERIES OF CERES. 



Book II. 



mysteries of Ceres, which the Greeks term "the Thesmo- 
phoria/**^ I know them, but I shall not mention them, except 



the wicked were pnniBhed, not because 
he rejected them, but beoanse they 
were wicked. Each man's consoienoe 
released from the sinfal body, was 
his own jndge ; and self-condemnation 
hereafter followed np the ypSOi and 
tdirx.iw90 atatrrhif enjoined on earth. 
Thoth, therefore (or that part of the 
dirine nature called intellect and con- 
soienoe), weighed and condemned ; 
and Horns (who had been left on 
earth to follow out the conquests of 
his father Osiris after he had re- 
turned to heaven) ushered in the 
just to the divine presence. — [G. W.] 
^ These mysteries of Osiris, Hero- 
dotus says, were introduced into 
Oreece by the daughters of Danaus. 
(See note * on ch. 91, note ^ on ch. 
107» note ^ on ch. 182, and Book yi. 
n. oh. 53.) The fables of antiquity 
had generally several meanings ; they 
were either historical, physical, or re- 
lig^'ouR. The less instructed were led 
to believe Osiris represented some 
natural phenomenon ; as the inunda- 
tion of the Nile, which disappearing 
again, and losing its effects in the sea, 
was construed into the manifesta- 
tion and death of the deity, destroyed 
by Typhon ; and the story of his body 
having been carried to Byblus, and 
that of the head which went annually 
from Egypt to that place, swimming 
on the sea (Lucian, de De& SyrA.) for 
seven days, were the allegory of the 
water of the Nile carried by the 
currents to the Syrian coast ; though 
Pausanias (x. 12) says they lamented 
Osiris, '*when the Nile began to rise." 
His fabulous history was also thought 
by the Greeks to be connected with 
the sun ; but it was not so viewed in 
oarly times by the Egyptians ; and 
this was rather an Asiatic notion, and 
an instance of the usual adaptation of 
deities to each other in different my- 
thologies. Least of all was he thought 
to be a man deified ; and as Plutarch 
says (de laid. s. 11, 20), "we are not 
to suppose the adventures related of 



him were actually true, or ever hap- 
pened in fact ; " and the real meaning 
of them was confined to those initiated 
into the higher mysteries. (See fore- 
going note.) The death of Adonis, and 
of Bacchus, and the story of Osiris 
being enticed by Typhon to get into 
a chest, which floated down the river, 
and was conveyed to " Byblus in 
Phoonicia," shows a close connection 
between different religions ; and the 
rites of Adonis were performed in the 
temple of Venus at that place. 
(Lucian, de DeA Syr.) Isis having 
found the chest, brought it back by sea 
to Egypt, and concealed it till she 
could meet her son Horus. In the 
mean time Typhon discovered it, and 
having cut up the body into fourteen 
pieces, distributed them over different 
parts of the country. Isis then went 
in a boat made of papyrus rushes in 
quest of the scattered members, and 
having found them, buried them in 
various places, which accounts for the 
many burial-places of Osiris, as her 
adventures by water do for the repre- 
sentations on the lake of Sals. The 
portion of the mysteries imparted to 
strangers, as to Herodotus, Plutarch, 
and others, and even to Pythagoras, 
was limited ; and the more important 
secrets were not even revealed to all 
**the priests, but to those only who 
were the most approved." (Clem. Al. 
Strom. V. 7, p. 670.) 

On the resemblance of the Indian 
Rama, his army of Satyrs, and his 
conquest of India, see Sir W. Jones, 
vol. i. p. 262. In the Vedas (written 
before the later notions about trans- 
migration of the soul) is a deity called 
Yama, who bears a strong resemblance 
to Osiris, being the rulor of the dead, 
who gives a place of happiness here- 
after to the souls of good men. The 
analogy is made more striking by his 
having lived on earth with his sister 
and wife Yami (ais Osiris with Isis) ; 
and they, like Adam and Eve, were 
the parents of the human race. See 



Chap. 171, 172. 



REIQN OF AMASIS. 



259 



80 far as may be done without impiety. The daughters of 
Danaus brought these rites from Egypt, and taught them to 
the Pelasgic women of the Peloponnese. Afterwards, when 
the inhabitants of the peninsula were driven from their homes 
by the Dorians, the rites perished. Only in Arcadia, where 
the natives remained and were not compelled to migrate,^ 
their observance continued. 
\< 172. After Apries had been put to death in the way that 
I have described above, Amasis reigned over Egypt. He 
belonged to the canton of Sai's, being a native of the town 
called Siouph.^ At first his subjects looked down on him and 
held him in small esteem, because he had been a mere private 
person, and of a house of no great distinction ; but after a 
time Apries succeeded in reconciling them to his rule, not by 
severity, but by cleverness. Among his other splendour he 
had a golden foot-pan, in which his guests and himself were 
wont upon occasion to wash their feet. This vessel he caused 
to be broken in pieces, and made of the gold an image of one 
of the gods, which he set up in the most public place in the 
whole city ; upon which the Egyptians flocked to the image, 
and worshipped it with the utmost reverence. Amasis, finding 
this was so, called an assembly, and opened the matter to 
them, explaining how the image had been made of the foot- 
pan, wherein they had been wont formerly to wash their feet 
and to put all manner of filth, yet now it was greatly reve- 
renced. "And truly," he went on to say, "it had gone with 
him as with the foot-pan. If he was a private person for- 
merly, yet now he had come to be their king. And so he bade 
them honour and reverence him." Such was the mode in 



Joam. American Orient. Soc, vol. iii. 
No. 2, pp. 328, 336.— [G. W.] 

'^ See note on Book vi. oh. 16. 

* Compare viii. 73, and note ad loc. 

^ This place is supposed to have 
stood to the north of Sals, at Seffeh, on 
the east bank of the modem Bosetta 
branch. Plato thinks Amasis was from 
Sats itself (in Tim.) — Herodotus says 
he was of plebeian origin ; but the 



two facts of his having booome King 
of Egypt, and having married the 
daughter of a king, argue against this 
assertion: and Diodorus, with more 
reason, describes him as a person of 
consequence, which is confirmed by 
his rank as a general, and his being a 
distinguished member of the military 
class.- [G. W.] /^ 



26o 



HIS GENERAL HABITS. 



Book II. 



which he won over the Egyptians, and brought them to be 
content to do him service. 

178. The following was the general habit of his life : — From 
early dawn to the time when the forum is wont to fill,® he 
sedulously transacted all the business that was brought before 
him : during the remainder of the day he drank and joked 
with his guests, passing the time in witty and, sometimes, 
scarce seemly conversation. It grieved his friends that he 
should thus demean himself, and accordingly some of them 
chid him on the subject, saying to him, — ** Oh ! king, thou 
dost but ill guard thy royal dignity whilst thou allowest 
thyself in such levities. Thou shouldest sit in state upon a 
stately throne, and busy thyself with affairs the whole day 
long. So would the Egyptians feel that a great man rules 
them, and thou wouldst be better spoken of. But now thou 
conductest thyself in no kingly fashion." Amasis answered 
them thus: — ** Bowmen bend their bows when they wish to 
shoot ; unbrace them when the shooting is over. Were they 
kept always strung they would break, and fail the archer in 
time of need. Bo it is with men. If they give themselves 
constantly to serious work, and never indulge awhile in pas- 
time or sport, they lose their senses, and become mad or 
moody. Knowing this, I divide my life between pastime and 
business.'* Thus he answered his friends. 

174. It is said that Amasis, even while he was a private 
man, had the same tastes for drinking and jesting, and was 
averse to engaging in any serious employment. He lived in 



^ In early times the Greeks divided 
the day into three parts, as in Homer, 
Iliad, xxi. Ill, ^c(;s, Sc^Ar;, fieVoy 
^fimp» The division, according to Dio 
ChrysoBtomus (De Glori&Orat. 67; see 
also Jnl. Pollnx, Onom. i. 68) was irpwt, 
Bonrise, or early mom ; xfpl nkiidovacuf 
ieyopdy, mskrket time (Xenoph. Anab. 
1), or forenoon, the third hour; fittr- 
Hfj^ploj midday; 8c/\i7, or ircp2 Zti- 
Aijy, afternoon, or the ninth hour ; and 
itrr4paf evening, or snnset. These are 
very like the Arabic divisioDB at the 



present time, for each of which they 
have a stated number of prayers : 
suhlif "morning" (which is also sub- 
divided into el fegTf "daybreak," 
answering to the Greek 6p0pioy, 
" dawn") ; ddha, " forenoon ; " dohr, 
" midday ; " asser^ " afternoon " (mid- 
way between noon and sunset) ; and 
milghreh, " sunset ; " after which is 
the EshcTf at one hour and a half after 
sunset, when the last or fifth set of 
daily prayers is said. — [G. W.] 



Chap. 172-176. 



HE ADORNS SAia 



261 



constant feasts and revelries, and whenever his means failed 
him, he roamed about and robbed people. On such occasions 
the persons from whom he had stolen would bring him, if he 
denied the charge, before the nearest oracle ; sometimes the 
oracle would pronounce him guilty of the theft, at other times 
it would acquit him. When afterwards he came to be king, 
he neglected the temples of such gods as had declared that he 
was not a thief, and neither contributed to their adornment, 
nor frequented them for sacrifice ; since he regarded them as 
utterly worthless, and their oracles as wholly false : but the 
gods who had detected his guilt he considered to be true gods 
whose oracles did not deceive, and these he honoured exceed- 
ingly. 

175. First of all, therefore, he built the gateway* of the 
temple of Minerva at Sais, which is an astonishing work, far 
surpassing all other buildings of the same kind both in extent 
and height, and built with stones of rare size and excellency. 
In the next place, he presented to the temple a number of 
large colossal statues, and several prodigious androsphinxes,^ 



• Not a ** portico," as Larcher sup- 
poses, but tho lofty towers of the 
Area, or Court of Entrance, which 
Herodotus properly describes of great 
height and size. See note^ on ch. 
155, and woodcut there. — [O. W.] 

^ The usual sphinxes of the dronios, 
or avenue, leading to the entrance of 
the large temples. Sometimes kneel, 
ing rams were substituted for andro- 
sphinxes, as at Kamak, Qehel Berkel, 
and other places ; and sometimes lions. 



Tho androsphinx had the head of a 
man and the body of a lion, sym- 
bolising the union of intellectual and 
physical strength ; and Clemens and 
Plutarch say they were placed before 
the temples as types of the mysterious 
nature of the Deity. (Strom, v. 5, p. 
664, and 7, p. 671, and Pint. de. Is. s. 
9.) There were also the criosphinx, 
with the head of a ram ; the hieraco. 
sphinx, with that of a hawk ; and some- 
times the paintings represented an 





NO.L 



No. n. 



HIS GIGANTIC SPHIMXB8. 



besides certain stones for the repairs, of a most extraordinary 
Bize. Some of these he got from the quarries over t 



kspi or lotiie otber nuke (see woodcnt I of > womftu And ft lion, like thoae of 
below, No. VII. fig. 2), in lien of « Greece ; and if an inaUnoe ooonr* ot 
head, attached to tbe bodj of a lion. Uub it waa a mere eaprioe, and pro- 
Egyptian BphiuBB were not oompoeed [ bably a foreign ionoTalion, jutted 




Chap. 176. 



HIS MONOLITHIC CHAMBER. 



263 



Memphis, but the largest were brought from Elephantine,* 
which is twenty days' voyage from Sais. Of all these won- 
derful masses that which I most admire is a chamber made of 
a single st6ne,^ which was quarried at Elephantine. It took 



by its representing a queen, the wife 
of King Horns, of the 18th dynasty ; 
and they are sometimes seen in the 
Boolptnres that portray the spoil taken 
from Asiatic nations* One of them 
forms the oover of a vase, either of 
gold or silver ; ring^ (or ore) of which 
are probably contained in the sealed 
bag^ below; and the same head is 
affixed to other ornaments taken from 
the same countries in the inmiediate 
neighbourhood of the Naharayn, or 
Mesopotamia, by the arms of Sethi, 
the father of the gre&i Bemeses. 
Another foreign sphinx has the crested 
head of the Assyrian " nisr,** 

One sphinx has been found of the 
early time of the 6th dynasty (in the 
possession of Mr. Lurking, of Aiexan- 
dria), having the name of King Me- 
renre; and another of the 12th 
dynasty (on a scarabeus of the 
Louvre) ; which at once decide the 
priority of those of Egypt. The g^at 
sphinx at the Pyramids is of the time 
of a Thothmes of the 18th dynasty 
(note ^ on ch. 127). Sometimes an 
androsphinx, instead of the lion's 
paws, has human hands, with a vase, 
or censer, between them. The winged 
sphinx is rare in Egypt; but a few 
solitary instances of it occur on the 
monuments and on scarabsei ; as well 
as of the hawk.headed sphinx, called 
sefeTf which is winged (fig. 3). There 
is also a fabulous animal called sak, 
with the head of a hawk, the body of 
a lion, and the tail terminating in a 
lotus flower (fig. 5) — a strange combi- 
nation of the bird, quadruped, and 
vegetable — as well as other fanciful 
creatures, one of which has the spot- 
ted body of a leopard, with a winged 
human head on its back resembling a 
modem cherub ; and another is like a 
gazelle with wings (fig. 1). There is 
also the square-eared quadruped, the 
emblem of Seth (fig. 4). The unioom 
also occurs in the same early paint- 



ing^. To this was generally attached 
the idea of great " strength " (Numb, 
xxiii. 22, and xxiv. 8), for which the 
real unicorn (the rhinoceros) was 
noted ; and with this view the sculp- 
tors of the Nineveh obelisk, and of 
Persepolis (Ker Porter, i. PI. 35), who 
had never seen it, represented it 
under the form of a bull, their emblem 
of strength (Cp. Pausan. ix. 21) : but 
the Eg^yptian unioom, even in the 
early time of the 12th dynasty, was 
the rhinoceros ; and though lees 
known then than afterwards, it had 
the pointed nose and small tail of that 
animal, of which it is a rude represen- 
tation. Over it is *'ebo," a name 
applied also to "ivory," and to any 
large beast. The wing^ed Greek 
sphinxes, so common on vases, are 
partly Egyptian, partly Phoenician in 
their character, the recurved tips of 
the wing^ being evidently taken from 
those of Astarte. (See woodcut No. 4 
in App. to B. iiL Essay i.) 

The Romans sometimes gave to 
sphinxes the head of a man, sometimes 
of a woman, with the royal asp upon 
the forehead, in sculptures of late 
time. It is remarkable that in India 
a sphinx is said to represent the 
fourth avatar of Yishnoo, and in 
Thibet it is called nara-sinhas, " man. 
lion," or merely sinhas, "lion,** pro- 
nounced singhas, like ffiplyyas. — 
[G. W.] 

* These were g^ranite blocks. — 
[G. W.] 

' The form and dimensions of this 
monolith were very like that of the 
same king at Tel-et.mai, Thmuis, or 
Leontopolis (given in Mr. Burton's 
Excerpta, plate 41), which measures 
21 ft. 9 high, 13 ft. broad, and 11 ft. 
7 deep, and internally 19 ft. 3, 8 ft., 
and 8 ft. 3. That of Sals, according 
to Herodotus, was 31 ft. 6 long, 22 ft. 
bruad, and 12 ft. high, and, within, 
28 ft. 3, 18 ft., and 7i. His length ii; 



26^ 



HIS MAGNIFICENT OFFERINOa 



Book II. 



three years to convey this block from the quarry to Sais : and 
in the conveyance were employed no fewer than two thousand 
labourers, who were all from the class of boatmen. The 
length of this chamber on the outside is twenty-one cubits, its 
breadth fourteen cubits, and its height eight. The measure- 
ments inside are the following : — The length, eighteen cubits 
and five-sixths; the breadth, twelve cubits; and the height, 
five. It lies near the entrance of the temple, where it was left 
in consequence of the following circumstance : — It happened 
that the architect, just as the stone had reached the spot 
where it now stands, heaved a sigh, considering the length of 
time that the removal had taken, and feelmg wearied with the 
heavy toil. The sigh was heard by Amasis, who, regarding it 
as an omen, would not allow the chamber to be moved forward 
any further. Some, however, say that one of the workmen 
engaged at the levers was crushed and killed by the mass, and 
that this was the reason of its being left where it now stands. 

176. To the other temples of much note Amasis also made 
magnificent offerings — at Memphis, for instance, he gave the 
recumbent colossus * in front of the temple of Vulcan, which 
is seventy-five feet long. Two other colossal statues stand on 
the same base, each twenty feet high, carved in the stone of 
Ethiopia, one on either side of the temple. There is also a 
stone colossus of the same size at Sais, recumbent like that 
at Memphis. Amasis finally built the temple of Isis, at 
Memphis, a vast structure, well worth seeing. 

177. It is said that the reign of Amasis was the most pros- 
perous time that Egypt ever saw,^ — the river was more liberal 



really the heijhtf when standing erect. 
It was not equal in weight to the 
granite CdIossus of Kenieses at Thobea, 
which weighetl upwards of 887 tons, 
and it wn.s far inferior to the monolith 
of Bato, which was taken from the 
same quarries. See note* on ch. 155. 
~[G. W] 

* It wus an unusual position for an 
Egyptian statue ; and this, as well as 
the other at Memphis, and the mono- 



lith, may have been left on the ground, 
in consequence of the troubles which 
came upon Egypt at the time ; and 
which the Egyptians concealed from 
Herodotus. Strabo speaks of a Colos- 
sus of a single stone, lying before the 
dromos of the temple at Memphis, 
in which the bull fights were held. 
This may bo the statue of Amasis. — 
[G. W.] 
A This can only relate to the in- 



Chap. 175-177. PROSPERITY OF EGYPT IN HIS REIGN. 



265 



to the land, and the land brought forth more abundantly for 
the service of man than had ever been known before ; while 
the number of inhabited cities was not less than twenty thou- 
sand. It was this king Amasis who established the law that 




temal state of the countiy ; and what 
Herodotus afterwards says shows this 
as his meaning. The flonrishing in- 
mal condition of Egypt is certainly 
roved by the monuments, and the 
wealth of private individuals was very 
remarkable; but Egypt had lost all 
its power abroad, and had long been 
threatened, if not actually invaded, 
by the Babylonians. Indeed the 
civil war between Apries and Amasis 
had probably given Nebuchadnezzar 
an opportunity for interfering in 
Egypt ; and if Amasis was forced to 
pay tribute to the Babylonians for 
quiet possession of the throne, this 
might account for the prophecy in 
Ezekiel (ch. xxix.), which is so per- 
plexing, that Egypt should be given 
to Nebuchadnezzar, and be " a base 
kingdom/' raising itself no more to 
"rule over the nations." Its being 
the basest of kingdoms, uninhabited 
forty years (v. 11), and its cities deso- 
late, appears to accord badly with the 
prosperous time of Amasis ; if all this 
was to happen after the year 585 B.C., 
when Tyre was taken, and conse- 
quently to extend into his reign 
(Ezek. xxix. 18). Still less could the 
captivity of Egypt date before the 
fall of Nineveh, as has been supposed 
from Nahum (iii. 8). The successful 
reign of Apries, and his obliging the 
Chaldseans to raise the siege of Jeru- 
salem (Jer. xxxvii. 5), render it im- 
possible ; and the civil war between 
Apnea and Amasis happem'ng after 
the taking of Tyre, would agree better 
with the statement of Ezokiel (xxix. 
18) as to the time of Nebuchad- 
nezzar's invasion of Egypt. That it 
took place is directly stated by 
Ezekiel and Jeremiah (xliii. 10, and 
xlvi. 13) : the opportunity for inter- 
ference was favourable for the Baby- 
lonians; and the mere fact of a tri- 
bute being imposed by Nebuchad- 



nezzar would account for the great 
calamities described by those prophets, 
since to the Egyptians a tribute would 
be the utmost humiliation. Many tri- 
butes too were imposed on people with- 
out absolute conquest or invasion. The 
reference to the pride of Apries in 
Ezekiel (xxix. 3) also argues that it 
was at his downfall : and this is again 
foretold in Isaiah (xix. 2). There is, 
however, a diflSculty in the forty 
years, occupying as they would so 
great a portion of the reign of Amasis. 
(See Hist. Notice, App. ch. viii., end 
of § 37.) During his reign, and be- 
fore 554 B.C. (when Sardis was taken), 
CrcBsus had made a treaty of alliance 
with Amasis, as well as with the 
Babylonians, at the time that Laby. 
netus (Nabonidus?) reigned in Baby- 
lon (supra, i. 77) ; from which it might 
be argued that the Egyptians were 
bound to follow the policy of the 
Babylonians ; and the Egyptian pha- 
lanx in the Lydian army is mentioned 
by Xonophon. (See Cyrop. vi. ii. 10, 
and VII, i. 30-45.) Again, it has been 
supposed that the captivity of Egypt 
should rather refer to the Persian in- 
vasion, which could scarcely have been 
overiooked in prophecy; but these 
denouncements did not allude to 
events about to happen long after the 
fall of Jerusalem ; they were to show 
the hopelessness of trusting to Egypt 
against the power of Babylon ; and 
the invasion of Egypt by the Persians 
had no connection with Jewish his- 
tory. Nor is it certain that 40 is 
always to be taken as an exact num. 
ber; its frequent occurrence in the 
Bible (like 7 and some other numbers) 
shows this could not be ; and 4, or 40, 
is considered to signify " completion," 
or ** perfection," like the square, and 
the number 24 in Arabic. See Hist. 
Notice, § 38, and note * on ch. 100, 
and on ch. 8, Book iii. — [G. W.] 



266 



GREEKS SETTLE AT NAUCHATIS. 



every Egyptian should appear once a year before the governor 
of his canton,' and show hia means of living; or, failing to do 
80, and to prove that he got an honest livelihood, should be put 
to death. Solon the Athenian borrowed this law from the 
Egyptians, and imposed it on his countrymen, who have 
observed it ever since. It is indeed an excellent custom. 

178. Amasis was partial to the Greeks,' and, among other 
fovouTB which he granted them, gave to such as liked to aettle 
in Egypt the city of Naucratis' for their residence. To those 




• Each nome, or cantoo, waa go- 
verned bf a DO march. UerodolnB 
attribntee thia law to Amaaia ; bat it 
appears t-o have been much older; 
■ince we llnd in the FcnIpturoB of the 
18th dfpaaty bodies of men present- 
ing theoiecWeH bcforo the manistrntee 
foe rep;iBtratioD. It is pogaible that 
AmoaU, the firet king of that djnaety, 
made the law, and that the reBcm- 
blknoe of the two namea led l« the 
miitake. Diodoms (t. 77) mentions 
it as an Egyptian law.and agrees with 
Herodotus in eafing that Solon intro- 
daoed it at Athena; but it was Draco 
who made death the pnniahment at 
Athena i which was altered by Bolon 
(Pint. Life of Solon), "who repealed 
All Draco'B lawa, excepting thoao con- 
oemisg iDDrder, because they were 
too Mvere)" "iHBomQch that those 



who wore convicted of idleness were 
condemned t« die." But Solon 
" ordered the Arcojiiigiles to b 



1 how 



"ig, 



the idle."— [G. W.] 
reason to be hostile to 
the Greeks, who had assisted Apnea, 
but, perceiving the value of their aid, 
he became friendly to them, and 
granted them many privilegBS, which 
had the effect of inducing many to 
settle in Egypt, and afterwards led 
them U> asaiat the Egyptians in free- 
ing their country from the Porsions. — 
[G. W.] 

' This was " formerly " the only 
oommercial entrepdt for Greek mer. 
chandise, and was established for the 
first time by Amaaia, The privilege* 
enjoyed by Naucratia were not only 
owing to Uie exclusive regulations of 



Chap. 177-179. 



THE HELLENIUM. 



26^ 



who only wished to trade upon the coast, and did not want to 
fix their abode in the country, he granted certain lands where 
they might set up altars and erect temples to the gods. Of 
these temples the grandest and most famous, which is also the 
most frequented, is that called " the Hellenium." It was built 
conjointly by the lonians, Dorians, and ^olians, the following 
cities taking part in the work : — the Ionian states of Chios, 
Teos, Phocaea, and GlazomensB ; Bhodes, Gnidus, Halicamas- 
sus, and Fhaselis^ of the Dorians; and MytilSne of the 
^olians. These are the states to whom the temple belongs, 
and they have the right of appointing the governor of the 
factory ; the other cities which claim a share in the building, 
claim what in no sense belongs to them. Three nations, 
however, consecrated for themselves separate temples — the 
Eginetans one to Jupiter, the Samians to Juno, and the 
Milesians to Apollo.^ 

179. In ancient times there was no factory but Naucratis 



the Bg^tians, like those of the 
Chinese at the present day, but were 
a precaution against pirates landing 
on the coast, under pretence of trad- 
ing. (See notes' and ^ on chs. 112 
and 154.) The exact position of 
Naucratis is unknown. The name is 
Greek, like that of Archander (supra, 
ch. 98). Of the Naucratis garlands, 
see Athen. Deip. xv. — [G. W.] 

The story told by Strabo (xvii. p. 
1137) of the foundation of Naucratis 
by the Milesians in the time of Inarus 
is entitled to no manner of credit. It 
may be questioned whether Naucratis 
was in any real sense " a Milesian 
colony." 

* PliasMis lay on the east coast of 
Lycia, directly at the base of Mount 
Solyma {Takhtahi). It was sometimes 
reckoned to Pamphylia (Plin. H. N. 
▼. 27; Mela, i. 14; Steph. Byz. ad 
Yoc.), but more commonly, and by 
the best geogpraphers, to Lycia (Scyl. 
Peripl. p. 94 ; Strab. xiv. p. 952 j 
Ptolem. Y. 8 ; Arrian. i. 24, &o.) . Ac- 
cording to tradition, it was founded 
by Laoins, the brother of Antiphdmus, 



the Lindian colonizer of Grela. (He- 
ropyth. and Philosteph. ap. Athen. 
Deipn. vii. p. 297, F. and AristsBnet. 
ap. Steph. Byz. ad yoc. TcAo.) This 
would place its foundation about B.C. 
690. There seems to be no doubt that 
it was a purely Greek town. 

The remains of Phasdlis are very 
considerable, and have been carefally 
described by Capt. Beaufort. (Kaitb- 
mania, pp. 59-70.) Its modem name 
is Tekrova. The part of the coast 
where it is situated abounds in woods 
of pine, which explains its ancient 
name of Pityussa. (See Steph. Byz. 
ad voc. ♦ounjAfy.) 

The other places here mentioned are 
too well known to need comment. 

^ That is, to the gods specially 
worshipped in their respective coun- 
tries. The great temple of Jupiter 
Panhellenius in Egina, briefly de- 
scribed by Pausam'as (ii. xxix. § 6), is 
well known to travellers. That of 
Apollo at BranchidsB, and that of Juno 
at Samos, have been already noticed* 
(Supra, i. 157, ii. 148.) 



268 



AMASIS MARRIES LADIC&. 



Book II. 



in the whole of Egypt ; and if a person entered one of the 
other mouths of the Nile, he was obliged to swear that he had 
not come there of his own free will. Having so done, he was 
bound to sail in his ship to the Ganobic mouth, or, were that 
impossible owing to contrary winds, he must take his wares by 
boat all round the Delta, and so bring them to Naucratis, 
which had an exclusive privilege. 

180. It happened in the reign of Amasis that the temple of 
Delphi had been accidentally bumt,^ and the Amphictyons ® 
had contracted to have it rebuilt for three hundred talents, of 
which sum one-fourth was to be furnished by the Delphians. 
Under these circumstances the Delphians went from city to 
city begging contributions, and among their other wanderings 
came to Egypt and asked for help. From few other places 
did they obtain so much — Amasis gave them a thousand 
talents of alum,* and the Greek settlers twenty minae.*^ 

181. A league was concluded by Amasis with the Cyrenaeans, 
by which Gyrene and Egypt became close friends and allies. 
He likewise took a wife from that city, either as a sign of hia 
friendly feeling, or because he had a fancy to marry a Greek 
woman. However this may be, certain it is that he espoused 
a lady of Gyrene, by name Ladice,® daughter, some say, of 
Battus or AreesUaiis, the king "^ — others, of Critobulus, one of 



' The temple at Delphi was burnt in 
the year b.c. 5-A8 (Pausan. X. v. § 6), 
consequently in the 2l8t year of 
Amasis. Aceonlin^ to one account 
(Philoch. Fr. 70), it was purposely 
dratroyed by the PisistratidsB. But 
this was probably a calunmy. Its re- 
construction by the Alcmseonida), who 
took the contract from the Amphicty- 
ons, is noticed in Book v. ch. 62. 

* See note on Book vii. ch. 200. 

* That of Egypt was celebrated : 
" laudatissima in ^gypto." (Plin. 
zxxv. 15.) Much is still obtained in 
the Oasis ; but the best is from Sheb 
(which sigrnifies " alum "), to the south 
of the Great Oasis, on the caravan-road 
from Darfiir.— [G. W.] 

' Twenty minso would be somewhat 



more than eighty pounds of our money. 
The entire sum which the Delphiana 
had to collect exceeded 18,000?. 

^ One wife of Amasis was a daughter 
of the third Psammetichus, 
and another is mentioned on f 
the monuments, called Tashot, 
which looks like a foreign 
(Asiatic) name. Amasis had 
the title of Neitsi, "son of 
Neith," or Minerva ; and this 
name, Ames-Neitsi, has been 
changed by Pliny into Seneserteos, 
who (he says) reigned when Pytha- 
goras was in Egypt. — [G. W.] 

7 Some of the MSS. give the reading 
" Battus, the son of Arcesilaiis," which 
Wesseling prefers. But the weight 
of authority is on the other side. The 




Chap. 179-182. OFFERINGS OF AMA8IS. 269 

the chief citizens. When the time came to complete the con- 
tract, Amasis was struck ivith weakness. Astouished hereat 
— for he was not wont to be bo afSicted — the king thna 
addressed hia bride : " Woman, thou haat certainly bewitched 
me — now therefore be sure thou shalt perish more miserably 
than ever woman perished yet." Ladiee protested her inno- 
cence, but in vain ; Amasis was not softened. Herenpon she 
made a vow intemaUy, that if he recovered Tvitbin the day 
(for no longer time was allowed her), she would present a 
statne to the temple of Venus at Cyrene. Immediately she 
obtained her wish, and the king's weakness disappeared. 
Amasis loved her greatly ever after, and Ladiee performed her 
TOW. The statue which she caused to be made, and sent to 
Cyren^, continued there to my day, standing with its face 
looking outwards from the city. Ladiee herself, when Cam- 
byaes conquered Egypt, suffered no wrong ; for Gambyses, on 
learning of her who she was, sent her back unharmed to her 
country. 

182. Besides the marks of favour already mentioned, Amasis 
also enriched with offerings many of the Greek temples. He 
sent to Cyren^ a statue of Minerva covered with plates of 
gold,* and a painted likeness* of himself. To the Minerva of 



ohnniology of the CTrenEean kings is 
■o obBCDre, that it is difficult to eaj 
whicih monarcb or monarcba are in- 
tended. ParbapsBattnBtheHappf ,aiid 
AroesilaDB II., bis son, liave tbe beet 
olaim. (See note on Book iv. ch. 163.) 
* Stataee of this kind were not un- 



common (infra, ri. 118). The ma«t 
famona was that of Minerva at Delphi, 
which tho AthoDiaoB dedicated fmm 
the apoiU of their Tictorj at the Eary- 
medoo. (Paasan. X. iv. g 3 1 Clitod. 
Fr. 15.) 
I • Tho Egyptians bad actual portraits 




EGYPTIAN PICTURES. 




Chap. 182. 



EGYPTIAN CORSLETS. 



271 



Lindus he gave two statues in stone, and a linen corslet ^ well 
worth inspection. To the Samian Juno he presented two 



of their kings at a very remote period : 
and those in the sculptores were real 
likenesses. That sent by Amasis to 
Cyrene was on wood, like the wlyeaetSt 
or ypaipat (tabulae), of the Greeks ; and 
similar pictures are shown to have 
been painted in Egypt as early as the 
12th dynasty, nearly 2000 B.C. (Cp. 
Pliny XXXV. 3, vii. 56, where he says, 
** Gyges, the Lydian, first invented 
painting in Egypt.") In Greece pic- 
tures (often hnng np in temples) were 
works of the best artists, frescoes and 
others on walls being an inferior 
branch of art (" nulla gloria artificnm 
est, nisi eorum qui tabulas pinxere ; " 
Flin. XXXV. 10) ; and we may conclude 
that in Egypt also the real artists 
were those who painted pictures. The 
bas-reliefs and paintings on the monu- 
ments were executed more mechani- 
cally, the figures being drawn in 
squares ; but in many cases the use of 
the squares was for copying the figures 
ftx>m smaller original designs 01 the 
master-artist ; and some figures were 
drawn at once without the squares, 
and then corrected by the master. 
When in squares, 19 parts were g^ven 
to the height of a man from the top of 
the head to the plant of the foot ; and 
so systematic was this method, that 
in statues Dlodorus says (i. 98) the 
various portions of the same figure, . 
made by several artists in different 
places, when brought together, would 
agree perfectly, and make a complete 
whole. In his time, however, the 
proportions had been altered, and he 
gives 21j- parts as the height of the 
figure. It seems, too, that they were 
somewhat different in statues and 
painted figures. These last also varied 
at times. The above, of 19 parts, was 
used in the best period of art during 
the 18th and 19th dynasties. The 
figures were then a little more elon- 
gated than during the reigns of the 
Memphite kings (a greater distance 
being given from the plant of the foot 
to the knee), and still more than under 



the Ptolemies, when an attempt to 
bring the proportions nearer to the 
real figure altered its character, and 
gave it a clumsiness, without any 
approach to greater truth. For the 
Egyptian style was quite conventional, 
and could never be subjected to any 
other rules ; and the Ptolemaic figure, 
as Dr. Lepsius observes, "was a bad 
imitation of foreign and ilLunderstood 
art." (See his letters from Egypt, p. 
117.) With the Greeks the length of 
the foot was the measure whose proper, 
tion to the entire height was generally 
maintained" (Miiller, Anct. Art. p. 
392) ; but as in Egypt it is equal in 
length to 3 squares, or parts, it cannot 
answer for a figure of 19. And six 
of these feet coming only to the fore- 
head, which varied so much as to be 
" h ^^ h or less of another square," 
shows that neither the foot, nor the 
arbitrary and variable point to which 
it was measured, could be any g^de. 
In the best period, from the ground 
to the knee was 6 parts or 2 feet ; 
but the figure was greater in breadth 
as compared to its height in the 
pyramid period than during the 18th 
and 19th dynasty ; the distance from 
the ground to the knee, though 6 parts, 
was less than 2 feet, and the waist was 
nearly 3 parts (or 2|) ; while at the 18th 
dynasty period it was only 2 parts in 
breadth. In the old pyramid-time the 
length of the foot was ^ of the whole 
fig^ure to the top of the head ; in the 
other period much less (3X6 being 
18) ; so that there must have been 
another standard ; and the great differ, 
ence was in the breadth, compared 
to the height, of the figure ; a differ- 
ence in the number of the squares is 
also said to have been met with. (See 
Handbook of Egypt, Route 29, Omhos,) . 

There are some portraits painted on 
wood and affixed to mummy cases, but 
these are of Greek and Roman time, 
and an innovation not Egyptian. — 
[G. W.] 

* Some of these linen corslets were 



272 



OFFERINGS TO THE 8AMIAN JUNO, 



statues of himself, made in wood,' which stood in the great 
temple to my day, behind the doors. Samos was hoDonred 
with these gifts on account of the bond of friendship Bnbsist- 
ing between Amasis and Folycrates, the Bon of Maces : ' 
Lindas, for no sach reason, bat because of the tradition that 
the daughters of Danaus * touched there in their flight from 



of Teiy Temarkable tertoro g aoil He. 
radotDE (iii. i7) mentions another 
t>reieutcd by Amoaii (o the Laccdic. 
' DB, which was curled off bj the 



It < 



■rith 



munerons figaros of animala, workod 
in gold and cottop. Each thread waa 
worthy of admiration, for though very 
flno, every one was composed of 360 
other thirds, all distinct, the quality 
beiog Bimilar to that dedicated to 
Minerra at Lindas. Gold thread, it 
ghonld bo observed, is mentioned in 
Eiod. mil. 3 for working in rich 




coloDre (see At. Eg. vol. iii. p. 128). 
It has been conjectured that the "tree- 
wool " of HemdotuB was silk ; but 
cotton is commonly used for em- 
broidery even at the present day. 
(8co above, ch. 86, note '.) A similar 
corslet with figanis of animals is re- 
presented in the tomb of Remeses III. 
at Thebes. Lncan (Phars. i. 14S) 
mentions the needlework of Egypt; — 
" C*qdi J. (Mdonlo prrlucMil pfctora fllo. 

Pliny (lii. I) noticea "the corBlot 
of Amasis, shovm in the Temple of 
Minerva at HLodps," which sceme 
to have boon nearly polled to pieces 
(bh it would be now), to l*st "the 
365tbreade."— [G. W.] 

' These were nut nncommon ; and 
many have bocn foand of kings, who 
preceded Amaeis >n the samp build, 
ings where granite and other Btatnes 
of the some period wcro placed. 



Paus 



s (ii. 19) » 



" all a 



lO'iA, especially 
those of the Egyptians; " and if ]□ 
Effypt they were no proof of an. 
tiqnity, still the oldest there also 
probably of wood.— [G. W.] 



' Vide infra, ii 



9-13. 



The 8ight of Danans from Egypt 
to Greece is not only mentioned by 
HerodotQB, but by Manetho and 
others, and was credited both by 
Greeks and Egyptians ; end it is 
certoinly very improbablo (as Mr. 
Eenrick observes) that the Greeks 
wonld have traced the colonization 
of Argoa, and the origin of certain 
rites, to Egypt, nnleas there had been 
some anthurity for tho story. The 
fonndatjon of the Tomplo of Lin- 
das in BhodcB by the danghters of 



Chap. 182. 



AMASIS REDUCES CYPRUS. 



273 



the sons of ^gyptus, and built the temple of Minerva. Such 
were the ofiferings of Amasis. He likewise took Cyprus, 
which no man had ever done before,^ and compelled it to pay 
him a tribute." 



Danans, when flying from Egypt, 
accords with the notion of colonisa. 
tion and religions rites passing from 
the Egyptians to the Greeks; and 
the tradition of the relationship be- 
tween ^gyptus, Danans, and Belos, 
connects the three conntries of 
Eg^ypt, Greece, and Phcenicia. See 
note ^ ch. 101, and note ^ ch. 107. 
— [G. W.] 

^ Cypms seems to have been first 
occupied by the Chittim, a Japhetic 
race (Gen. z. 4). To them mnst be 
attributed the foundation of the 
original capital, Citiom. Before the 
Trojan war, however, the Phoenicians 
had made themselves masters of the 
island, which they may have named 
Cyprus, from the abundance of the 
herb cypms (Lawsonia alba), called 
in the Hebrew doSj which is found 

there. (Steph. Byz. ad voc. K6irpos. 
Plin. H. N. xii. 24.) According to 
Greek tradition, the conquest was 
effected by a certain Cinyras, a Syrian 
king (Theopomp. Fr. Ill ; Apollod. in. 
xiv. § 3), whom Homer makes con- 
temporary with Agamemnon. (II. 
zi. 20.) His capital was Paphos. If 
we may believe Virgil, the Cittaeans 
soon regained their independence, for 
Belus, the father of Dido (more pro- 
perly Matgen, Menand. ap. Joseph, c. 
Ap. i. 18), had again to reduce the 
island (^n. i. 621-2), where, according 
to Alexander of Ephesus, he built 
(rebuilt ?) the two cities of Citium and 
Lapdthus. (See Steph. Byz. ad voc. 
AdrnBos.) A hundred and fifty years 
afterwards we find the Cittsaans again 



in revolt. They had renounced their 
allegiance to Elulseus, king of Tyre, 
and were assisted in their struggle by 
Shalmaneser (Menand. ap. Joseph. 
A. J. ix. 14). After the fall of the 
Ass3rrian empire, Phcenicia seems to 
have recovered her supremacy, and 
thenceforth Cyprus followed her for- 
tunes ; being now attacked by Amaaia 
as a sequel to the Phcenician wars of 
his predecessor (supra, ch. 161 ; cp. 
Diod. Sic. i. 68). So, too, when 
Phcenicia submitted to Cambyses, 
Cyprus immediately followed her 
example (infra, iii. 19). Concerning 
the Greek colonies in Cyprus, see note 
on Book V. ch. 104. 

^ Dean Blakesley says (note ad loc.) : 
*' It is impossible that Cyprus could 
have been reduced without a fleet, and 
Egypt did not possess one of her own" 
He then proceeds to speculate on the 
quarter whence an attxiliary naval 
force was at this time procured, and 
decides in favour of Samos. But Neco 
had made Egypt a naval pwwer (supra, 
ch. 159), which she thenceforth con- 
tinued to be. Under Apries she con- 
tended against Phoenicia (ch. 161), 
undoubtedly with her own ships, not 
with '* some Hellenic auxiliary naval 
force," as Mr. Blakesley supposes. 
Her continued possession of a large 
navy after her conquest by the Per- 
sians is marked in vi. 6, where her 
vessels are engaged against the 
lonians, and again in vii. 89, where 
she furnishes 200 triremes (the ]aTgeBt 
contingent, after that of Phoenicia) to 
the fleet of Xerxes. ^ 



VOL. XL 




( 274 ) 



NOTE (p. 45). 

SiWCE the second edition of thiB work was published, the author has 
received from the Rev. J. W. Burgon a second very careful transcript 
of the Aboo-Simbel Inscription. It differs from the transcript of Sir 
Q. Wilkinson in the following respects : — 1. The second and third lines 
are complete, the one ending with the word eEOKAOS (for B€ok\ovs), and 
the other with nOTAMOS ; 2. The last word is read as OTAAMA ; 3. The 
writing is altogether more upright than represented by Wilkinson ; 4. 
The name of Psammetichus is spelt with one M in the first line, and with 
two in the second ; 6. The following points are remarkable in the forms 
of the letters : — (a) the two strokes of the gamma sometimes form a right 
angle, sometimes an acute one ; (h) the cross in the middle of the theta is 
Bometimeii upright, sometimes inclined, like the cross of an English X ; 
(c) the rho has generally its usual form, but on one occasion nearly 
resembles a Roman D ; (d) the upright stroke of the tau is sometimes 
carried a little beyond the line of the horizontal one ; (e) the npsilon is 
generally a Roman Y, but sometimes has the right-hand limb shortened ; 
(/) the cht is represented indifferently by an upright or an inclined cross. 
It may be added that Mr. Burgon did not notice any case in which the 
omega was represented (as Sir G. Wilkinson states) by an omicron with 
a dot in the centre, .^1875.) 




APPENDIX TO BOOK 11. 



CHAPTER I. 

"THE EGYPTIANS BEFORE THE REIGN OP THEIR KING P8AM- 
METICHUS BELIEVED THEMSELVES TO BE THE MOST ANCIENT 
OF MANKIND."— Chap. 2. 

1. The Egyptians from Asia. 2. Egyptian and Celtic. 3 Semitic character of 
Egyptian. 4. Evidences of an older language than Zend and Sanscrit. 5. 
Ba or Pd, and Md, primitive cries of infants, made into father and mother. 
6. m for b. 7. Bek not to be pronounced by an nntntored child. 8. Bek, 
name of bread in Egypt. 9. The story told to Herodotos. 10. Claim of the 
Scythians to be an early race. 

Ir Egypt is not the oldest civilised nation of antiquity, it may vie 1. 
with any other known in history ; and the records of its civilisation, 
left by the monuments, unquestionably date far before those of any 
other country. But the inhabitants of the valley of the Nile were 
not the most ancient of mankind, they evidently derived their 
origin from Asia ; and the parent stock, from which they were a 
very early offset, claims a higher antiquity in the history of the 
human race. Their skull shows them to have been of the Caucasian 
stock, and distinct from the African tribes Westward of the Nile ; 
and they are evidently related to the oldest races of Central Asia. 
(See note " on ch. 15.) The Egyptian language mighty from its 
grammar, appear to claim a Semitic origin, but it is not really one 
of that family, Like the Arabic, Hebrew, and others ; nor is it one 
of the languages of the Sanscritic family, though it shows a pri- 
mitive affinity to the Sanscrit in certain points ; and this has been 
accounted for by the Egyptians being an offset from the early 
" undivided Asiatic stock ; " — a conclusion consistent with the fact 
of their language being ** much less developed than the Semitic and 
Sanscritic, and yet admitting the principle of those inflexions and 
radical formations, which we find developed, sometimes in one, 
sometimes in the other, of those great families." Besides certain 



276 RELATION OF EGYPTIAN TO OTHER LANGUAGE& A. B. H. 

affinities with the Sanscrit, it has others ^^^he Celtic, and the 

2. languages of Africa; and Dr. Ch. Mejer^^Bs that Celtic ''in 
all its non-Sanscritic features most strikingi^^ffiresponds with the 
old Egyptian." It is also the opinion of M. Miiller that the Egyp- 
tian bears an affinity '' both to the Arian and Semitic dialects," 
from its haying been an offset of the original Asiatic tongue, which 
was their common parent before this was broken up into the 
Turanian, Arian, and Semitic. 

3. In its grammatical construction, Egyptian has the greatest re- 
semblance to the Semitic ; and if it has less of this character than 
the Hebrew, and other purely Semitic dialects, this is explained by 
the latter having been developed after the separation of the original 
tongue into Arian and Semitic, and by the Egyptian having retained 
a portion of both elements. There is, however, a possibility that 
the Egyptian may have been a compound language, formed from 
two or more after the first migration of the race; and foreign 
elements may have been then added to it, as in the case of some 
other languages. 

It is also interesting to observe that while the Semitic languages 
are confined to the south-west part of Asia, including Mesopotamia, 
Syria, and Arabia, the same elements are met with in the languages 
of Africa. 

4. Though 2iend and Sanscrit are the oldest languages of the Indo- 
European family, still these two are offsets of an older primitive 
one; and among other evidences of this may be mentioned the 
changes that words had already undergone in Zend and Sanscrit 
from the original form they had in the parent tongue ; as in the 
number " twenty," which being in the Zend " VisaiUy** and in San- 
scrit ** Vinsati,** shows that they have thrown off the " d " of the 
original dva, "two," of dvisaiti, and of dvinsati (as the Latin 
" viginti " is a corrupted form of ** dviginti ") ; and this is the more 
remarkable as the original form is maintained in the ''dvadeset," 
or " dvaes," of the Slavonic ; and " twice " in Sanscrit is dvis. 
Another evidence is obtained from the Sancrit verb a8mi\ " I am," 
where santi, " they are," is put for asardiy <fcc. 

The word " Bekos " is thought to be Phrygian ; and Strabo, 
following Hipponax, says it was the Cyprian word for bread, 
(vii. p. 340.) 

Larcher remarks that, deprived of its Greek termination, "os," 
and reduced to " Bek," it looks like an imitation of the bleating of 



Chap. I. THE WORD " BEK EXAMINED. 277 

the goats, which the children had been accustomed to hear ; but it 
might rather be considered one of the two primitive sounds (ba or 
pa, and ma) first uttered bj infants, which have been the origin of ^* 
the names of father and mother in the earliest offsets from the 
parent language of mankind : thus matar {Zend) ; matar (Sa/nscr.) ; 
mater (Xa^), and fiirrip (Or.) ; mutter (Oerm.) ; miitor (Slav.) ; mam 
(Welsh); um {Heh. and Arab.); ammd (Tamil); eme "woman'' 
(Mongol, whence the terminations of khanem and begum) ; ima 
"wife " (OstiaJc) ; ema " mother" (Finnish) ; ema " female " (Magyar); 

hime /j|m € " '^^©i'* ** woman," and man (t-mau, mau-t), " mother " 

(Egyptian). 

The same with ah, or pa ; and though it has been observed that 
Greek and Sanscrit have the verbs of similar meaning «-<(« and fi&m, 
pa and ma ; and that -wdr-np, fi'fp"np, pitar, matar, are regularly formed; 
the existence of the same roots in other languages claims for them 
a far earlier origin ; and they were borrowed from the first efforts 
of the infant's speech. 

It is remarkable that the two consonants which begin these 6. 
sounds " 6a," " ma," are commutable labials, ** b " being frequently 
put for ** m," in many languages ; as in ancient Egypt, chnubis for 
chnumis ; Gemnoute changed into Sebennytus and Semenhoud ; 
the river Bagradas converted into Magradah ; the Mandela into 
Bardela, and many others ; and the modem Greeks, who have no 
" b," are obliged to introduce an " m " before a " p," to imitate the 
sound, — -fahrica being written by them phamprika. The natural 
sound, then, at the beginning of the word bek might have been 
proDounced by a child, but not the " k," unless instructed to make 7. 
the necessary artificial effort ; and one untaught to speak would not 
have the power of uttering any but labial sounds. The fact, there- 
fore, of the children not being able to go beyond " be," the begin- 
ning of the word, renders the story doubtful ; and still less can we 
believe that the Egyptians gave precedence to the Phrygians from 
the use of the word bek ; since their own word " oik," " ak," "cake," 8. 
"bread," or with the definite article poik (pronounced in Coptic 
bayk, like our word " bake ") would be at once construed, by a 
people already convinced that they were the oldest of men, into a 
proof of their own claims ; for those cakes of bread were used by 
the Egyptians in all their offerings to the gods. The story, then, 9. 
may be considered one of the many current among the Greek 



278 CLAIM OF THE SCYTHIANS. Afp. Boot II. 

ciceroni in Egypt, which were similar to those concocted at the 
present daj in the " Frank quarter " of an eastern city ; and we 
may acquit Psammetichos of ignorance of his own, as well as of 
other, languages. 

And though Herodotus says he learnt the story itself from the 
priests of Memphis, it is evident that, being ignorant of the language, 
he was at the mercy of an interpreter. 
10. Justin (ii. 1) and Ammianus Marcellinus (rxii. 15) also mention 
a question between the Egyptians and Scythians f^specting their 
comparative antiquity, which was considered with some show of 
reason to end in favour of the latter, as they inhabited those high 
lands of Central Asia, naturally the first freed from the water that 
once covered the earth, and therefore the first inhabited ; and the 
antiquity of the races of Central Asia is fully borne out by modem 
ethnological researches. — [G. W.] 



Chap. II. 



INVENTION OF THE YEAR. 



279 



CHAPTER II. 

"THE EGYPTIANS WEEE THE FIEST TO DISCOVEE THE SOLAR 

YEAR."— Chap. 4. 

(See note* on Chap. 51, and below, Appendix, Ch. vii) 



1. The 12 months in Egypt. 2. Years of 360, 365, and 865i days. 3. The three 
seasons. 4. Length of the year corrected. 5. Sothio year. 6. The yettr of 
365 days. 7. The dates of kings' reigns. 8. The Square or Sothic year. 9. 
The Lnnar year. 10. The Arab year. 11. The Jewish year. 12. Intercala- 
tion of the Egyptians and Greeks. 

Though Herodotus does not call the twelve portions, into which the 1. 
Egyptian year was divided, months, it is certain that the original 
division was taken as among most other people from the moon ; 
the hieroglyphic signifying "month" being the crescent. The 
Egyptians had three years : one nnintercalated, of 360 days ; and 
two intercalated, respectively of 365 and 365j days. They were 2. 
divided into three seasons (" spring, summer, and winter," accord- 
ing to Diodorus, i. 11), each composed of four months of 30 days; 
and in the two intercalated years five days were added at the end of 
the twelfth month, which completed the 365 days ; the quarter day 
in the last of them being added every fourth year, as in our leap- 
year. 

The three seasons were thus represented with the four months 3. 
belonging to each : — 




nil. >k 



4k /VVW. 








4. Choeak. 



3. Athor. 



2. PoopL 



1. Thoih. 







/VV^AA 



8. Pharmuthi. 



7. FhAmenoph. 



6. Mechir. 



6. TobL 




ySA/VA^ i i i 




/w^ /VVW\ 



A/WSA ^ - - - ^ 



12. Mesor^ 



11. Epep. 



10. PaonL 



9. Pachom. 



28o SYSTEMS OF INTERCALATION. App. Book II. 

The first season began with the month Thoth (the first day of 
which, in the time of Angnstns, B.C. 24, coincided with the 29th 
Angnst, O.S.), and was composed of the foar months Thoth, Paopi, 
Athor, Choeak ; the second of Tobi, Mechir, Phamenoth, Pharmu- 
thi ; the third of Pachons, Paoni, Epep, and Mesor6 ; at the end of 
which were added the five days of the intercalated year. The 
names of the seasons appear to be, Ist, of the plants ; 2nd, of 
flowering, or harvest, and 3rd, of the waters, or innndation ; which 
originally corresponded nearly to 1°, November, December, Janoary 

4. and February ; 2°, March, April, May and Jane ; 3°, Jnly, Angnst, 
September and October. But as, in course of time, the seasons 
changed, and those of summer fell in winter, they found it neces- 
sary to make another correction ; and for this purpose they resolved 
on ascertaining the period that elapsed between the return of a 
fixed star to the same place in the heavens, which they perceived 
would not be variable as were their conventional seasons. The 

5. heliacal rising of the dog-star, Sothis, was therefore the point fixed 
upon, and in 1460 Sothic (or 1461 of their vague) years, they 
found that it rose again heliacally, that their seasons had returned 
to their original places again, and that they had lost one whole 
year, according to the calculation of 365 days. This showed them 
that the difference of a quarter of a day annually required that one 
day every four years should be intercalated to complete the true 
year ; and though they had already devised other means of fixing 
the return of a certain period of the year, this was the first nearly 

6. accurate determination of its Jength. The period when they first 
began their observations, as well as that still more remote one when 
the first intercalated year of 365 days came into use, must have 
been long before the year 1322 B.C. ; and an inscription (in the 
Turin Museum) of the time of Amunoph I., the second king of the 
18th dynasty, mentions the year of 365 days. Lepsius and M. de 
Boug^ have also 'shown that the five days were already noticed in 
the 12th dynasty, and that the rite of Sothis was celebrated at the 
same period. The heliacal rising of Sothis was therefore ascertained 
long before the year 1322 ; and the reputed antiquity of the inter- 
calary days is shown by their being ascribed, according to Strabo, 
to Hermes ; as well as by the fable of the five sons of Seb having 
been born on those days; nor would the Egyptian kings have 
"sworn to retain the sacred year of 365 days without intercalating 
any day or month," unless the Sothic year had been already 



CHiLP. n. THE SQUABE OR SOTHIC YEAR 28 1 

inyented. Herodotns also says that they were indebted to the stars 
for their mode of adjnsting the year and its seasons. Bat there is ' • 
reason to believe that the still older year of 360 days was retained 
for the dates of kings' reigns ; and that this nninterealated year of 
360 days was the one used in their records and monumental stelae : 
thnSy an Apis was bom in the 53rd year of Psammetichns I., the 
19th Mechir, and died in the 16th year of Neco on the 6th Paopi, 
aged 16 years, 7 months, and 1? days. Now from 19 Mechir to 
6 Paopi are 210 days -f- 11 to the end of Mechir -f- 6 of Paopi = 227, 
or 7 months 17 days over the 16 years; without any intercalary 
5 days. It is, however, possible that the 5 days were included in 
the last month of the year, and that it was a year of 365 days ; but 
there is no mention of the 31st, or any other day beyond the 30th, 
of Me8or6. 

The Sothic year of 365 j days was called the square year, the anntu 8. 
qtiodratus of Pliny (ii. 47) ; and the same mentioned by Diodorus 
(i. 50), Macrobius (i. 16), and Horapollo. It appears to be repre- 




sented in hieroglyphics by a square J instead of the sun J^ 



of the two vague years. The retention of the nninterealated and 
intercalated vague year would prevent the confusion which might 
have been expected from the older and later chronological memoirs 
having been kept in years of a different reckoning ; for it was 
always easy to turn these last into Sothic years, when more accurate 
calculations were required ; and this Sothic, or sidereal year, was 
reserved for particular occasions, as the old Coptic year is used by 
the modem Egyptians when they wish to fix any particular period, 
or to ascertain the proper season for agricultural purposes. 

The Egyptians had therefore an object in retaining the vague 
year, in order that the festivals of the gods, in course of time, might 
pass through the different seasons of the year, as Geminus the 
Bhodian (who lived in 77 B.C.) informs us. It is also evident, that 
without the accuracy of the Sothic year they could not, as Hero- 
dotns supposes, have fixed the exact return of the seasons. 

We may conclude, that the Egyptians had at first a lunar year, 9. 
which being regulated by the moon, and divided into 12 moons, or 
months, led to a month being ever after represented in hieroglyphics 
by a moon ; but this would only have been at a most remote period 
before the establishment of the Egyptian monarchy ; and some 



282 TEABS OF VAKIOUS NATIONa App. Book H. 

might hence derive an argument in favonr of the early nse of hiero- 
glyphics, and suppose that they were invented before the introduc- 
tion of the solar months. In India also the lunar year was older 
than the solar. 

10. The lunar year still continues in use among the Arabs, and other 
Moslems, and the origin of a month has been the same in many 
countries ; but their year is only of 354 days. The Aztecs, again, 
had months of 13 days, of which 1461 made their cycle of 52 years, 

. by which the supernumerary quarter day was accurately adjusted. 
But though the Arabs always used lunar months, it has been ascer- 
tained by Mr. Lane, and by M. Caussin de Perceval, that their 
years were intercalated for about two centuries, until the 10th year 
of the Hegira, when the intercalation was discontinued by Moham- 
med*s order ; so that the usual mode of adjusting Arab chronology 
with our own is not quite correct. 

11. It is a singular fact, that Moses, in describing the abatement of 
the waters of the Deluge, calculates five months at 150 days (Gen. 
Tiii. 3, 4), or 30 days to a month, being the same as the uninterca- 
lated Egyptian year ; the lunar however was that first used by the 
Hebrews; and, as in other languages, their name for the moon 
signified also a month. The lunar year of the Jews consisted of 12 
months, which began (as with the Arabs) directly the new moon 
appeared ; they varied in their length, and in order to rectify the 
loss of the 11 days, in the real length of the year, they added a 
thirteenth month every third, and sometimes every second year, to 
make up the deficiency, so that their months and festivals did not 
(like those of the Arabs) go through the various seasons of the 
year. 

12. Herodotus considers the intercalation of the Egyptians better than 
that of the Greeks, who added a month at the end of every 2nd 
year, making them alternately of 12 and 13 months. This indeed 
would cause an excess, which the omission of 1 month every 8th 
year by the Greeks would not rectify. (See Censorinus, de Die Nat. 
c. 18.) Herodotus calculates the Greek months at 30 days each, 
and the 12 months at 360 days, when he says 70 years, without in- 
cluding intercalary months, are 25,200 days, i.e. 360 X 70, which, 
he adds, the 35 intercalary months will increase by 1050 days (35 
X 30), making a total of 26,250 days for 70 years. This would be 
375 days to the year. (See n.«, ch. 82, Bk. i.) On the Greek in- 
tercalation see Macrobius, Saturn, i. 14, who says the Greeks made 



Chap. II. THE GREEK AND ROMAN YEAR. 283 

their year of 354 days, and perceiving that 11 j days were wanting 
to the trae year, they added 90 days, or 3 months, every 8 years. 
Strabo (xvii. p. 554) says the Greeks were ignorant (of the true 
length) of the year until Endoxus was in Egypt ; and this was in 
the late time of the 2nd Nectanebo, about B.C. 360 ; and Macrobius 
affirms that the Egyptians always possessed the true calcalation of 
the length of the year, — "anni eertus modus apud solos semper 
^gyptios fuit." (Saturn, i.,7.) He then mentions the primitive 
year among other people — as the Arcadians, who divided it into 
3 months ; other Greeks making it consist of 354 days (a lunar 
year) ; and the Romans under Romulus, who divided it into 10 
months, beginning with March. — [G. W.] 



284 EGYPTIAN GODa App. Booe n. 



CHAPTER III 

"THE EGYPTIANS FIBST BROUGHT INTO USB THE NAMES OP 
THE TWELVE GODS WHICH THE GREEKS ADOPTED FROM 
.THEM."— Chap. 4. 

1. Different orders of Godfl. 2. The g^reat Gods of the first order. 3. The 
seoond order. 4. Place of Re, or the Son. 5. Classification of the Gods. 
6. Sabaism not a part of the Eg^jptian religpion. 7. Pantheism. 8. Name 
of Re, Phrah, and Pharaoh. 9. Position of Re in the second order. 
10. Bank of Osii-is. 11. Children of Seb. 12. The third order. 13. The 
other most noted deities. 14. Other Gods. 15. Foreign divinities. 
16. Chief God of a city and the triad. 17. Deities multiplied to a great 
extent — the nnity. 18. Offices of the Deity — characters of Jnpiter. 
19. Resemblances of Qoda to be traced from one original. 20. Sabdivision 
of the Deity —local Gods. 21. Personifications— Nature Gods. 22. Sacred 
trees and mquntains. 23. Common origin of religions systems. 24. Greek 
philosophy. 25. Creation and early state of the earth. 

1. It is evident that some gods held a higher rank throughout the 
country than others, and that many were of minor importance, while 
some were merely local divinities. But it is not certain that the 
great gods were limited to 8, or the 2nd rank to 12 ; there are also 
proofs of some, reputed to belong to the 2nd and 3rd orders, hold- 
ing a higher position than this gradation would sanction, and two 
of different orders are combined, or substituted for each other. It 
is not possible to arrange all the gods in the 3 orders as stated by 
Herodotus, nor can the 12 have been all bom of the 8 ; there was 
however some distinction of the kind, the 8 agreeing with the 8 
Cabiri (i.e. "groat " gods) of the Phoenicians (see note ® on ch. 51), 
and the others with the 12 gods of Olympus, and the Consentes of 
the Romans ; though it is uncertain how this arrangement applied 

2. to them. Those who have the best claim to a place among the 8 
Great Gods are, — 1. Amun; 2. Maut; 3. Noum, or Noa (Noub, 
Nef , Kneph) ; 4. Slit^ ; 5. Pthah ; 6. Neith ; 7. Khem ; 8. Pasht, 
who seems also to combine the character of Bute, under whose name 
she was worshipped at Bubastis. 

1. Amurij the Great God of Thebes, "the King of the Gods," 
answered to Jupiter ; 2. Maut, the " Mother ** of all, or the maternal 
principle (probably the mot of Sanconiatho, see App. Book iii. 



Chap. III. GODS OF THE FIRST ORDER. 285 

Essay i. § 3, 11), appears to be sometimes a cbaracter of Buto (La- 
tona), primaaval darkness from which sprang light ; 3. Noum, Na, 
Non (or Nou-bai? called also Noub, Nef, Kneph, Cnuphis, and 
Chnubis, the ram-headed god), who was also considered to answer 
to Jupiter, as his companion (4.) Sate did to Juno, was the Great 
God of the Cataracts, of Ethiopia, and of the Oases ; and in later 
temples, especially of Roman time, he often received the name of 
Amun : — ^the " contortis comibus Ammon." (See notes on ch. 29, 
42, Book ii., and on ch. 181, Book iv.) There is a striking re- 
semblance between the Semitic nef, " breath," and the Coptic nibe, 
nifi, nouf, " spiritus ; " and between the hieroglyphic num (with the 
article pnum), and the 'rrtdfta^ " spirit," which Diodorus says was the 
name of the Egyptian Jupiter. He was the " soul of the world " 
(comp. "mens agitat molem, et magno se corpore miscet"). The 
ram, his emblem, stands for bai **soul," and hence the Asp also 
received the name of Bait. The ** Z* " of Kneph is evidently a cor- 
rupt addition, as Knoub for Noub; the change of m and b in Noub 
is easily explained (see above, in ch. i. § 6) ; and the name " Noub " 
is perhaps connected with Nubia as well as with gold. The very 
general introduction of the ram's head on the prow of the sacred 
boats, or arks, of other gods, seems to point to the early and uni- 
yersal worship of this God, and to connect him, as his mysterious 
boat does, with the spirit that moved on the waters. He is said to 
be Agathodemon ; and the Asp being his emblem, confirms this state- 
ment of Ensebius. 

5. Pthah was the creative power, the maker of all material things, 
** the father of the gods," and assimilated by the Greeks, through a 
g^ss notion of the ArifiiovpySsj or Opifex Mundi, to their Hephsestus 
(Vulcan). He was the god of Memphis. He had not so high a 
rank in Greece, nor in India, where Agni (ignis of Latin, oga/n 
** fire " of Slavonic) was an inferior deity to Mahadeva, or Siva. 

6. Neith, the goddess of Sais, answered to Athen^ or Minerva • 
she was self -bom, and ipaev^Kvs ; she therefore sometimes had the 
sceptre given to male deities. (See note * on ch. 62, Book ii.) 

7. Khem, the generative principle, and universal nature, was 
represented as a phallic figure. He was the god of Coptos, the 
"lU^ »ij/B«r," and the Pan of Chemmis (Panopolis) — ^the Egyptian 
Pan, who, as Herodotus justly observes (ch. 145, Book ii.), was one 
of the eight great gods. Of him is said in the hieroglyphic legend, 
" thy title is * father of thine own father.' " (See notes ^ and • on 
ch. 42, and App. Book iii. Essay i. § 11.) 



286 GODS OF THE SECOND ORDER. App. Book IL 

8. Pashty Bnbastis, answered to Artemis, or Diana; as at the 
Speos Artemidos. 

It is not easy to determine the 12 gods of the 2nd order ; and I 
only do this temporarily, as I have long since done in my Materia 
Hieroglyphica (p. 58) ; but I mnst not omit to state that they do 
not appear, always to have been the same, and that the children of 
the 8 great gods do not necessarily hold a place among those of the 
2nd order. (For the forms of those of the other gods, whose names 
are mentioned below, see At. Eg. W., vol. v., Plates.) 
8. The 12 deities of the most importance after the 8, and who may 
haye been those of the 2nd order, are : — 

1. Be, Ea, or Phrah, the Snn, the father of many deities, and 
combined with others of the 1st, 2nd, and even 3rd order. 

2. Seh, Chronos, or Satnm. He was also the Earth. Being the 
father of Osiris, and other deities of the 3rd order, he was called 
" father of the gods." The goose was his emblem. (See note * 
ch. 72.) 

3. Netpe^ Rhea, wife of Seb. She was the Vanlt of Heaven, and 
was called " mother of the gods." 

4. Khons, the 3rd member of the Great Triad of Thebes, com- 
posed of Amnn, Mant, and Khons their offspring. He is supposed 
to be a character of Hercules, and also of the Moon. In the 
Etymologicom Magnnm, Hercnles is called Chon. 

5. Anouke, Estia, or Vesta, the 3rd member of the Great Triad of 
the Cataracts, composed of Noum (Non), Sate, and Anoak6. (See 
note ^ on ch. 62.) Estia is Festia with the digamma. 

6. Atmou, Atmoo, Atum^ or Atnij is " Darkness," the Snn after 
snnset (comp. Atmeh, " darkness," Arabic), sol inforus, and called 
Re-Atnm. Mr. Birch thinks him the negative principle, tern signi- 
fying " not." 

7. Moui, apparently the same as GK)m or Hercnles, the splendour 
and light of the Snn, and therefore called a " son of Be." 

8. Tafne (Daphne), or Tafne-t, a lion-headed goddess, perhaps the 
same as Thriphis, who is with Khem at Athribis and Panopolis. 

9. Thoth, the intellect ; Hermes or Mercnry ; the Moon (Lnnns), 
a male god as in India ; and Time in the sense of passing period. 
Annbis is also Time, past and future. (Plutarch de Is. s. 44. ) 

10. 8avaky the crocodile-headed god, often called Savak-Be. 

11. ileith/yia, Ilithyia, or Lucina, Seben, Seneb, or Neben. 

12. Mandoo, Mandou^ or MwU (Mars), quite distinct from 



Chap. in. CLASSIFICATION OF THE GODS. 287 

Mandulis or Malouli of Kalabsbi (Talmis), where both gods are 
represented. From him Hermonthis received its name. 

I had formerly placed Re among the 8 great gods, instead of 4. 
Pasht, or Bubastis ; bnt the position she held as second member of 
the Ghreat Triad of Memphis, gives her the same claim as Maat, the 
consort of Amnn. I am much disposed to make a separate class of 
deities connected with Re ; who has a different name at his rising, 
at his meridian height, and at night. He is also the solar disc, and 
the shining snn or solar light ( Uhn^e). The Snn-worshippers, or 
Stranger Kings of the 18th dynasty, had a triad composed of 
Atin-^e, Moui (solar splendour), and Be. Besides other characters, 
he is the soul of the world ; his title Re is added to the names of 
other gods ; and several deities are sons and daughters of the Sun. 
In these offices they are distinct from the deified attributes of the 
ideal, or primary god, which are necessarily of a different nature 
from the Sun-gods. There is at the same time a point of union 
between some of those attributes and certain characters of the Snn, 
or Re ; who is connected with many gods of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd 
orders ; — Amun had the name Amun-Re ; Nou (or Noum) was 
Noum-Re, and even Atin-Re; and the additional title of Re is 
also assigned to deities of the 2nd order, as to Savak, Mandou, and 
others. 

In giving three orders I have been guided by Herodotus, though 5. 
it is evident the numerous gods of Egypt were not confined to that 
number. If such were the sole classification, the greater part of the 
deities would be altogether omitted ; and it is impossible to make 
them accord with his orders, even if we allow many of them to be 
repetitions of the same god under other characters. For some 
were characters of the deities belonging to the Ist or 2nd orders ; 
but even then they were distinct, and members of some other group ; 
as all the attributes of the one Grod became distinct deities. Nor 
can all those connected with the Sun be classified under one group. 
They may however claim a separate arrangement, like the Osiride 
family, which is supposed to form the 3rd order ; and this distinct 
classification of Sun-gods might be used to explain the nature of 
several important members of the Egyptian Pantheon. 

JThough actual Sabaism was not a part of the religion of the 6. 
Egyptians, and the worship of the Sun and Moon was of a different 
kind, still it may have been connected with their earlier belief; 
which may be inferred from the idea of "prayer" being repre- 





288 SABAISM AND PANTHEISM. App. Book IL 

sented in hieroglyphics by a man holding np his hands, accompanied 
by a star. It is not impossible that when 
they immigrated into the Yallej of the 
Nile they may have brought with them 
that Asiatic superstition, combined with 
some purer notions which they had of the 
Deity ; but afterwards having endeavoured 
to reconcile the notion of physical and 
material, with ideal and incorporeal gods, 
they abandoned their earlier mode of wor- 
shipping the Sun and Moon. This last 

seems to accord with their religion as we see it on their monu- 
ments ; where the Sun was chiefly looked upon as the visible repre- 
sentative of the generative, or vivifying, principle of Nature. The 
disc of the Sun and the crescent of the Moon were placed as 
emblems on the heads of gods, and elsewhere ; as the name of Re 
(" the Sun '*) was appended to their titles ; and these deities received 
a worship, but it was not Sabaism, and no notice was taken of the 
stars as objects of adoration. And when some " Stranger Kings " 
from Asia re-introduced the worship of the real Sun's disc, the in- 
novation was odious to the Egyptians, and was expelled for ever 
with the usurpers who had forcibly established it in the country. 
Macrobius, indeed, endeavours to show that nearly all the gods 
corresponded to the Sun; and Chseremon thinks "the Egyptians 
had no gods but the * Sun and planets ; and that all related to 
physical operations, having no reference to incorporeal and living 
essences" (Eus. Pr. Evang. iii. 4). But this correspondence was 
distinct from Sabaism ; and if many gods did ** correspond to the 
Sun," still the Sabaoth worship of the Sun and stars was not the 
religion of the Egyptians even in the earliest times of which any 
monuments remain. Many deities were characters of the Sun ; and 
its daily course from its rising to its setting, and at different 
periods of the year (as well as certain pheenomena — its supposed 
offspring), gave rise to beings who may be classed among Nature- 
Gods ; as in the mythology of India and Greece. 
7. The Egyptians, as they advanced in religious speculation, adopted 
a Pantheism, according to which (while the belief in one Supreme 
Being was taught to the initiated) the attributes of the Deity were 
separated under various heads, as the " Creator," the divine wisdom, 
the generative, and other principles; and even created things. 




CBiLP. in. POSITION OF RE IN THE SECOND ORDEB. 289 

which were thought to partake of the divine essence, were per- 
mitted to receive divine worship. 

The name of Be is remarkahle for its resemblance to the ouro, 8. 
"light" of Coptic, and the Aor of Hebrew (whence the Urim^ 
" lights "), and to Horns, and Aroeris (Hor-oeri, " Horns the 
chief "), to Aof , " heat," to *po, horay " season " or " honr," as well 
as to the names of the Sun in several African dialects, as Airo, 
ajero, eer, niro, ghnrrah, and others. It is the same as ** Phrah," 
or Pharaoh, the Egyptian Pi-Re, "the Sun," Memphitice Phra; 
which was first suggested by the Duke of Northumberland and 
Colonel Felix. Be bad different characters : as the rising Sun he 
was a form of Horns ; at midday Be ; and Ubn-re, " the shining 
Sun ; " as the solar disc Atin-re ; when below the horizon Be-Atum, 
Atmou, or Atum, " darkness." 

I have stated the reasons for placing Pasht (Bubastis) among the 
8 gpreat gods in preference to Be ; and it would not only be incon- 
sistent to place the created in the same rank as the creator, but Be 9. 
has Athor as the 2nd member of his principal triad, and is himself 
the 2nd of a minor triad composed of Amun, Be, and Horns. 
Again,, though Be is the father of many deities, he has no claim on 
this account; since Nilus, and even Ap6 (Thebes), are called the 
** father " and ** mother of the gods ; " Asclepius is a son of Pthah, 
without being one of the 12 gods ; and Nepthys is called daughter 
of Re in the same building where she is allowed to be the sister of 
Iffis. These and similar relationships therefore prove no more 
regarding the classification of the gods, than do the facts of Pthah 
being called "father of the gods" (while one only, Asclepius, is 
mentioned as his son), and of Be not being called by that title, 
though there are so many deities recorded in the sculptures as his 
children. And if Be was not one of the 8 great gods, this does not 1^* 
necessarily place him in an inferior position, since Osiris, who was 
the greatest of all, and was with Isis worshipped throughout the 
country, belonged to the 3rd order. For Osiris had this honour 
from being the god whose mysteries contained the most important 
secrets ; his rites comprised the chief part of the Egyptian wisdom ; 
he was the chief of Amenti, or Hades, and he was a heavenly as 
well as an inferial deity. There was also an important reason for 
his being of the last, or newest order of gods; he related par- 
ticularly to man, the last and most perfect work of the creation ; 
and as the Deity was at first the Monad, then the Creator (" creation 

VOL. IL U 



290 GODS OF THE THIBD ORDER. App. Booi II. 

being God passing into activity "), he did not become Osiris nntil 
man was placed npon the earth. He there manifested himself 
alBo (like Booddha) for the benefit of man, who looked to him for 
happiness in a future state. (See notes *, *, * on ch. 171, Book ii.) 
It ought, however, to be observed that the same god may belong 
to two different orders in two of his characters, and may be pro- 
duced from difEerent parents. Even Maut is once called ** daughter 
of Be," and Re is said to be ** engendered by Khem," as Khem was 
his own father; and Minerva at Sais proclaimed that "she pro- 
ceeded from herself." But these apparent inconsistencies are 
readily explained by the nature of the Egyptian mythological 
system. 

11. If it is necessary to confine the gods of the 8rd order to the 
children of Seb, a 4th and other orders might also be admitted (as I 
have already suggested in the '* Materia Hieroglyphica ") ; for since 
those of the 2nd order are limited to twelve, it would be denying 
the accuracy of Herodotus, without any authority from the monu- 
ments, to class any of the numerous deities that remain together 
with the twelve of the 2nd order. There are, however, some lists of 
Deities on the monuments, in which eight, or sometimes twelve, are 
thus arranged : 1. Mandou, 2. Atmou, 3. Moui, 4. Tafne, 5. Scb, 
6. Netpe, 7. Osiris, 8. Isis; or these eight with 9. Seth, 10. Nep- 
thys, 11. Horus, and 12. Athor. 

^2* The 3rd order contains the children of Seb and Netpe: — 1. Osiris. 
2. Aroeris, or the Elder Horus, "son of Netpo." 3. Seth (Typhon). 
4. Isis. 5. Nepthys, (N6b-t-ei, ** lady of the house," corresponding 
to Vesta in one character (see note ® on ch. 62) ; but we may per- 
haps include in the same order the Younger Horus, the son of Osiris 
and Isis ; as well as Harpocrates, their infant son, the emblem of 
childhood ; and Anubis, the son of Osiris. The Younger Horus was 
the god of Victory and " the defender of his father ; " and in like 
manner the Greek Apollo, to whom he corresponded, was repre- 
sented as a "youthful god." (Comp. Lucian de T>ok Syr.) 

13. Of the remaining deities the most noted were : — 1. Thmei, Mei, 
or Ma, in her two capacities of Truth and Justice, Aletheia and 
Themis, called " Daughter of the Sun," sometimes represented with- 
out a head, and who ought, perhaps, to belong to the 2nd order of 
Deities. 2. Athor (ei-t-Hor, " Horus*8 mundane habitation ") Venus, 
often substituted for Isis, called " Daughter of the Sun," answering 
to the West, or the place where the setting Sun was received into 



Chap. m. INFERIOR DEITIES. 29 1 

her aims. (See note ^ eb. 44, note * ch. 122, Book ii., and App. 
Book iii. Essay i. § 16.) 3. Nofr-Atmon, perhaps a variation of 
Atmon. 4. Hor-Hat, frequently as the winged globe, one of the 
characters of the Son, generally called Agathodeemon. 5. Hacte 
(Hecate ?), a goddess with a lion*s head. 6. Selk, with a scorpion 
on her head. 7. Tore, a god connected with Pthah. 8. Amnnta, 
perhaps a female Amnn. 9. Tpe, "the heavens." 10. Hapi, or the 
god Nilns. 11. Banno, the asp-headed goddess, perhaps a character 
of Agathodsemon (see Calmet, PI. 69). 12. Hermes Trismegistns, a 
form of Thoth. 13. Asclepius, M6tph, or " Imoph,'* called "the 
son of Pthah," probably the origin of the Emeph of lamblichns. 
14. Sofh, perhaps the goddess of Speech ; and about 50 more, some 
, of whom were local divinities, as " the Land of Egypt ; " " the 
East " and " the West " (bank) ; Ap, Ape, or Tape, " Thebes ; " and 
the personifications of other cities. 

There were also various forms of early gods, as frog-headed deities 14. 
connected with Pthah ; and the offspring of local triads, as Pneb-to, 
Hor-pi-re, and other forms of the infant Horus ; the Apis, a form of 
Osiris, who was the Sarapis (i. e. Osir-Api) of Memphis, and other 
representations of well-known gods, together ^vith minor divinities 
and genii : as Cerberus, the monster who guarded Amenti, " the 
region of the dead ; " the 4 genii of Amenti, with the heads of a man, 
a cynocephalus, a jackal, and a hawk ; the 6 spirits with the heads 
of hawks and jackals ; the 12 hours of day and night ; the 42 
assessors at the future judgment, each of whom presided over, or 
bore witness to a particular sin ; and the giant Apap ( Aph6phis) — 
"the great sei'pent," and the emblem of wickedness. 

Many of the 50 gods above alluded to were certainly of late intro- 
duction; but those whose names I have mentioned were of early 
date, as well as many of minor note ; and for the figures of all the 
gods I must refer to my Anct. Egyptians. Some of them are called 
children of the Sun. There were also a few foreign deities, as 15. 
Banpo, the god of battles, and the goddess of war, Anata or Anta 
(see Appendix to Book iii. Essay i. § 21), Astarte, and others, who 
were of early introduction ; but the character given to Seth, who 
was called Baal- Seth and the god of the Gentiles, is explained by 
his being the cause of evil. (See note 'on ch. 171.) The intro- 
duction of foreign gods finds a parallel among other people of an- 
tiquity, whose readiness to adopt a god from another religion is one 
of the peculiarities of Polytheism ; and the complacency of the 
Boxnans on this point is well known. 



292 DIFFERENT ATTRIBUTES IN ONE DEITY. App. Book II. 

16. In each city of Egypt one deity was the chief object of worship ; 
he was the gnardian of the place, and he had the most conspicuous 
post in the adytum of its temple. The town had also its particular 
triad, composed of 3 members, the third proceeding from the other 
two ; and the principal cities of Egypt, as Thebes and Memphis, 
had two of the great gods as the first members of their triads. They 
might be gods of any order, and the 2 first members not neces- 
sarily of the first rank ; for one of the 1st, or of the 2nd order, might 
be combined even with a local deity to produce the 3rd of still 
inferior rank in the divine scale ; and these in latter times became 
multiplied and brought down to a very low order of beings, the 
divine essence being thought to pervade, in a greater or less degree, 
all the creations of the deity. It was merely the extension of the- 
same idea ; as an instance of which the great divine wisdom might 
combine with the genius of a city to produce a king. And to show 
how the divine and human natures of a king were thought to be dis- 
tinct, he was often represented offering to himself in the Egyptian 
sculptures, his human doing homage to his divine character. 

17. With such views it is not surprising that the Egyptians multi- 
plied their deities to an endless extent ; and plants, and even stones, 
were thought to partake in some degree of the divine nature ; but 
the notion that Egyptian gods were represented as animals and not 
under the human form is quite erroneous, the latter being by far 
the most usual. Originally, indeed, they had the Unity, worshipped 
under a particular character ; which was the case in other countries 
also, each considering him their protector, and giving him a peculiar 
form and name, though really the same one God ; and it was only 
when forsaken by him that they supposed their enemies were per- 
mitted to tnumph over them. (Corap. Josephus, Antiq. Ind. viii. 
10, 3, of the Jews and Shishak.) But it was not long before they 
subdivided the one God, and made his attributes into different 
deities. In like manner the Hindoos have one supreme Being, 
Brahme (neuter), the great one, who, when he creates, becomes 
Brahma (masculine) ; when he manifests himself by the operation 
of his divine spirit, becomes Vishnu, the pervader, or Narayan, 
" moving on the waters," called also the first male ; when he de- 
stroys, becomes Siva, or Mahadiva, *' Great God ; " and as Brahma, 
Vishnu, and Siva, is the Creator, Preserver, and Destroyer, which 
last answers to the regenerator of what only changes its form, 
reproducing what he destroys. (See Sir W. Jones, vol. i. p. 249 ; and 
Asiat. Res. vol. vii. p. 280 ; and my note • on ch. 123, Book ii.) 



Chap. m. CHARACTERS OF JUPITER. 293 

The same original belief in one God may be obeeryed in Greek 
mythology ; and this accordance of early traditions agrees with the 
Indian notion that *' truth was originally deposited with men, bat 
gradually slumbered and was forgotten ; the knowledge of it how- 
ever returning like a recollection." For in Greece, Zeus was also 
oniversal, and omnipotent, the one God, containing all within him- 
self, and the Monad, the beginning and end of alL (Somn. Sdp. 
c. 6 ; Aristot. de Mund. 7.) 

Zths ffc^oX^* Ztvs ft^ffffOj Aihs 8*^ff wdyra rervKTiu. (line 2.) 
*Ey mpdrosj th Acdfi»y ytytro, fiiyas hp-x)»s aieJarrmy, (line 8.) 
TUana yhp iv fieydx^ Zriyhs rdJif orti/uari iccTrai. (line 12.) 

Orphic Fragm. 

Zc^ i<rrv aJMip^ Zcirt 8i yrj, Zths 8* olpw6s' 

Zc^ roi rk wdyrtu — ^^soh. Fragm. 295. 

(Comp. Clemens Alex. Strom, y. p. 603.) 

At the same time each of the various offices of the Deity was 18. 
known under its peculiar title. (See note A. in App. to Book i) 
Jupiter was also prefixed to the names of foreign gods, as Jnpiter- 
Ammon, Jupiter- Sarapis, Jupiter- Baal- Markds, and many others ; 
and though the Stin had its special Deity, altars were raised to 
Jupiter-the-Sun. He was also the manifestation of the Deity, like 
Osiris, who was the son of Seb, the Saturn of the Egyptians. Thus 
Osiris, Amun, and Noum, though so unlike, were each supposed by 
the Greeks to answer to Jupiter. Hesiod, too, calls Jupiter the 
youngest of the Gods ; as Osiris was in the 3rd order of deities, 
though the greatest of all ; and the correspondence was completed 
by both being thought to have died. This notion — common to 
Egypt, Syria, and Crete, as to the Booddhists and other people — is 
one of many instances of the occurrence of similar religious views 
in different countries (see notes *, \ ch. 171) ; but there is also evi- 
dence of the Greeks having borrowed much from Egypt in their 
early mythology, as well as in later times, after their religion had 
long been formed ; and the worship of Isis spread from Egypt to 
Greece and its islands, as it afterwards did to Rome. But the cor- 
rupt practices introduced at Alexandria, and more especially at 
Canopus, and thence carried to Europe, were no part of the Egyp- 
tian religion : they proceeded from the gross views taken, through 
ignorance, of certain allegorical representations, and were quite 
opposed, in their sensual and material character, to the simple ex- 
pression of the hieroglyphical mind of Egypt. 



294 DEITIES TRACEABLE TO ONE ORIGINAL. App. Book n. 

19. It is easy to perceive, in all the religions of antiquity, why so 
many divinities resemble each other, why they differ in some points, 
and how they may be traced to one original ; while others, being 
merely local, have a totally different character. Thongh they began 
by subdividing the one Deity, they subsequently laboured to show 
that all the Gods were one ; and this last, which was one of the great 
mysteries of Egypt, was much insisted upon by the philosophers of 
Greece. Even the names of some Deities show they came from ono 
and the same, as Zeus-Dios, Dis, lav, Jovi, Dins-piter, Dies-piter, 
Jupiter (lapeter P), lacchus, and Janus, who was said to be a character 
of Apollo, as Jana was Diana (Macrob. Saturn, i. 5), corresponding 
to Phoebus and Phoebe; and Macrobius not only identifies most of 
the Gt)ds with the Sun, but makes Apollo and Bacchus, though so 
Tery dissimilar, the same (Saturn, i. 20). Again, the Olympian^ or 
heavenly, and the in ferial Gods were essentially the same ; Pluto 
was only a character of Jnpiter ; and Ceres and Bacchus belonged 
to both classes, in which they resembled Isis and Osiris. The same 
notion led to the belief in a Sol in f ems — a deity particularly Egyp- 
tian, and connected with the Sun-gods. 

20 The Deity once divided, there was no limit to the number of 
his attributes of various kinds and of different grades ; and in 
Egypt everything that partook of the divine essence became a God. 
Emblems were added to the catalogue ; and though not really 
deities, they called forth feelings of respect, which the ignorant 
would not readily distinguish from actual worship. The Greeks, 
too, besides the greater gods, gave a presiding spirit to almost every 
part of visible Nature: trees of various kinds had their dryads, 
hama-dryads, and other nymphs ; rivers, lakes, marshes, and wells 
had their Naiads, as plains, mountains, caves, and the like, had their 
presiding spirits ; and each " genius loci '* of later times varied with 

21 the place. These were mere personifications — an inferior grade of 
" Nature-gods — who had no mysteries, and could not be identified 

with the one original Deity, as the local divinities of Egyptian towns 
were different from those who held a rank in the first, second, and 
third orders of gods. 

20 Tree- worship, and the respect for holy mountains, were African as 
' well as Egyptian superstitions ; and they extended also to Asia. 

23 Besides the evidence of a common origin, from the analogies in 
the Egyptian, Indian, Ghreek, and other systems, we perceive that 
mythology had advanced to a certain point before the early migra- 



Chap. in. PHILOSOPHICAL VIEW OF THE GREEKS. 295 

tions took place from central Asia. And if in after-times each intro- 
dnced local changes, they often borrowed so largely from their 
neighbours that a strong resemblance was maintained ; and hence 
the religions resembled each other, partly from having a common 
origin, partly from direct imitation, and partly from adaptation; 
which last continued to a late period. 

The philosophical view taken by the Greeks of the nature of the ^* 
Deity was also different from their mythological system ; and that 
followed by Thales and others was rather metaphysical than reli- 
gious. Directly they began to adopt the inquiry into the nature of 
the Deity, they admitted that he must be One and Supreme ; and he 
received whatever name appeared to convey the clearest notion of 
the First Principle. How far any of their notions, or at least the 
inquiry that led to them, may be traced to an acquaintance with 
Egyptian speculation, it is difficult to determine ; Thales, and many 
more philosophers, studied in Egypt, and must have begun, or have 
sought to promote, their inquiry during their visit to the learned 
people of that age ; and in justice to them we must admit that they 
went to study there for some purpose. At all events their early 
thoughts could not but have been greatly influenced by an inter- 
course with Egypt, though many a succeeding philosopher suggested 
some new view of the First Cause; speculation taking a varied 
range, and often returning under different names to a similar con- 
clusion. Still, many early Greek philosophers admitted not only an 
ideal deity as a first cause, a divine intelligence, the " holy infinite 
spirit" of Empedocles, or other notions of the One ; but, like. Ale- 
maBon of Crotona (according to some a pupil of Pythagoras, according 
to others of the Ionian school), "attributed a divinity to the sun 
and stars as well as to the mind " (Cic. Nat. Deor. i.) Plato, too, 
besides the incorporeal God, admits " the heaven, stars, and earthy 
the mind, and those Gods handed down from our ancestors " to be 
deities ; and Chrysippus, called by Cicero (Nat. Deor. i. and iii.) 
the most subtle of the Stoics, extended the divine catalogue still 
further ; which recalls the Egyptian system of a metaphysical and a 
mysterious view of the divine nature, and at the same time the admis- 
sion of a worship of the Sun. (See note * on chap. 51, and note on 
ch. 123, B. ii.) 

Of the Egyptian theory of the creation some notion may perhaps 25. 
be obtained from the account given in Ovid (Met. i. and xxv.) bor- 
rowed from the Pythagoreans ; as of their belief in the destruction 
of the earth by fire, adopted by the Stoics. (Ovid, Met. i. 256 ; 



296 EGYPTIAN THEORY OF CREATION. Aj>p. Book II. 

Seneca, Nat. Qucest. iii. 13 and 28; Pint, de Plaeit. PhU. iv. 7.) 
They even tbought it had been snbject to several catastrophes, 
" not to one deluge only, but to many ; " and believed in a variety 
of destructions '* that have been and again will be, the greatest of 
these arising from fire and water" (Plat. Tim. pp. 466, 467). The 
idea that the world had successive creations and destructions is also 
expressly stated in the Indian Manu. 

But though some subjects in the tombs of the kings, seem to 
point to the creation, perhaps also to the destruction (as well as to 
man's future punishment) of the world by fire, there are few direct 
indications of its creation beyond some mysterious allusions to the 
agency of Pthah (the creator), or the representation of Noum (Nef), 
the divine spirit, passing in his boat *' on the waters," or fashioning 
the clay on a potter's wheel. This last is also done by Pthah, 
which seems to correspond with the doctrine of Empedocles, as well 
as with the notion expressed in Genesis, that the matter already 
existed " without form and void " (tohoo 00 hohSo) ; and not that it 
was then for the first time called into existence. For (as Mr. Stuart 
Poole has observed) the same expression, tohoo 00 bohoo, is used in 
Jeremiah (iv. 23), where the land '* without form and void " was 
only "desolate," not destroyed nor brought " to a full end " (v. 27), 
but depopulated and deprived of light. (Cp. Ps. civ. 30.) 

They probably had a notion of the indefinite period that inter- 
vened between *' the beginning " and the creation of man, which is 
in accordance with* the Bible account, as St. Gregory Nazianzen 
and others have supposed, and which seems to be pointed out by 
the Hebrew text, where in the two first verses the past tense of the 
verbs (" God created^') (bard) and "the earth i^^o^ without form") 
is used ; while in the 3rd, and some other verses, we have tamer 
(" says "), and ibra (" creates ") ; for though these have a past sense, 
that construction is not a necessary one, and the verb might have 
been placed aftery instead of before, the noun, as in the 2iid verse. 
The creation of plants before animals, as in " the third day " of 
Genesis, was also an ancient, perhaps an Egyptian, belief ; and 
"Empedocles says the first of all living things were trees, that 
sprang from the earth before the sun expanded itself." (Comp. 
Pint, de Plac. Phil. v. c. 26). The tradition among the Hebrews 
of the world having been created in autumn was borrowed from 
Egypt, to which climate only (as Miss F. Corbaux has shown) the 
idea that autumn was the period of the world's creation, or renewal, 
would apply. — [G. W.] 



Chaf. IV. VARIATIONS IN THE BISE OF THE NILE. 297 



fi 



CHAPTER IV. 

WHEN MCBEIS WAS KING/* Aa— Chap. 13. 



I. Rise of the Nile 16 cabits. 2. Differed in different parts of Egypt. 3. Oldest 
Nilometer. 4. The lowering of the Nile in Ethiopia by the giving way of 
the rocks at Silsilis. 5. Ethiopia affected by it, bat not Egypt below 
Silflilis. 6. Other Nilometers and measnrements. 7. Length of the Egyp- 
tian cubit 

** When MoBTiB was Jciiig,'* says Herodotus, ** the Nile overflowed aU ^* 
Egypt below Memphis, as soon as it rose so little as 8 cubits ; " and 
this, he adds, was not 900 years before his visit, when it required 
15 or 16 cubits to inundate the country. Bat the 16 figures of 
children (or cubits, Lucian. Rhet. Prase, sec. 6) on the statue of the 
Nile at Rome show that it rose 16 cubits in the time of the Roman 
Empire; in 1720, 16 cubits were still cited as the requisite height 
for irrigating the land about Memphis ; and the same has continued 
to be the rise of the river at old Cairo to this day. For the propor- 
tion is always kept up by the bed of the river rising in an equal 
ratio with the land it irrigates; and the notion of Savary and others 
that the Nile no longer floods the Delta, is proved by experience to 
be quite erroneous. This also dispels the gloomy prognostications 
of Herodotus that the Nile will at some time cease to inundate the 
land. 

The Mekeeas pillar at old Cairo, it is true, is calculated to measure ^' 
24 cubits, but this number merely implies ** completion;" and it has 
been ascertained by M. Coste that the 24 Cairene cubits are only 
equal to about 16 or 16^ real cubits. The height of the inundation 
varies of course, as it always did, in different parts of Egypt, being 
about 40 feet at Asouan, 86 at Thebes, 25 at Cairo, and 4 at the 
Rosetta and Damietta mouths ; and Plutarch gives 28 cubits as the 
highest rise at Elephantine, 15 at Memphis, and 7 at Xois and 
Mendes, in the Delta (do Isid. s. 43). The Nilometer at Ele- 
phantine is the one seen by Strabo, and used under the Empire, as 
the rise of the Nile is recorded there in the 35th year of Augustus 
and in the reigns of other Emperors. The highest remaining scale 
is 27 cubits; but it has no record of the inundation at that height, 



298 WSB ABOUT MiarPHIS — ^BTILOMETEBS. Aff. Book IL 

thongh Plntarch speaks of 28 ; and the highest recorded there is of 
26 cnbits, 4 palms, and 1 digit. This, at the ratio stated bj Plntarch, 
would give little more than 14 at Memphis ; bnt Pliny (▼. 9) says 
the proper rise of the NUe is 16 cubits, and the highest known was 
of 18 in the reign of Clandins, which was extraordinary and cala- 
mitoos. Ammianns MarceUinos ('22)^ in the time of Jolian, also 
says, " no landed proprietor wishes for more than 16 cnbits." The 
same is stated by El Edrisi and other Arab writers. (See Mem. 
de TAcad., toI. xvi. p. 333 to 377; M. Eg. W., p. 279 to 284; and 
At. Eg. W., Tol. iv. p. 27 to 31.) The great staircase of Elephantine 
extends far above the highest scale, and measures o9 feet, and with 
the 9 steps of the lower one, the total from the base is nearly 69 feet, 
while the total of the scales that remain measures only about 21 
feet; but the cubits, 27 (ke) marked on the highest, answer to a 
height of 46 feet 10 1 inches, which shows that this was reckoned 
from a lower level than the base of the lowest staircase. 

From all that has been said it is evident that the change from the 
time of Mceris to Herodotus could not have been what he sup- 
poses ; and that the full rise of the Xile about Memphis was always 
reckoned at 16 cubits. The 8 cubits in the time of Mceris were 
either calculated from a different level, or were the rise of the river 
at some place in the Delta far below Memphis. 

3. The oldest Xilometer, according to Diodoms, was erected at 
Memphis ; and on the rocks at Semneh, above the second cataract, 
are some curious records of the rise of the Nile during the reigns of 
Amun-m-he III. and other kinors of the 12th dvnasty, which show 
that the river does not now rise there within 26 feet of the height 
indicated in those inscriptions. But this was only a local change, 
confined to Ethiopia, and the small tract between the first cataract 

"*• and Silsilis ; and it was owing to a giving way of the rocks at 
Silsilis, which till then had kept up the water of the Nile to a much 
higher level south of that point. For though the plains of Ethiopia 
were left without the benefit of the annual inundation, no effect 
was prodnccd by it in Egypt north of Silsilis, except the passing 
injnry done to the land just below that place by the sudden rush of 
water at the moment the barrier was burst through. The channel 
i« «till v^r-j narrow there, being only 1095 feet broad ; and tradition 
preienrls that the navigation was in old times impeded by a chain 
thrown acrowH it by a king of the country, from which the name of 
Silsil is thought to bo derived. But though siUxli signifies a "chain" 



Cbap. IV. NILOMETERS. 299 

in Arabic, the name of Silsilis was known long before the Arabs 
occnpied Egypt; and it is not impossible that its Coptic appellation, 
Oolgel, may have been borrowed from the catastrophe that occurred 
there, and point to an earthquake as its cause ; or from a similar 
word, Golgol, alluding apparently to the many channels worn by 
the cataracts there, or to the breaking away of the rocks at the time 
of the fall of the barrier. 

The change in the level of the Nile was disastrous for Ethiopia, 5. 
since it left the plains of that hitherto well-irrigated country far 
above the reach of the annual inundation ; and, as it is shown, by 
the position of caves in the rocks near the Nile, and by the founda- 
tion of buildings on the deposit, to have happened only a short time 
before the accession of the 18th dynasty, it is singular that no men- 
tion should have been made of so remarkable an occurrence either 
by Manetho or any other historian. The narrow strip of land in 
Nubia and Southern Ethiopia, as well as the broad plains of Dongola, 
and even some valleys at the edge of the eastern desert, are covered 
with this ancient deposit. I have seen water- worn rocks that prove 
the former extent of the annual inundation in spots often very dis- 
tant from the banks; and even now this soil is capable of culti- 
vation, if watered by artificial irrigation. Though this change did 
not affect Egypt below Silsilis, it is not impossible that the measure- 
ments of Moeris may apply to other observations made in his reign 
in Egypt also ; and the discovery of the name of Amun-nl-he III. at 
the Labyrinth by Dr. Lepsius, shows that this was at least one of 
the kings to whom the name of Moeris was ascribed. (See note* 
on ch. 13, B. ii.) Other measurements are mentioned at different <*• 
times besides those under Modris and in the days of Herodotus. 
A Nilometer stood at Eileithyias in the age of the Ptolemies ; there 
was one at Memphis, the site of which is still pointed out by tradi- 
tion ; that of Elephantine remains with its scales and inscriptions 
recording the rise of the Nile in the reigns of the Roman Emperors ; 
a movable one was preserved in the temple of Sarapis at Alex- 
andria till the time of Constantine, and was afterwards transferred 
to a Christian church ; the Arabs in a.d. 700 erected one at Helwan, 
which gave place to that made, about 715, by the caliph Suley- 
man in the Isle of Boda, and this again was succeeded by the 
"Mekeeas" of Mamoon, a.d. 815, finished in 860 by Motawukkel- 
al-Allah, which has continued to be the government Nilometer to 
the present day. 



300 



LCroTH OF THK BGTPTIAS CUBrT. 



App. Bcme n. 



7, The lenf^h of the uicient Egrpckii cnhifi uid its parta m^j be 
■teted «• foQowt : — 



1 digic ordactjiai 
4 „ 1 palm 



ffngfiah inri&et 07 



MgUWttU f ttl J4BUE4. 



f« 



1 cnbis = 



The lengths of different Egyptmn eabits sre : — 



The cubit in the 



torn J 



The Mme, acecmlzng to Jonerd 



of Mctnphifl, neetioned ftbore 
Cebit of Elepbantine Niloneter, accordxag' to JoBoerd 

The ieme^ according to my mca g uicin ent 

Ftft of a cubit fouwl bj me on a scene »t AMoan 



523^ or 305730 

5±S^or 3>37^ 

523 or a>€iao 

524 or 9(>6584 

520 or 20-4729 

527 or 207484 

20^230 

... abcnt 21-OOCO 



The enbit, according to Xr, 
Hr. HnmV enbit from Thebes 



I calcnintkn at the PVnmids. do. 2Cr«28i>(r) 



From all which it is erident that thej are the same measure, and 
not two different cubits ; and there is nothing to show that the 
Egyptians nsed cubits of 24, 2d, and 32 digits.^— [G. W.] 



* See Ancient Egyptiane, W., wl. it. p. 31. 




Chap. V. HIERATIC AND DEMOTIC WRITING. 3OI 



CHAPTER V. 

" THEY HAVE TWO QUITE DIFFERENT KINDS OF WRITING, ONE OF 
WHICH IS CALLED SACRED, THE OTHER COMMON." — Chap. 36. 

1. Hieratic and Demotic, the two Borts of letters written from right to left. 
2. Hieroglyphics. 3. Three kinds of writing. 4. Hieratic. 6. Demotic, or 
enchorial. 6. The three characters. 7. First use of demotic. 8. Of sym. 
bolic hieroglyphics : The ikonographic. 9. The tropical. 10. The enigmatic. 
11. Symbolic also put with phonetic hieroglyphics. 12. Determinatives after 
the word, or name of an object. 13. Initial letters for the whole words, to 
be called limited initial signs, 14. Distinct from other " mixed signs." 16. 
Syllabic signs. 16. Medial yowel placed at the end of a word. 17. Earliest 
use of hieroglyphics. 18. Mode of placing hieroglyphics. 19. First letter 
of a word taken as a character. 20. Determinative signs. 21. They began 
with representative signs. 22. The plural number. 23. Abstract ideas. 
24. Phonetic system found necessary. 26. Some parts of the verb. 26. 
Negative sign. 27. Invention of the real alphabetic writing Fhcenician. 
28. Greek letters. 29. Digamma originally written. 30. Sinaltio inscrip- 
tions not of the Israelites. 31. Tau used for the cross. 32. Materials used 
for writing upon. 83. The papyrus. 

These two kinds of writing, written, as he says, from right to left, 1. 
evidently apply to the hieratic and demotic (or enchorial) ; for 
thongh the hieratic was derived from an abbreviated mode of writ- 
ing hieroglyphics, it was a different character ; as the demotic was 
distinct from the hieroglyphic and the hieratic. The same is stated 
by Diodoms (i. 81), who says "the children of the priests were 
tanght two different kinds of writing ;"...." but the generality 
of the people learn only from their parents, or relations, what is 
required for the exercise of their peculiar professions, a few only 
being taught anything of literature, and those principally the better 
class of artificers." Herodotus and Diodorus consider the hiero- 2. 
glyphics merely monumental; but they were not confined to 
mowwments, nor to sacred purposes. Clemens (Strom, v. p. 555) 
more correctly reckons three kinds of writing : 1, the epistolo- 3. 
graphic; 2, the hieratic, or sacerdotal; 3, the hieroglyphic, which 
was an ordinary written character like the other two, and originally 
the only one. He then divides the hieroglyphic into, 1, hyriologie 



302 NATURE OF THE DEMOTIC. App. Book H. 

(directly expressed by the first letter or initial of the name of the 
hieroglyphic object), and 2, symbolic, which was either directly ex- 
pressed by imitation^ or written by tropes, or altogether aUegoricaUy 
by certain enigmas. As an example of the kyriologic, he says they 
make a circle to represent the ^^snn," and **a crescent for the 
moon," " according to their direct form ; " in the tropical method 
they substitute one thing for another which has a certain resem- 
blance to it. It is therefore suited to express the praises of their 
kings in theological myths. Of the third or enigmatic an example 
may be given in their representing the planets from their motion 
by serpents, and the sun by a beetle (or more properly by a hawk). 
The scheme of Clemens may be thus represented : — 

Egyptian writing. 



Epistolograpbic Hieroglyphic. 

! 

Kyriologic (phonetic, by the initial letters). Symbolic. 



^y direct imitation, or repreeentation By Tropes, or anaglyphic. Allegoric, 

ikonographic, or ideographic Enigmatic, or 

Emblematic. 

4. The hieratic, which was derived from the hieroglyphic, was in- 
vented at least as early as the 9th dynasty, and fell into disuse when 
the demotic had been introduced. It consisted of phonetic, and also 
of symbolic signs. It was written from right to left, and was the 
character used by the priests and sacred scribes, whence its name. 

5. The demotic or enchorial, the epistolographic of Clemens, was a 
simplified form of the hieratic, and a nearer approach towards the 
alphabetic system ; though we find in it syllabic and some ikono- 
graphic or ideographic signs, as the palm-branch and sun for "a 
year," with others (see the following woodcut, which reads ** the 
year 6, the month Mcsore, the 20th day," or " the 6th year, the 20th 
day of the fourth month of the waters, of King Ptolemy ") ; and the 
several characters still amounted, according to Brugsch, to 275, 
including ligatures and numerals, or perhaps even exceeded that 
number. Plutarch is therefore wrong in limiting the number of 
letters in the Egyptian alphabet to twenty-five (de Is. s. 56). One 
great peculiarity pointed out by Brugsch is that demotic was used 
for the vulgar dialect, and is therefore more correctly called demotic 
than enchorial ; but it was also used in historical papyri. It was 
also invariably written, like the hieratic, from right to left. 

6. The form of the hieroglyphic, the hieratic, and the demotic, dif- 



Chap. V. IMITATIVE mEROGLYPHICS. 3O3 

fered more in some characters than Id others, as may be seen in the 
woodcut; where the transition from the first (sometimes through 
the second) to the demotic may be perceived. It is not quite cer- 



tain when the demotic first came into use, but it was at least as 7. 
early as the reign of Psammetichus II., of the 26th dynasty ; and it 
had therefore long been employed when Herodotus visited Egypt. 
Soon after its invention it was adopted for all ordinary purposes ; it 
was taught as part of an Egyptian education ; and after it, accord- 
ing to Clemens, they learnt the hieratic, and lastly the hieroglyphic. 
But this gradation, if ever observed, could only have been in later 
times; for in the early period, before the epistolographic, or 
demotic, was invented, the edhcated Egyptians must either have 
learnt the hieroglyphic, or the hieratic character, or have been left 
without any knowledge of reading and writing, which would have 
been tantamount to no education at all ; whereas we know on the 
contrary that hieroglyphics were commonly understood by all 
educated persons. Many too learnt hieroglyphics to whom the 
hieratic was not taught ; nor could the hieroglyphic have been at 
any time the last they learnt, since the invention of the hieratic was 
intended to enable the priest to possess a written character not 
generally known to the rest of the Egyptians. 

In symbolic hieroglyphics, 1. The ikonographic, representational, 8. 
or imitative hieroglyphics, are those that present the object itself, as 

the sun's disc, to signify the "«wh" ^ ; the crescent i to signify 

the ^^moon;" a male and female figure apply to man and vxnnan 
when separate, and signify mankind when together, as in this group 

^A J , with or without the word " rot " (" mankind "). 

2. The tropical hieroglyphics substitute one object for another, ^* 
to which it bears an analogy, as heaven and a star \\ ' for " night;'* 



304 EinOlfATIC HIEROOLYPHICS. App. Book n. 



8 



a leg in a trap . j , for ** deceit ; " a pen and inkstand (or writer* 

pallette) Mj for " writing,*' " to write,'* or a " scribe; " and a man 

breaking his own head with an axe, or a club, for the ** wicked,** — 
suicide being considered the most wicked action of a man. Again, 
the snn is pat for a " day ; ** and the moon for a " month ; ** a youth 

with his finger to his month HD for a " child ; ** a man armed with 
bow and quiver, a ^^ soldier** rdr ; • msLii pouring out a libation from 

a vase, or merely the vase itself y i ' * " priest ; ** a man with 

his hands bound behind his back, " a captive ** mj\ ; the ground- 
plan of a house, a " temple ** or a " house,** C3 ; ^s a valve signified 
a " door; ** the firmament, or the ceiling of a room, studded with stars, 
" the heaven ** ^aa^ ; and a man raising his hand, and calling to 
another, was the exclamation " oh,** and the vocative " o " (below, 
p. 312). An egg ^ signified a " child,** or " son ; ** a face " before,*' 
or a ^^ chief ; ** and a lion's fore part "the beginning,** and the hind- 
quarter " the end,** as in this sentence, ^T (^ y"^ ^ r "In 
the beginning of the year, (and) in the ^^j |0 AJ-y^ I A ®^^ 
of the year." 
10. 3. The enigmatic put an emblematic figure, or object, in lieu of 

the one intended to be represented, as a hawk for the " sun ** K ; 
a sealed figure with a curved beard J for a " god.** It is sometimes 
difficult to distinguish between tropical and enigmatic hieroglyphics ; 
as when the two water-plants I I are put for the " upper and lotver 

country,** being emblems of the two districts where they princi- 
pally grew, Upper and Lower Egypt. But it will be evident that 
the tropical is the nearest of the three to the phonetic, in compass 
and power of expression, from its being able more readily to express 
abstract ideas and facfcs. 



Chap. V. DETERMINATIVES. 305 

These three kindfl of what Clemens calls symbolic (or more pro- 11. 
^erly figure-hieroglyphics, in contradistinction to kyriologic, phonetic, 
or letter-hieroglyphics), were either nsed alone, or in company with 
tho phonetically- written word they represented. Thns, 1. the word 
Be, " sun," might be written in letters only, or be also followed by 
the ikonograph the solar disc (which if alone would still have the 
same meaning Be, " sun ") ; and as we might write the word 
" horse," and place after it a figure of that animal, they did the 

same after their word htr, or hthor, " horse " ■ •— ' ^H||"l\* So too 
the word "moon," Aah, or loh, was followed by the crescent, |»JH ^^ 




and rot N^f ^^ mankind** by the figure of a man and woman. 

Again, a man in the action of heating was placed either alone or 
after the verb to beat, " hei,** to have that meaning. In these cases 
the sign so following the phonetic word has been called a determi- 12. 
native, from its serving to determine the meaning of what preceded 
it. 2. In the same manner the tropical hieroglyphics might be alone, 
or in company with the word written phonetically ; and the expres- 
sion "to write," slchai, might be followed, or not, by its tropical 
hieroglyphic, the " pen and inkstand," as its determinative sign ; as 
the man hilling himself might be preceded by the word sheft, 
" wicked." 3. The emhle^natic figure — a hawk signifying the " sun " 
— ^might also be alone, or after the name "i^e" written phonetically, 
as a determinative sign ; and as a general rule the determinative 
followed instead of preceding the names, in which it differed from 
''the Chinese and Assyrian systems. Determinatives are therefore 
of three kinds, — ikonographic, tropical, and enigmatic. 

This union of both phonetic and symbolic hieroglyphics is com- 
monly adopted, and may be considered the remains of the original 
pictorial writing combined with the phonetic system. 

Some hieroglyphics again arc used as pure ikonographs, and 
phonetically also ; as tho plan of a house, which with a line added 
to it answers for the letter e, in ei L J I " house," though alone it 
also represented a " house," or " abode." 

Some which are tropical when alone are phonetic in combination, 
as the sign for " gold " nouh also stands for the letter n. 

Some too, which are emblematic, are phonetic in words, as the 

VOL. n. X 



306 OTHER VARIETIES. App. Book. II. 

orooodile's tail, the symbol of *' Egypt," when combined with an 
owl " m," answers to " kh " of the word khemi " Egypt," as well as 
of khame or hame "black." In these cases they are the initial 

13. letters of the words they represent ; so the guitar (or nabl) signifies 

" goody'' whether standing alone I , or as the initial of the word nofr 
** good " A ^.^ ; and the tau, or crux ansata, signifies ** life " (or 
** living "), whether it stands alone TT or as the initial of the word 

r 

written phonetically in full 2. '^'^^ onkh, or ankh. But these are 

only used, each for its own particular word, and do not stand for n 
or in any other. Moreover, they cannot be called ikonokraphic ; 
otherwise the guitar would sometimes signify what it represents — 
a ** guitar ; " nor can they be called determinatives, not being used 
to follow and determine the sense of the word, but forming part of 
it when written phonetically. Nor can they be classed among the 
simple phonetic characters, as they are only used in their own 
words of which they are the first letter, and not in any others where 
the same letter occurs. Of the same kind is the " stand," or barred 
emblem of stability, which with a hand signifies ^ ^ "to establish," 
and which is not employed for t in other words. These may be 
called limited initial signs, 

14. They may also be distinguished as specific signs, while others em- 
ployed for any words are generic. They have been called " mixed 
signs " together with many others, some of which, however, are of 
a dilEerent kind, and ought to be placed in a distinct order ; as the 
human head with the mat and two lines reading ape, "head," or 
" upon ; " for this is both ikonographic and phonetic. It stands for 
a " head " as well as for the letter a, and differs therefore from the 
guitar and others of limited force. This remark applies also to 
others that have been ranked among "mixed signs." 

15. Besides the employment of one or more single signs for a letter, 
there were some which stood for words of one syllable, in this 
manner: a sign which was followed by one particular vowel, or 
consonant, forming the word, was frequently placed alone (without 
its complement) for the whole monosyllable : thus the hoe " M " 
often stood for m^ (or mar), without the mouth representing the r ; 



Chap. V. ANTIQUITY OF HIEROOLYPHICa 307 

and the spiJced stand- " M " stood for the whole or monosyllabic word 
men, without the zigzag *' n," that sometimes follows to complete it; 
and in mes '* bom " the first sign answering to " m '' was pat alone 
for the whole word without the complementary "s." 

The Egyptians had also a singular mode of placing a sign, repre- 16> 
senting a medial Yowel, after the consonant it preceded in the 
word ; thus, for Aan they wrote a/na ; for Khons, Khnso ; Cwnana for 
Canaan. It must, however, be obseryed that the exact vowel is 
rarely certain, as we are obliged to supply those that are unex- 
pressed ; and in Coptic they are so changeable as to give us little 
help. Sometimes, too, the consonant beginning a word was doubled, 
as Ssa, for 5a, or Sau, (Perhaps also in Ssiris for Osiris,) 

In hieroglyphics of the earliest periods there were fewer phonetic 
characters than in after ages, being nearer to the original picture- 
writing. The number of signs also varied at different times ; but 
they may be reckoned at from 900 to 1000. 

The period when hieroglyphics, the oldest Egyptian characters, 17. 
were first used, is uncertain. They are found in the Great Pyramid 
of the time of the 4th dynasty, and had evidently been invented 
long before, having already assumed a cursive style. This shows 
them to be far older than any other known writing; and the 
written documents of the ancient languages of Asia, the Sanscrit 
and the Zend, are of a recent time compared with those of Egypt, 
even if the date of the Rig Yeda in the 15th century B.C. be proved. 
Manetho implies that the invention of writing was known in the 
reign of Ath6this (the son and successor of Menes), the second king 
of Egypt, when he ascribes to him the writing of the anatomical 
books; and tradition assigned to it a still earlier origin. At all 
events hieroglyphics, and the use of the papyrus, with the usual 
reed pen, are shown to have been common when the pyramids 
were built ; and their style in the sculptures proves that they were 
then a very old invention. 

Various new characters were added at subsequent periods, and a 
still greater number were introduced under the Ptolemies and 
Caesars, which are not found on the early monuments ; some, again, 
of the older times fell into disuse. 

All hieroglyphics, including the linear kind, or running hand 18. 
above mentioned, were written from right to left, from left to right, 
or in vertical columns (like Chinese), according to the space that was 
to be filled ; and the mode of reading was towards the faces of the 



308 RESTRICTION OF SYNONYMOUS SIGNS. App. Book. H. 



animals, or figures. Thus ^ iPHD ^' Pbrab, the mighty," and 



V 




" his son who loves him," read from left to right ; 



but if they faced the other way they would read from right to left ; 
as in the previous woodcut of section 6. This is a general rule, to 
which there are very few exceptions. 
19. The mode of forming the characters or phonetic signs was by 
taking the first letter of the name of those objects selected to be the 
representatives of each sound, thus : the name of an eagle, Akhom, 
began with the sound A, and that bird was taken as the sign for that 
letter ; an owl was chosen to represent an m, because it was the 
initial of Motdag, the name of that bird ; and others in like manner ; 
which may possibly explain the expression of Clemens, tA wpwra 
oToixtMy "the first letters,'* in opposition to symbolic signs. This 
use of the first letters of words naturally led to the adoption of 
many signs for the same character, and the hieroglyphic alphabet 
was consequently very large. It is not, however, to be supposed 
that all the signs for one letter were employed indiscriminately : 
the Egyptians confined themselves to particular hieroglyphics in 




writing certain words ; thus Amun was written I ^"' though ^^ 



would stand equally well for the mere letters A, m, n. Again, SnJcK 
"life," and many others, are always written with the same characters, 

so that the initial ■¥• alone stands for the entire word ; and if 

Ps or 3HHe are both used for mal, or meri, "loved," and other 

letters have their synonyms, these variations are very limited, and 
are adopted with great discretion, though greater latitude is allowed 
in the names of foreign people. Each sign has even been thought 
to have its own inherent vowel. 
20. Besides the restricted use of synonymous signs, another very im- 
portant index was adopted for separating words, and for pointing 
out their sense. This was the determinative sign already mentioned, 
which was a figure of the object itself following the phonetic word. 
A particular determinative of kind was also given to objects belong- 
ing to a collective genus, as the skin and tail M of an animal, 



Chap. V. PLURALS. 309 

" fca«," following a word, denoted some " beast;" thns I '^^^'^'^ 1 1^ 



dna, signified an "ape." But the skin, ^^has,** also stood for the 
word ** skin,^* and it was therefore a specific as well as a generic de- 
terminatiye ; and it was also a determinative of the God ^^Besa.** 
They also occasionally accompanied a word by another determi- 
native sign having the same sound ; as the goose after the name of 
Apis; or the stone, ^^st,^* that followed the name of the god Set or 
8eth ; Ac. 

A group accompanied by a sign signifying "land" ^^, pointed 
out some district or totcn of Egypt ; as another indicative of a hiUy 
country ^ a ^ stood for ^^ foreign land; " and a li/ne or tooth, ^ was 
the determinative of a " region^ Several expletives were also used 
for various purposes ; some as tacit signs being placed after sub- 
stantives, adjectives, and verbs, as the papyrus roU, m^^^^amm , and 
others denoting verbs of action, &c. 

In the formation of this written language the Egyptians began 21. 
with what is the oldest form of writing, representational signs. 
The alphabetic system was a later invention, which grew out of 
picture-writing ; for, as drawing is older than writing, so picture- 
writing is older than alphabetic characters, and, as Bacon justly 
observes, "hieroglyphics preceded letters." But the Egyptians in 
their representational signs, did not confine themselves to the simple 
delineation of the object, merely in order to signify itself; this 
would not have given them a written language ; they went further, 
and represented ideas also, for two legs not only signified what they 
represented, but implied the notion of " walking," or " motion ; " 
and the former meaning might be pointed out by a particular mark, 
which showed that the object was to be taken in a positive sense : 

thus -^ signified " walking," but — ^. was read " legs," which, 
in older times, was made by two separate legs ; and a huU signified 
" strong," but when followed by a half -circle and a line, it read 
simply " a bull." 

The plural number was marked by the same object thrice re- 22. 

peated, as j " God," j|1 " Gods," or by three lines following 

it, Hi ; but the Egyptians had no dual. (On their mode of writing 
numbers, see n. ■ on ch. 36, B. ii.) A circle or sieve, with two short 



3IO ABSTRACT IDEAS. App. Book II. 

linea within or below it, signified " tivice,^* ^ . The female sign 

was a small half-circle ^ after the word (whether singular or 
plural); thus an egg or a goose, signifying a ''^on," when followed 
by a half-circle, read " daughter.*' 
23. By certain combinations they portrayed an abstract idea, and a 
verb of action was indicated by the phonetic characters that formed 
it being followed by an object representing the action : as 




"nwt," with an eye and tears flowing from it, 
signified "(^o) weep" as well as ^Uoeeping" or ^^lamentation;'* the 



word mounkh^ followed by a mallet, ^2r^> implied " {to) work" or 

" huild" or any ** work ; " ottori,'^iJJ^, followed by the valve of a 

door, was " (to) open" though this hare and zigzag b'ne without the 
valve would be a tense of the verb " to be." 

Sometimes the phonetic word was omitted, and the determinative 
sign alone portrayed the idea, as a pair of eyes signified "to see " 
(without the word meio) ; a cerastes snake going into a hole signified 
" to enter" as its reversed position meant " to come ovi ; " and many 
others of a similar kind. It sometimes happened (as in other lan- 
guages) that the same name applied to two different objects, and 
then the same hieroglyphic stood for both, as ^^g^ neh for "lord," 
and niben, "all;" iri signified an "eye "and "to make;" and, as 
Dr. Young says, however much Warburton's indignation might be 
excited by this child's system, it is, after all, only one of the simple 
processes through which a written language may very naturally be 
supposed to advance towards a more perfect development. Emblems 
were also extensively employed : as the asp signified a Goddess ; the 
crowns of upper and lower Egypt the dominion of those two dis- 
tricts ; and several of the Gods were known by the peculiar emblems 
chosen to represent them, — the ibis or the cynocephalus being put 
for the God Thoth ; a square- eared fabulous animal for Seth or 
Typhon ; the hawk for Re and Horns ; the jackal for Anubis ; and 
others. 
24. But however ingeniously numerous signs were introduced to 
complete the sense, their mode of expressing abstract ideas was very 



Chap.v. origin of alphabetic writing. 311 

imperfect ; and anotber step was required beyond the nse of homo- 
phonons words, emblems, and positive representations of objects. 
This was the invention of the phonetic system already noticed 
(p. 307), which was evidently allied to the adoption of words of the 
same sound, the initial being taken instead of the whole word. Thns, 
when the names of objects began with a similar sound, either of 

them stood for the same letter : as ^k and / for m ; a hoe and 



k 



a tank of water f or m ; /^ sum, ** a star ;" and «en, '' a goose," for s, &o. 

Here, as already shown, is the germ of alphabetic writing ; and that 
a similar picture-writing was the origin of the Phoenician and the 
Hebrew, is proved by the latter having retained the names of the 
objects after their form could no longer be traced ; aleph, beth, and 
gimel, signifying the " buU " (** chief," or " head "), the " house," and 
the "camel." The names of these are also traced in the alpha, 
beta, gamma of the Greeks, who borrowed their letters from the 
Phoenicians. 

It is not possible in so short a space to give even a summary of 5. 
the grammar of hieroglyphics ; for this I must refer to Champol- 
lion's " Grammaire Egyptienne ; " and I shall merely observe that, Ist, 
in combining the pronouns with a verb, a sitting figure of a man 
(or of a woman, or of a king) for " I " (or a small vertical line, or 
a reed-head, before the verb), a basket with a ring for " thou," a 
cerastes for " he," the bolt, or broken line (" 8 ") for " she," and 



others, followed the verb, in this manner : — V f \ " ^ ^y >" ®^ 






* ^ "I give;" ^^{ "thou sayest;" ^»- I "be 





says ; " ^^^ I " she says ; " ^ " the king says ; " 





312 HIEBOOLTPHIC QRAMKAR. App. Book. II. 





"wesay;" ^^ \ " yon aay ; " ^^^ \ "they say;'* 




■ • ■ III III 

and these same signs are also put for the yarions cases of the per- 
sonal and possessive prononns wherever they are required. 

2nd. The perfect tense is marked by n after the verb, and before 

the pronouns : thus ^^^^ " ho makes " becomes '^^vnaa/v « he 

made," or '* he has made ; " and the mode of expressing the passive 

is by adding tou: thus ||| || mes* "bom," becomes 





msitovrf, or mesotU-f, " he was bom " (uatns est). 
We also find mesntou-f (natus erat, or fuerat). 
3rd. The future is formed by the auxiliary verb ao (or aw), " to 

be," followed by the fnouth .^^^>- r m ^^v^\ '^■■ ^ " for ; *' 



\y^ 



as " I am for to make," or ** I will make." M. de Roug6 also shows 
that the future is formed by prefixing tu to the root. 

4th. The imperative mood is marked by the interjection " Oh," 

■— 1- 



the word " Iwl'' m ||kj||^j\ ' ^^ ^^ *^® IIL. ^^^ ^^' 




5th 
the verb 



. In the subjunctive the verb immediately follows a tense of 
erb " to give," as (Osiris) " give thou that I may see " 

; or the verb is preceded by n, " for," 





" that," as '^ ^ " that thou mayest see." 



* Mas is " 8on " in Berber ; and perhaps in Nnmidian, as in Masinissa. 



Chap. V. INVENTION OF LETTEBa 3 13 

6th. In the optative the verb is preceded by the word 

-^n|r I I 7th. The infinitive is formed by prefixing er to 
-^Sr^ 1 1 the root. 

8th. The participle present is generally determined by a cerastes 
following it, or by a bolt, or broken line (" s "), for a female ; and 

the same is expressed by nt, " who : " as ^u *' who 




III -^1 



saves," or " saving " (saviour) ; the plural by " u " 

ll» 
instead of " ten." The participle past is formed bj adding " out " 

or " tou " i& ,^: as ■ ■ " established." 



" (^ ^ : as Tt ^ 



9th. The negative sign is a pair of extended arms with the palms 26. 
of the hands downwards g j ^ g i preceding the verb. 

From this may also be seen how the phonetic letters were nsed ; 
but even after their introdnction the old representational picture- 
writing was not abandoned ; the names of objects, though written 
phonetically, were often followed, as already shown, by the object 
itself ; and though they had made the first step towards alphabetic 
writing, they never adopted that system which requires each letter 
to have only one sign to represent it ; and it was not till Christianity 
introduced the Coptic, which was a compound of Egyptian and 
Greek, that pure alphabetic writing became practised in Egypt. 

It has long been a question what people first invented alphabetic 27. 
writing. Pliny says, " Ipsa gens Phoenicum in gloriH magna litera- 
rum inventionis " (v. 12) ; and Quintus Curtius gives the honour to 
the Tyrians ; Diodorus to the Syrians ; and Berosus, according to' 
Polyhistor, makes Oannes teach it, with every kind of art and 
science, to the Babylonians (Eusebius, Chron. Can. v. 8) ; all of which 
point to the same Phoenician origin. And if the Egyptians called 
themselves the inventors (Tacitus, Ann, xi. 14), and ascribed them 
to Menon (as Pliny says, fifteen years before Phoroneus, the oldest 
king of Greece, vii. 56), the claim to real alphabetic writing is cer- 
tainly in favour of the Phoenicians, to whom also so many people 
are indebted for it, including the Greeks and Romans, and through 
them the nations of modem Europe. For while the Egyptians, in 
the hieroglyphic and hieratic, had (upwards of 2500 years before 
our era) the first germ of the alphabetic system, the Phoenicians, a 




314 ALPHABET OF THE GREEK& Arr. Book n. 

higlilj practical people, first stmck ont the idea of a simple and 
reguknr aJphahet. It was to the old Egyptian mixed plan what 
printing was to the preyions restricted nse of signets and occasional 
oomlBnations of letters employed for stamping some docnments ; it 
a new and perfect process ; and if Phoenicia, nnder the &bled 
of Cadmns C the East "), imparted letters to Greece (Herod. 
T. 58), this was long before Egypt adopted (abont the 7th centnry 
B.C.) the more perfect mode of nsing one character for a letter in the 
demotic writing. It is singular, too, that the Greeks imitated the 
Phoenicians in writing from right to left (a Semitic custom differing 
from the Sanscrit and some others in Asia), and afterwards changed 
it to a contrary direction, as in modem Eorope ; and it is possible 
that the Egyptians decided at last to confine themselres to that mode 
of writing from right to left from their constant intercourse with 
their Semitic neighbours. The transition from the Phoenician to 
the Gb^ek may be readily perceived in the old archaic writing. 
(See next page, and on Gadmus see note ^ on ch. 44.) 

28. Pliny (viL 56) says, " Gadmus brought sixteen letters from Phoe- 
nicia into Ck'eece, to which Palamedes, in the time of the Trojan 
war, added four more — 0, S, <t, X ; and Simonides afterwards intro- 
doced four — Z, H, ir, Q. Aristotle thinks there were of old eighteen 
—A, B, r. A, E, Z, I, K, A, M, N, O, O, P, 2, T, Y, *, and that 0, X 
were added by Epicharmus rather than by Palamedes ; but his ^ 
should rather be the Q or Q of ancient Greek. Anticlides states 
that "fifteen years before Phoroneus, the first king of Greece, a 
certain Menon, in Egypt, invented letters, .... but it appears that 
they were always used. The first who brought them into Latium 
were the Pelasgi." Ensebius (C^Hiron. Gan. i. 13) says, " Palamedes in- 
vented the first sixteen letters — A, B, P, A, E, I, K, A, M, N, O, n, P, 
2, T, Y, to which Gadmus of Miletus added three others — 9, <t, X ; 
Simonides of Gos two — H, Q ; and Epicharmus of Syracuse three 
more — Z, S, ir, which completed the twenty-four." But they all 
forget that the aspirate and digamma H and F, were among the 
original letters ; and the double letters and long vowels were indi- 
cated (as at Aboosimbel) long before the age of Simonides. The 
Etruscans had Z, 0, <I>, X, and no S or 4^ ; and they never added 
H, Q. (See note » on ch. 30.) 

29. It is still uncertain when the Greeks first used letters ; but the 
absence of the written ^olic digamma in Homer is no proof that it 
ceased to be employed when the Iliad was first written, since 




IntMiM 


FNCWei/IM 


ANCIKIIT GREKK 


LATCa CRCEK 


B 
E 

S 


HCBREN 
OF, 

eons 


f) 


i?^ 


A /<7/IA 


A A 


A 


X-^ 


a 


^ 


^ i^ 


B 


B 


^ 


;] 


/11 


A^/^C 


r 





T 


^ 


A^ 


i^z^vp 


A 


D 


A 


n 


?^ 


^^>^ii^l$ 


E e 


E 




1 


1 


^ A 




F 


TJ. 


"J 


z 


s 2 -r 


z 


Z 




n 


14 


B ^ 




H 


B 


ts 


<& 


O®® ^Q 


© 


Th 




<l 


'V 


Z i t 


1 


I 


^ 


5 


>1>I 


i >\ K 


K 


K 


^ 


h> 


41^ 


Av/J/- 


A 


L 


LU. 


a 


y 


^"yrv^N 


M 


M 


ty 


2 


» 


^H^A 


N 


N 


tb 


D 


w 


t > 


^" 


X 




y 


o 


OO D 


O 


o 


ovo 


.£) 


1 


n r 


n 


p 


n 


> 


V 







Q 


p 


"1 


^11 


4 *! ?/^Ap 


p 


R 


^v 


m 


W'*/WV 


M"iri> 


zc 


S 


Ww 


n 


.jAfA 


T t 


. T 


1. 


+X 


•s 


rr 


OaiTTKD KOT BBIMC 
IN ClUtK 




11 


^aM 



(See note * on oh. 80, and note * oh. 86, B. ii.; and on oh. 69, B. r.) 



3i6 



SINAITIC INSCRIPTIONS. 



App. Book II. 



30. 



numerous inscriptions dating long after this introduce the digamma. 
The Btjle varied slightly in different parts of Greece and Asia Minor, 
at the same time. Even if letters were used so soon by the Assy- 
rians, as Plinj thinks ("literas semper arbitror Assyrias foisse," 
vii. 56), they could not have been the origin of those in Greece. 

Indeed he adds, " alii apad -^gyptios, alii apud Syrios, 

repertas volunt ; " and it was the " Syrians" (i.e. Phoenicians) who 
had a reed alphabet.^ Nor is there any evidence of the characters 
so much like Hebrew found in Assyria having been used at a very 
remote period. Warburton (Div. Leg. vol. ii. b. iv. s. 4) thinks 
"that Moses brought letters with the rest of his learning from 
Egypt ; " but the old Hebrew character was the Samaritan, which 
was closely allied to the Phoenician, and evidently borrowed from it; 
and that too before the Egyptians had purely alphabetic writing. 

It would be interesting if the so-called Sinaitic inscriptions were 
written by the Israelities, and were the earliest existing instance of 
alphabetic writing ; but we are not on that account justified in coming 
to such a conclusion ; and to show how unwarranted it is, I need 
only say that I have found them (beginning too with the same word 
so common in those at Mount Sinai) on the western, or Egyptian, 
side of the Red Sea, near the watering-place of Aboo-Durrag ; and 
they appear also at W. Umthummerdna (in the Wady Arraba), at 
Wady Dthdhal (in lat. 28° 40'), and at the port of E'Gimsheh (near 
Gebel E'Zayt, opposite Has Mohammed). They must therefore 
have belonged to a people who navigated the Red Sea, and who fre- 
quented the wells on the coast. This was long after the era of the 

31 > Exodus ; and the presence of crosses, and of the Egyptian Tau, 
in some of the inscriptions at Mount Sinai, argues that they were of a 
Christian age ; for the adoption of the Tau as a cross is shown, 
by its heading the numerous Christian inscriptions at the Great 
Oasis, to have been at one time very general in this part of the East. 

32. Various materials were employed for writing upon, at different 
times, and in different countries. Among them were leaves, pith, 



• The writings of Moses date at 
latest in the end of the 15th century 
B.C., and the Phcenician letters were 
probably mnoh older; so that alpha- 
betic characters were used upwards 
of 1600 years B.C. The Arian writinfifs 
are later than this ; and Sanscrit, from 
itB letters facing to the left, while the 
worde are written from left to right, 



gpives an evidence of its having bor- 
rowed letters from a Semitic source. 
They are not turned, as in the later 
Greek, to suit the direction of the 
words. In Zend the letters face to 
the left, as the words do; and some 
of them appear to bear a resemblance 
to Phoenician characters. 



Chap. V. MATERIALS FOR WRITING. 317 

and bark of trees, tised also at the present day, (whence liber and 
charta,) papyrus or byblus (whence Bible), cloth, bones, skins, leather, 
stones, pottery, metal, wax-tablets, and other substances. 

The Ghreek name Zupeipa applied to skins used for writing upon, 
which were adopted by the Persians also (Diod. ii. 32), has been, as 
Major Bennell ingeniously supposes, the origin of the Persian and 
Arabic word " defter," applied to an " account," or ** memorandum- 
book." Parchment was invented about 250 B.C. by Eumenes, king 
of Pergamus (whence its name), who, wishing to emulate the Alex- 
andrian library, was unable to obtain papyrus paper through the 
jealousy of the Ptolemies. These Pergamena, the Boman mem- 
brana, were either skins of sheep, or of calves (vitulina, vellum). 
Pliny is wrong in supposing the papyrus was not used till the age 
of Alexander ; being common (together with the reed pen, palette, 33. 
and other implements of later Egyptian scribes) in the time of the 
oldest Pharaohs, at least as early as the 3rd and 4th dynasty ; he is 
equally so in saying that when Homer wrote, Egypt was not all 
firm land ; that the papyrus was confined to the Sebennytic nome ; 
and that the land was afterwards raised ; making the usual mistake 
about Pharos (see note * on ch. 5, Book ii.). Of old, he says, "men 
wrote on leaves of palms and other trees " (as now in Birmah, and 
other countries), "afterwards public records were on lead, and private 
on linen and wax ; " but all this was long after the papyrus was used 
in Egypt. He also describes the process of making paper from the 
papyrus (xiii. 11), and adds (xiii. 12), " the largest in old times was 
the Hieratic (for holy purposes) ; afterwards the best was called 
Augustan, the second Livian, the Hieratic being the third ; and the 
next was the Amphi theatric (from the place where made). Fan- 
nius at Rome made an improved kind, called Fannian, that not 
passing through his hands being still styled Amphitheatric ; and 
next was the Saitic, a common kind from inferior stalks. The 
Teniotic, from the part nearest the rind, sold for weight, not for 
goodness ; and the Emporetic of shops, for packing, not for writing 
upon. The outside was only fit for ropes, and that only if kept wet. 
. . . The breadth of the best is now 13 fingers (about 9f inches) 
broad ; the Hieratic two less, the Fannian 10, the Amphitheatric 9, 
the Saitic less, and the Emporetic (used for business) not above 6. 
In paper, four things must be looked to, fineness, compactness, 
whiteness, and smoothness. Claudius Ceesar altered the Augustan, 
being thin and not bearing the pen, the ink too appearing through 



r 



3l8 DIMENHIONS OF PAPTBU& App. Book n. 

it. He added a second lajer in thickness, and made the breadth a 
foot and 1^ foot, or a cnbit. ... It is made smooth or polished 
with a (boar's) tooth, or a shell." Bat some sheets of papjros were 
much larger than the best of Roman time ; the Tnrin papjros of 
kings was at least \4\ inches in breadth ; this was of the earlj age 
of the great Remeses ; and I have seen one of 17 and another of 18 
inches, of the time of the 19th djnastj. (See At. Eg. W., vol. iii. 
61, and 146 to 151, 185 ; see n. « ch. 86, and n. ^ ch. 92, Book ii.) 
— [G. W.] 



Chap. VI. GAMES AND PASTIMES. 319 



CHAPTER VI. 

"GYMNASTIC CONTESTS."— Chap. 91. 

1. GTmnastic contests. 2. Game of ball. 8. Thimble-rig and other games. 
4. Mora and draughts. 5. Pieces for draughts. 6. Dice. 7. Other games. 

Gtmvastio contests were not confined to the people of Chemmis : 1. 
and contests of yarioos kinds, as wrestling (No. I.), single-stick, and 
feats of strength, were common thronghoat the country, at least as 
earlj as the 12th dynasty. Among their amusements was the game 2. 
of ball (so much esteemed by the Greeks and Romans also), which 
they sometimes played by throwing np and catching several balls 
successively, and often mounted on the back of those who had 
missed the ball (the 6yoi, '* asses," as the riders were the /Soo-iAc?;, of 
the Greeks). (No. 11). They had also the sky-ball (ohptwla) which 
they sometimes caught while jumping off the ground (as in Homer, 
Od. G. 374). (No. in.) Other games were, swinging each other 
round by the arms ; two men sitting on the ground back to back 
striving who should rise first (No. V.) ; throwing knives into a block 
of wood, nearest to its centre, or to the edge ; snatching a hoop 
from each other with hooked sticks (No. TV.) ; a man guessing a 
number, or which of two persons struck him on the back as he 
knelt, perhaps like the Ghreek Ko?iXafiurfi6s (Jul. Pol. Onom. iz. 7); 
women tumbling and turning over ** like a wheel," described in the 
Banquet of Xenophon (see At. Eg. W., vol. ii p. 415 and to the 
end), for which necklaces and other rewards were given (Nos. VI., 
Vni.) ; thimble-rig (No. IX.) ; raising bags of sand (No. VII.), and 3. 
other pastimes ; among which were contests in boats ; fighting with 
bulls ; and bull-fights for prizes, which last are mentioned by Strabo 
at Memphis (No. XI.) Still more common were the old game of 
Mora ; comp. " micare digitis," the modem Italian mora (No. X., 4. 
Fig. 1 ; No. XIII., Fig. 2) ; odd and even (No. X., Fig. 2) ; and 
draughts, miscalled chess, which is " JTa6," a word now used by the 
Arabs for " men," or " counters " (Nos. XII., XIH.) This last was 
also a game in Greece, where they often threw for the move; 
whence Achilles and Ajax are represented on a Greek vase calling 



OAIOB AND PASTDCBa Afp. Book H. 




Chap. VL 



GAMES AND PASTIMEa 



321 



rpia^ rdiTffapaj 88 they plaj. This was done by the Romans also in 
their Duodeetm ScrvptOy and Terence says : — 

" . d IndiB teaseris, 

Si illad, qnod TnaTime opus est jaotn, non oadit, 
nind quod oecidit forte, id arte at oorrigaa." 

Adel^h. iy. 7, 22.24. 









t 

I 
\ 




VOL.11. 



QAUES AND PASTIMES. App. Boo» II. 




QAHES AND PASTIMES. 




OAHES AND FASTIHE3. Xit- Book U. 




Ho. XTL taut if w whwiraOf* 



CUAF. VL GAMES AND FAffTIHES. 32$ 

Pl&to sayB it wu inTeatod by Thoth, the Egyptian Ueiciuy (Ptuedr., 
ToL tlL p. 364 tr. : T.), as well bb games of hazard. In Egypt 
draughts was a faronrite among all ranks ; in his palace at Medee- 
□et Haboo, Bemeses III. amnaes himself bj playing it with the 




womea of his household ; and its antiqaity is shown by its being 
1 the tombs of Beni Hassan, dating abont 2000 years 
The pieces were nearly similar in form on the same board; 5 




one set black, the other white, of ivory, bone, or wood, and somo 
have been found with hnman heads, differing for each side of the 
board. The largest pieces are 1} inch high, and 1} diameter. 




Unknown QUDaa. 



f!^ 



j26 OTHER GAMES. App. Book II. 

^* Dice are also met with, but of uncertain date, probably Roman. 

7. There are two other games, of which the boards have been dis- 
covered in Egypt, with the men. The former are 11 inches long 
by 8 J ; and one has 10 spaces in 3 rows, or 30 squares ; the other 12 
spaces in the upper part (or 4 spaces in 3 rows) with a long lino of 
8 spaces below, as an approach to it, resembling the arrangement, of 
German tactics. The men, found in the drawer of the board itself, 
are in two sets, and of two different shapes (one like our dice-boxes, 
the other conical, but both solid) ; and one set is 10, the other 9 in 
number ; but the latter may be imperfect. 

There were also other games, not easily understood; though 
doubtless very intelligible to the Egyptians who saw them so repre- 
sented in the sculptures. (For the principal Egyptian games, sec 
At. Eg. W., and P. A. At. Eg. W., vol. i. p. 189 to 211.)— [a. W.] 



Chap. VII. EGYPTIAN SaENCE AND PHILOSOPHY. 327 



CHAPTER VII. 

' ' GEOMETRY FIRST CAME TO BE KNOWN IN EGYPT, WHENCE IT 

PASSED INTO GREECE."— Chap. 109. 

1. Greeks indebted to Egypt for early lessons in science. 2. Invention of geo- 
metry. 3. Surveying, geography. 4. Early advancement of the Egyptians 
in science. 5. Tholes and others went to study in Eg^pt. 6. Pythagoras 
borrowed much from Egypt. 7. Heliocentric system. 8. Revived by Coper, 
nicus. 9. Pythagoras and Solon in Egypt. 10. Great genius of the Greeks. 
11. Herodotus unprejudiced. 12. The dial. 13. The twelve hours. 14. The 
division of the day by the Jews, Greeks, and Romans. 15. The Egyptians 
had 12 hours of day and of night. 16. The week of seven days in Egypt. 
17. The Aztec week of nine days. 18. The seven-day division in Egypt. 
19. The number seven. 20. Division by ten. 21. Greek and Egyptian 
month and year of three parts. 

That the Greeks should have been indebted to Egypt for their early \ 
lessons in science is not surprising, since it is known that, in those 
days, Egypt took the lead in all philosophical pursuits. Thales, the 
first Grreek who arrived at any proficiency in geometry, went to 
study there ; and his example was afterwards followed by others, 
who sought the best school of science and philosophy. Pliny's story 
of Thales (who was only bom about 640 B.C.) teaching his instruc- 
tors to measure the height of a pyramid by its shadow is sufficiently 
improbable; but that it should be repeated and believed at the 
present day is surprising ; and some appear to think the Egyptians 
incapable of making canals until taught by the Greeks. Equally 
inconsistent is the story of Pythagoras' theory of musical sound ; 
not only because he had visited countries where music had long been 
a profound study, but because the anvil (like a bell) gives the same 
sound when struck by different hammers, at least when struck on 
the same part. 

If Plato ascribes the invention of geometry to Thoth ; if lam- 2. 
blichus says it was known in Egypt during the reign of the gods ; 
and if Manetho attributes a knowledge of science and literature to 
the earliest kings ; these facts merely argue that such pursuits were 
reputed to be of very remote date there. The monuments, however, 
prove the truth of the reports of ancient authors respecting the early 
knowledge of geometry, astronomy, and other sciences among the 
Egyptians. Mensuration and surveying were the first steps that ^ 




328 ASTRONOMY. App. Booh II. 

led to geographj ; and the Egyptians were not satisfied with the 
bare enumeration of conquered provinces and towns ; for, if we may 
believe Enstathius, "they recorded their inarch in maps, which 
were not only given to their own people, but to the Scythians also 
to their great astonishment." 
^* The practical results of their knowledge had sufficiently proved 
the great advancement made by them, ages before the Greeks were 
in a condition to study, or search after science. It was in Egypt 
that the Israelites obtained that knowledge which enabled them to 
measure and " divide the land ; " and it was the known progress made 
by the Egyptians in the various branches of philosophical research 
5. that induced the Ghreeks to study in Egypt. Those too who followed 
Thales only varied the theories he had propounded ; and the subse- 
quent visits of others, as Pythagoras, Eudoxus, and Plato, intro- 
duced fresh views, and advanced the study of philosophy and posi- 
tive science on the same grounds, but with greater knowledge, in 
proportion as they went deeper into the views of their teachers. It 
was doubtless from Egypt that " Thales and his followers '' derived 
the fact of " the moon receiving its light from the sun " (Plut. de 
Placit. Philos. ii. 28; Cic. de N. Deor. i., and Diog. Laert 8), 
which Anacreon has introduced into a drinking Ode (19), — 

The same was tho belief of Aristarchus at a later time (Vitruv. 
ix. 4) ; and Macrobius (on Cicero's Somn. Scip. i. p. 44) says " innam, 
quaB luce propria caret, et de sole mutuatur." 

(>. No one will for a moment imagine that the wisest of the Greeks 
went to study in Egypt for any other reason than because it was 
there that the greatest discoveries were to be learnt ; or that Pytha- 
goras, or his followers (Plut. de P. Phil. iii. 11), suggested, from no 

7. previous experience, the theory (we now call Copemican) of the 
sun being tho centre of our system (Aristot. de Coelo, ii. 13) ; or the 
obliquity of the ecliptic (see note • on ch. 51), or the moon's bor- 
rowed light, or the proof of the milky way being a collection of 
stars (Plut. PI. Phil. iii. 1 ) derived from the fact that the earth 
would otherwise intercept the light if derived from the sun, taught 
by Democritus and by Anaxagoras, according to Aristotle (Arist. 
Met. i. 8), the former of whom studied astronomy for five years in 
Egypt (Diodor. i. 98), and mentions himself as a disciple of tho 
priests of Egypt, and of the Magi, having also been in Persia and 



Chap. VH. ASTRONOMY. 329 

at Babylon (Clem. Str. i. p. 304). The same may be said of the 
principle by which the heavenly bodies were attracted to a centre, 
and impelled in their order (Arist. de CcbI. ii. 13), the theory of 
eclipses and the proofs of the earth being round (ii. 14). These 
and many other notions were doubtless borrowed from Egypt, to 
which the Greeks chiefly resorted, or from the current opinions of 
the ^* Egyptians and Babylonians," the astronomers of those days ; 
from whose early discoveries so much had been derived concerning 
the heavenly bodies (Arist. de Coel. ii. 12). Cicero, on the authority 
of Theophrastus, speaks of Hycetas of Syracuse, a Pythagorean, 
having the same idea respecting the earth revolving in a circle 
round its own axis (Acad. Qussst. ii. 39), which Diogenes LaertiuB 
says another Pythagorean, Philolaus, had propounded before him 
(Life of Philolaus) ; and Aristotle (de CcbIo, ii. 13) observes, that 
though the greater part of philosophers say the earth is the centre 
of the system, the Pythagoreans who live in Italy maintain that fire 
is the centre, and the earth being one of the planets rotates about 
the centre and makes day and night. And if Plato mentions the 
same, as Cicero says " rather more obscurely," yrjy .... ^tkoviUrnv tk 
vfpl rhv Zth. vturrhs triJAov r€rafi€yoy (in Tim. 80, p. 530), it is probably 
owing to his having heard of it while in Egypt, without giving the 
same attention to the subject as his predecessor Pythagoras. This 
heliocentric system was finally revived in Europe by Copernicus 8. 
after having been for ages lost to the world ; though Nicolas of Cus 
long before his time, and perhaps some others, were acquainted with 
it ; and when Peru was conquered by the Spaniards it was found 
that the sun had there long been considered the centre of our 
system. 

lamblichus says Pythagoras derived his information upon different 9. 
sciences from Egypt; he learnt philosophy from the priests; and 
his theories of comets, numbers, and music, were doubtless from the 
same source ; but the great repugnance evinced by the Egyptian 
priests to receive Pythagoras, will account for their withholding 
from him much that they knew, though his great patience, and his 
readiness to comply with their regulations even to the rite of cir- 
cumcision (Clem. Strom, i. p. 302), obtained for him more informa- 
tion than was imparted to any other Greek (Plut. de Is. s. 10). 
Clemens says (Strom, i. p. 303) " Pythagoras was the disciple of 
Sonches the Egyptian arch- prophet (Plutarch says of Onuphis, and 
Solon of Sonchis the Saite) ; Plato of Sechnuphis of Heliopolis ; 




330 HELIOCENTRIC SYSTEM. App. Book II. 

and EadoxDS the Cnidian of Conuphis ; " and he repeats the story 
of Plato (Tim. p. 466, tr. T.), of the Egyptian priest, saying, " Solon, 
Solon, you Greeks are always children " . . . . which shows what 
the general belief was among the Egyptians and Greeks, respecting 
the source of knowledge in early times. Strabo indeed (xvii. p. 554} 
affirms that " the Greeks did not even know the (length of the; year 
till Eudozus and Plato went to Egypt " at the late period of 370 B.C. 
(See also Diodor. i. 28, and 81, and what is cited by Eusebius, Praep. 
Evang. X. p. 480, respecting' the visits of several Greeks ; also Clem. 
Strom, i. 300, and Diog. Laert. Life of Thales, 15 ; and Cicero, Somn. 
Scip., who says ** Plato -<Egyptios omnium philosophia) disciplinamm 

10. parentes secutus est.") The development given, in after times, by 
the Greek mind to what they learnt originally from Egypt, is what 
showed their genius, and conferred an obligation on mankind ; and 
it is by keeping this in view, and by perceiving how the Greeks 
applied what they learnt, that we shall do them justice, not by 
erroneously attributing to them the discovery of w^hat was already 
old when they were in their infancy. (See n. ^ ch. 35, n. ® ch. 51, 
n. 2 ch. 123.) 

11. Herodotus, on this as on other occasions, is far above the pre- 
judices of his countrymen ; he claims no inventions borrowed from 
other people ; and his reputation has not suffered from the in- 
judicious accusation of Plutarch ** of malevolence towards the 
Greeks." 

12. ** The ypii}fjMv and the ir<JAo5," says Herodotus, " were received Viy 
the Greeks from the Babylonians ; " but they attributed the inven- 
tion of the gnomon to Anaximander, and that of various dials to 
Eudoxus and others ; some again ascribing them to Berosus ( Vitruv. 
ix. 9). That the dial was of very early date is evident, since in the 
days of Hezekiah, between three and four hundred years before 
Eudoxus, and about one hundred years before Anaximander, it w^as 
known to the Jews, as is shown in Isaiah xxxviii. 8, and 2 Kings 
XX. 16, where the shadow is said to have been brought " ten degrees 
{maluth) backward, by which it had gone down on the dial {maluth) 
of Ahaz." The Hebrew word, "step," "degree," n^yo malh or 
xn&leh, is the same as the Arabic ddraga, "step " or "degree," and 
the Latin gradus ; and is taken from dZ/i, " to go up." Mr. Bosan- 
qnet has explained the manner in which the sun during an annular 
eclipse caused the shadow to go back in what he supposes to have 
been really a flight of steps, and fixes the date of it in January 689. 



Chap. VII. EARLY USE OF THE DIAL. 33 1 

At all events tlie tLse of the dial was known in Judasa as earlj as 
seven centuries before our era, and it is not mentioned as a novelty. 
All that Anaximander could have done was to introduce it into 
Greece, and adoption should frequently be substituted for " invert^ 
tlon^* in the claims set up by the G-reeks. Indeed they often 
claimed inventions centuries after they had been known to other 
people ; and we are not surprised at the statement of Plato, that 
" when Solon inquired of the priests of Egypt about ancient 
matters, he perceived that neither he nor any one of the Greeks (as 
ho himself declared) had any knowledge of very remote antiquity." 
(Plat, in Tim. p. 467.) And when Thales is shown by Laertiua 
to have been the first who was acquainted with geometry, some 
notion may be had of the very modem date of science in Greece, 
since he was a contemporary of Croesus (Herod, i. 75), and lived at 
a time when Egypt had already declined from its greatness, and 
more than seven centuries after astronomical calculations had been 
recorded on the monuments of Thebes. Clemens (Strom, i. p. 300) 
says Thales is thought by some to be a Phoenician, and quotes 
Leander and Herodotus ; but the latter only says his ancestors 
were Phoenician (i. 170). 

Vitruvius attributes the invention of the semicircular (concave) 
dial, or hemicyclium, to Berosus, the ChaldsBan historian, who was 
born in the reign of Alexander, which is reducing the date of it to a 
very recent period. This was a simple kind of ^^^os (for, as before 
observed, the 'it6\os is the dial, and yvdifiwv merely a perpendicular rod 
which showed the time by the length of its shadow — see note • on 
ch. 109), and it was very generally used till a late period, judging 
from the many that have been found of Roman times. It consisted 
of a basin, xtxayUy with a horizontal yvdi/jMu in the centre of one end, 
and eleven converging lines in the concave part divided it into the 
twelve hours of the day ; the older dials having been marked by 
degrees, probably like that of Ahaz. The Greeks marked the divi- 
sions by the first twelve letters of the alphabet, and four of these 
reading zHei, "Enjoy yourself," are alluded to in this epigram, 
ascribed to Lucian (Epigr. 17) : — 

rpdfifjuuri 9€iKvififyatf C^Oi kiyown $p6rois. 

"Eudoxus," according to Vitruvius, "invented the Arachne (spider's 
web), or, as some say, Apollonius ; and Aristarchus of Samos the 
scaphe or hemisphere, as well as the disk on a plane ; " which (if he 




332 DIVISIONS OF TIME. App. Book H. 

means a dial on a plane surface) was a still further improvement, 
and required greater knowledge for its constraetion. The most 
perfect hjdraalic-clock was invented by Ctesibins, at Alexandria, in 
the time of Ptolemy Energetes II. ; bnt the more simple clepsydra 
was known long before, being mentioned by Aristophanes, and de- 
scribed by Aristotle (Probl. sec. 16, p. 933), and not being then a 
novelty. (See Athen. Deipn. iv. p. 174, and xi. p. 497; Vitmv. 
ix. 9 ; Plin. vii. 37, and ii. 7^^ on the Horologinm.) Herodotus 
13. says the Oreeks received the twelve hours from the Babylonians, 
and the Jews are supposed not to have adopted them till after the 
captivity. The first mention of an hour is certainly in Daniel 
(iv. 19), where the name sdh is the same as now used in Arabic ; for 
though even there (as in iii. 6) the sense might require it to mean 
only ** moment," the use of the word " time " immediately before, 
shows that sah was a division of time, which is still employed by 
the Arabs in the same sense of " hour " and " moment." 
14 The Jews at first divided the day into four parts, and their night 
into three watches, and the mention of the dial of Ahaz proves that 
they had also recourse to a more minute division of time ; but no 
hours are specified ; and afterwards, when they adopted them, the 
numbering of their hours was irregular, as with the Arabs, being 
reckoned from sunrise to sunset. The Greek word &pa was used 
long before hours were introduced into Grreece. Homer divides the 
day into three parts (H. xxi. Ill ; see note® on ch. 173) ; and at 
Rome it consisted of two, sunrise and sunset, meridies or noon sepa- 
rating the two ; and the twelve equal parts were adopted B.C. 291. 
The natural division of the circle by its radius of 60° 
into six parts, and into six more by the half of those 
parts, or by the same radius starting from the second 
diameter, CD, which crosses the first, ab, at right angles, 
may have been the origin of this conventional division 
into twelve parts ; as that into three parts may have been the divi- 
sion of the circle by the length of its diameter, or 120°. 
15. The Egyptians had twelve hours of day and twelve of night at a 
very early period ; but there is nothing to show whether this divi- 
sion was first used in Egypt or Chaldsea. The Greeks, however, 
who frequented Egypt from the time of Thales, ought to have been 
acquainted with the twelve hours there ; and their intercourse being 
far greater, both for study and for trade, with Egypt than with 
Babylon, we might suppose them more likely to receive them from 




Chap. VH. THE SEVEN-DAY DIVISION. 333 

the former than from that inland city ; but an interconrse thiongh 
Asia Minor may have brought them to Ghreece from the Babylonians. 

It has been a qnestion whether the Egyptians had a week of 16. 
seven days. Dio Cassias (writing in 222 A.D.) evidently shows that 
this was the case when he says: — riis Upas riis iffUpas kcJ trvierhs kwh 

vp^iis ip^dfitwos ApiBfuTy, iccJ iKtlrnv fi^w r^ Kp6tf^ 9i9ovs, r^y 8^ Ircrra rf A(7, 
•col Tplrriv "Apfi, rrrdpTfiv 'HXly, it4fiimiy 'A^oSfrp, titrnw 'Epfi^, Koi ifiSS/ifiv ScX^yp, 
icoT^ T^y rd^uf r&if k^kXmv itaff fjy ol Ajy^wrun abriiy ¥Ofd(owrt, icai tovto icol Mis 
woi'^aas wdfftu yhp otirus rhs T4<r<rapas Koi ^danrtv &pas it^pttXOiow, §6p^iff€ts r^y vpt&rrfy 
rris hnoCtnjs ^fidpas Spaof is rltv "HXioy a^aeofUvriir Ktd rovro itcJ ^ iictlwctw rS$y 
Ticadpww fccJ cfKOcriy &po»y Kark rhy alnhy roTs wp6<r0€y Xjyoy wpd^as, rp ^tX^yp r^y 
irpdarj\y rris rpirris rifi^pas &pay iafaB^ctis, ic* tuf othtu itcJ Zik rSty Xoiirw iropt^ap, rhy 
vpoa^Koyra loinf 0fhy iKdffrn iifUpa K^erai, (Hist. Rom. XXXvii. 19.) 

This agrees with what Herodotus says (ch. 82) of days being con- 
secrated to certain Deities, though the fact of the Egyptians having 
reckoned by ten days may argue against it. It must, however, be 
observed that the division of the month into decads must date after 
the adoption of a solar year, and that weeks were the approximate 
result of the lunar division of time, which is the older of the two. 
Weeks were certainly used at a very early period, as we find from 
Genesis and the account of the creation ; and the importance of the 
number seven is sufficiently obvious from its frequent occurrence 
throughout the Bible. It was common to all the Semitic nations 
and to those of India ; bat in China it was only used by the Budd- 
hists, who introduced it there ; and the Chinese as well as all the 
Mongolian races always had five-day divisions, and cycles of sixty 
years instead of centuries. The Aztecs of Mexico had also weeks 17. 
of five days, four of which made a month, and the year contained 
eighteen months of twenty days, with five days added at the end, 
which were unlucky, as one of them was in Egypt. They had also 
their astronomical computation by months of thirteen days, 1461 of 
which made their cycle of fifty-two years, the same number as that 
of the vague years composing the Egyptian Sothic period. 

That the seven-day division was known to the Egyptians seems 1 S. 
to be proved by the seven-days' f6te of Apis (a fourth part of the 
number twenty-eight assigned to the years of Osiris' life) as well as 
by their seventy days' mourning for the dead, or ten weeks of seven 
days (Gen. 1. 3) ; and the seven days that the head took annually 
to float to Byblus from Egypt (Lucian. de Dek Syr.), the fourteen 
pieces into which the body of Osiris was divided, and his twenty- 
eighty years, evidently point to the length of a week (4 X 7). The 




334 DECIMAL AND DUODECIMAL CALCULATION. App. Book IL 

time of mortification imposed on the priests lasted from seven to 

forty-two days (one to six weeks) : ol /xcr «w»7r xal Tta<rapdKorra, ol Zk 
TO^wr wXtlovSf ol ih ixdaaovs, obZ4woTt fUrroi riv tvra Xttvofi^yas (Porphjr. de 

Abstin. iv. 7), which shows the entire number to have been based on 
seven; and the same occurs again in the forty-two books of Hermes, 
as well as in the forty-two assessors of AmentL Indeed the fre- 

19. quent occurrence of seven shows that it was a favourite number 
with the Egyptians as with the Jews ; and the Pythagoreans bor- 
rowed their preference for the hebdomal division from Egypt. 

20. There is no reason to conclude the Egyptians had not weeks of 
seven days because they divided their solar month into the very 
natural division of three parts of ten each ; it would rather argue 
that the original lunar month was divided into seven-day weeks, 
and that the dccad division was a later introduction, when the 
months were made to consist of thirty days. And as the monu- 
ments are all of a time long after the thirty days were adopted, the 
more frequent mention of a decad instead of the hebdomal division, 
is readily accounted for. Moreover these months of thirty days 
still continued to be called " moons," as at the present day. Dion 
Cassius also distinctly states that the seven days were first referred 
to the seven planets by the Egyptians. (See note ^ on ch. 82, and 
note on ch. 8, B. iii.) 

21. The Greeks, like the Egyptians, divided their month into three 
parts, and their year into three decads of mouths, corresponding to 
the three seasons of the Egyptians : and the Roman month consisted 
of calends, nones, and ides, the periods before each being of different 
lengths ; but they afterwards adopted the division of weeks, giving 
the names of the sun, moon, and five planets to the seven days we 
now use. The Egyptians had both the decimal and duodecimal 
calculation, as the twelve hours of day and night, the twelve kings, 
twelve gods, twelve months : 12 X 30 = 360 days ; and 360 cups at 
Osiris* tomb in Philoe ; 12 X 6 = 72 conspirators against Osiris ; 
and 12 X 6 = 72, which some fix as the number of days of the 
embalmed ; and instances of both methods of notation are found on 
the oldest monuments of the 4th dynasty. — [G-. W.] 



Chap. VIII. HISTORICAL NOTICE OF EGYPT. 335 



CHAPTER VIII. 

HISTOEICAL NOTICE OF EGYPT. 

1. Fabulous period of history — Bule of the Gods — Name of Menes; supposed 
to be Mizraim — Believed to be a real person by the Egyptians, and to have 
founded Memphis. 2. This and Memphis — Egyptians from Asia — Memphis 
older than Thebes. 3. Precedence of Upper Egypt. 4. Earliest notice of 
Thebes — Absence of early buildings. 5. Contemporary kings — ^Arrange- 
ment of the early dynasties. 6. Uncertainty of the early chronology — Date 
of the Exodus. 7. 1st, 2nd, and 3rd dynasties — Menes and his successors. 
8. In the second dynasty sacred animals worshipped ; and women allowed 
to hold the sceptre. 9. 4th and 5th dynasties. 10. Civilised customs in 
the early Pyramid period — Mount Sinai — Shafre built the 2nd pyramid. 
11. 6th dynasty — The prenomen of kings. 12. 7th, 8th, and 9th dynasties — 
The Enentefs. 13. 11th dynasty — Contemporary kings. 14. 12th dynasty 
— Osirtasen III. treated as a God. 15. The lab3rrinth. 16. The 13th 
dynasty in Ethiopia. 17. Shepherd dynasties — The Hyk-sos expelled* 
18. The 18th dynasty — The horse from Asia. 19. Thothmes I., II., and III., 
and Queen Amun-nou-hot. 20. Conquests of Thothmes III. — His monu- 
ments. 21. Amunoph III. and Queen Taia — The Stranger kings — Con- 
quests of Amunoph III. 22. Country and features of the Stranger king^ 
— Belated to Amunoph. 23. Expelled from Egypt. 24. King Horns. 

25. The 19th dynasty — Bomeses, Sethos, and Bemeses the Great — Attack 
and defence of fortresses — Pithom and Baamses — Canal to the Bed Sea. 

26. 20th dynasty — Bemeses III. — His conquests and wealth — His sons. 

27. 21st and 22nd dynasties — Priest kings. 28. Sheshonkf or Shishak — 
Conquers Judsea — Name of Vudah MeUhi (kingdom of Judah). 29. King^' 
names on the Apis steleo. 30. The 23rd dynasty — Assyrian names of the 
Sheshonk family. 31. The 24th dynasty — Bocchoris the Salte^Power of 
Assyria increasing. 32. The 25th dynasty of the Sabacos and Tirhaka. 
33. The 26th dynasty — Psammetichus succeeded Tirhaka — Correction of the 
chronology — He married an Ethiopian princess. 34. War of Psammetichns 
and desertion of his troops. 35. Succeeded by Neco. 36. Circumnaviga- 
tion of Africa — Defeat of Josiah. 37. Power and fall of Aprios — Probable 
invasion of Egypt and substitution of Amasis for Apries by Nebuchadnez- 
zar. 38. Amasis — Flourishing state of Egypt — Privileges granted to the 
Greeks — Treaty with Croesus — Persian invasion. 39. Defeat of the Egyp- 
tians — Conduct of Cambyses at first humane. 40. Eg^ypt became a 
Persian province — 27th or Persian dynasty — Bevolt of the Egyptians. 
41. 28th and 29th dynasties of Egyptians. 42. 30th dynasty of Egyptians 
— Nectanebo II. defeated. 43. Ochus recovered Egypt. 44. Duration of 
the Eg^tian kingdom. 

1. The early history of Egypt is enveloped in the same ohscuriiy as 
that of other ancient nations, and begins in like manner with its 
fabulous period. The oldest dynasty therefore given by Manetho is 
said to have been of the *' gods and demigods; " and the list of kings 




336 THE EGYPTIANS FBOM ASIA. App. Boox U. 

in the Turin papyrns commences also with the rale of the gods, the 
last of whom was Horns the son of Isis and Osiris. And if in the 
seven last names that remain of that very imperfect papjrns the 
order of the gods does not exactly agree with Manetho, still there is 
sufficient to show that both acconnts were derived from the same 
Bonrce, universally acknowledged by the Egyptian priests. 

The rule of the gods has been supposed to be that of the priests 
of those deities, who governed the country before the election 
of a king, like the Judges in Israel ; but all accounts agree in con- 
Bidering Menes the first king of Egypt. His name is mentioned in 
the sculptures of the temple of Bemeses II. at Thebes, and in the 
Turin papyrus, as well as by Manetho and other authorities ; and 
though the frequent occurrence of a similar name (as Manes the 
first king of Lydia, the Phrygian Manis, the Minos of Crete, the 
Indian Menu, the Tibetan Maui, the Siamese Mann, the Grerman 
Mannns, the Welsh Menw, and others) may seem to assign him a 
place among mythical beings ; and though he has been thought to 
be Mizraim, a personification of the " two Misrs," or provinces of 
Upper and Lower Egypt ; yet he was believed to be a real person- 
age by the Egyptians themselves, and the events of his reign were 
accepted as undoubted facts. He was represented as having changed 
the course of the Nile, and founded Memphis on the site thus 
artificially made for it, where he began the famous temple of Pthah 
(Yulcan) ; and the change he made in the habits of the Egyptians 
was recorded by a stela put up by Tnephachthus, the father of 
Bocchoris, in the temple of Amun at Thebes ; which pronounced a 
curse against Menes for having induced the Egyptians to abandon 
their hitherto simple mode of life. 

Some might be disposed to doubt whether This, or any city in 2. 
Upper Egypt, was older than Memphis ; and, as the Egyptians were 
a people who immigrated from Asia into the valley of the Nile, 
might conclude that they founded their first capital in Lower rather 
than in Upper Egypt. The whole valley indeed was peopled from 
Asia ; and to this day the inhabitants bear the evident marks of an 
Asiatic and Caucasian origin. Nor is it necessai^ to notice the long- 
exploded notion of civilisation having descended, together with 
hieroglyphic writing, from Ethiopia — a country always socially and 
intellectually inferior to Egypt, and where hieroglyphics were only 
properly written when directly copied from it. 

The colour and featares, as well as the conformation of their 



Chap. VIII. ANTIQUITY OF THIS, MEMPHIS, AND THEBES. 337 

skull, show that the immigration was one of those where a new 
race took entire possession of the land, scarcely if at all amalga- 
mating with the aboriginal population; and in this the difference 
between the later invasion bj the Arabs is evident; for the old 
Egyptian character is still preserved, and the foreign Arab element 
has, after a lapse of many centuries, been mostly absorbed into that 
of the native race. There is always this marked difference between 
immigration and conquest, that in the latter the invaders are only a 
powerful minority, marrying the native women, and leaving the 
whole working population in the land ; though at the same time 
it is evident that the foreign admixture has the effect of changing 
the features, and even the colour, of the succeeding generations, 
which are retained long after all the other elements are absorbed ; 
and this explains the resemblance of character in the ancient and 
modern Egyptians, and the fact of the varied features of the latter 
differing so much from those both of the ancient Egyptians and the 
Arabs. 

•^- The monuments at Memphis are undoubtedly much older than 
those of Thebes ; but the precedence always given to Upper Egypt 
seems to prove that some other capital there was older than 
Memphis ; and though no monuments remain at This, still, from 
its being the reputed birth-place of Menes, and the chief city of the 
Thinite nome, as well as the royal residence of the first or Thinite 
dynasty, it claims the honour of having been the oldest capital of 
Egypt. 

"*• Both Abydus and Hermonthis, as well as other cities, were older 
than Thebes, which is not even mentioned on the altar of King 
Papi ; * and the earliest evidences of the existence of Thebes are. 
the tombs of the Enentefs of the 9th dynasty, and the vestiges of 
temples built by Amun-m-he I, and Osirtasen, It is probable that 
Thebes succeeded to the smaller city of Hermonthis, as This gave 
place to Abydas ; and the absence of early monuments of the 3rd 
and 4th dynasties in Upper Egypt may be explained by Memphis 
having been the royal residence of the then great ruling dynasties ; 
while the monuments which preceded that age, from their insignifi- 
cance, and the transfer of the capital of Upper Egypt to a new 
site, have not been preserved, or were destroyed at the period of the 
Shepherd invasion. Nor can any argument be safely derived from 
the absence of monuments of a particular era ; for at the pyramids 

* In the Turin Mmenm. 
VOL. II. Z 




338 



ARRAXOEMEXT OF EA&LT DYXASTIfS. App. Book II. 



there arc no records of kings between the 5tb and 26th dynasties, 
except the name of Bemeses II. on the rock scarped to form the 
area half encircling the 2nd pyramid ; and vet several hundred 
Pharaohs mled daring that intenral, many of whose names are 
found in Upper Egypt. Again, no building remains of any early 
Memphite king, even about Memphis and the pyramids, except 
those monnments themselves and the neighboaring tombs; and 
with the exception of these, and the Labyrinth, some fragments and 
small objects, some stel», and the obelisks of Osirtasen I. at Helio- 
polls and in the Fy6om, nothing is met with of old times before the 
18th dynasty. This may be reasonably ascribed to the invasion 
of the Shepherds, as the preservation of the early tombs may be ex- 
plained by the feeling, common at all times, of respect for the dead. 

The names of kings and the number of years given by Manetho 5. 
are not all to be taken as of consecutive reigns ; for not only do we 
know, from the authority of Manetho, that there were contemporary 
'* kings of Theba'is and of the other provinces of Egypt," but the 
monuments themselves decide this point by the mention of the 
years of one king's reign corresponding with those of another ; and 
by the representation of one king meeting another, generally as his 
superior; as well as by various statements in papyri and other 
documents. The manner in which the dynasties succeeded, and 
were reckoned, has been very ingeniously explained by Mr. Stuart 
Poole (suggested as he states by Mr. Lane) ; and by this scheme 
the difficulty of the great lapse of time required for so many con- 
secutive Pharaohs, and the occurrence of synchronous reigns, have 
been reconciled. According to it the first nineteen dynasties were 
thus arranged : 



I. THINITES. 


II. 




















III. Memphites. 


IV. 


VI. 


VII. 


VIII. 








v. £:ieplumUnes. 












IX. Ueracleopoliteft. 


X. 




Diospolites. 


XI. 


XII. 


xin. 


xvm. 


XIX. 






XIV. XoitM. 








^yi Sheidierds. 










XVU. S 


hepherda. 





With regard to the age of Menes and the chronology of the 6. 
Egyptian kings, all is of course very uncertain. No era is given by 



CUAP. VIII. UNCERTAINTY OF EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY. 339 

the monnmonts ; which merely record some events that happened 
under particular kings ; and any calculation, baaed on the duration 
of their reigns given by Manetho, must be even more uncertain 
than that of genealogies. Any endeavour to make the chronology 
of Egypt conform to the date of the Exodus, or any other very early 
event mentioned in the Bible, would also lead to unsatisfactory 
results, since the Bible chronology is itself uncertain— the different 
versions of it assigning different dates to the same events. If 
therefore we wish to examine any portion of Egyptian chronology 
with a desire to ascertain the truth, we must look for facts rather 
than depend on what are merely accepted as established opinions ; 
and bo satisfied to wait for further information from such monu* 
mental records as may furnish us with astronomical data. Again, 
it is difficult to ascertain what periods accord exactly with those of 
other people ; nor indeed, if we knew the very reign in which the 
Exodus took place, could we determine for certain its date; and 
even the time of Shishak who invaded Judaea cannot be fixed with 
precision. If therefore I abstain from assigning dates to all the 
reigns of the Pharaohs it is owing to the uncertainty of Egyptian 
chronology ; though I am inclined to think that the arguments 
used by the Duke of Northumberland for placing the Exodus after 
the reign of Remeses II. have greater weight than my own in favour 
of the reign of Thothmes III.* 

It would certainly be more agreeable to the writer, as well as to 
the reader of Egyptian history, if the dates of the accession of each 
king and the events of his reign could be described as established 
facts, without the necessity of qualifying them by a doubt ; but this 
cannot bo done : and if it is necessary to break the thread of the 
history by conjectures, the uncertain nature of our authorities must 
plead an excuse. Indeed we may be well contented to have any 
approach towards the determination of events that happened in so 
remote an age. 
7. [^Flrst, Second, and Third Dynasties.'} — Menes, having rendered his 
name illustrious by improving the country, and even (according to 
Eusebius) by conquests beyond the frontier of Egypt, was killed by 
a hippopotamus, and was succeeded by his son Athdthis. The long 
reign of Menes, 62 years according to Africanus (or 30 according to 
Eusebius), and that of Kenkenes, 31 (or 39), seem to argue that 
even in the time of Menes, his son Ath6this ruled conjointly with 

* Mentioned in Chapter ii. of mj At. Eg. vol. i. p. 77-81. 



340 



FIRST TO 



App. Book II. 



him daring the last 80 years of his reign ; and the sum of the two, 
dO of Menes and 27 of Athdthis, accord exactly with the 57 given 
bj Africanns to Ath6this : from which we may infer that Menes 
reigned 32 years alone, and 30 conjointly with his son, completing 
the 62 years of Africanns ; and that Athothis having ruled 27 after 
his father's death, his reign was calculated by Alricanus at (30 + 27) 
57 years. At the same time that Athothis shared the Thinite 
throne with his father, Nekherophis (or Nekher6khis) was probably 
appointed to rule the new city Memphis and the lower country, and 
having reigned 28 years (or two less than Ath6this with his father 
Menes), Ath6this then succeeded to both thrones; and the two 
additional years of his Memphite rale, added to the 27 of his 
Thinite, coincide with his computed reign of 29 at Memphis. For 
the 3rd dynasty ruled contemporaneoasly with the first, being an 
offset from it ; and it is evident that its second king, Tosorthrus or 
Sesorthus, was the same as AthOthis : — the latter being **the builder 
of the palace at Memphis, and a physician who wrote the books on 
anatomy ;" and Tosorthrus being "called Asclepius, from his medical 
knowledge, fche first who built with hewn stone, and a great patron 
of literature." This will be more clearly understood by the follow- 
ing contemporaneous arrangement of the 1st and 3rd dynasties : — 



1st Dynasty 

of 
Thdjites. 




Menes, 

32 years alone, 

and 30 with 

Atbuthis. 



AthOtbis, 

27 more 

alone. 



Kenkenes, 
(31 or) 39 years. 



3rd Dynasty 

of 
Memphites. 



Neklierophis, 

2^ years 

contemporary 

with 

Menes. 



(Athothis) 

or 
To«orthnis, 
29 years at 
Memphis. 



Tyreis, Mesokhria, ' Soyphis, 
7 years. 17 years. 16 years. 




t^ 



3 



l8t Dynasty 

of 
Thikitks — 
eontinued. 



Venephes, 
23 years. 



Usapha?das, 
20 years. 



I 



Miebidos, 
26 years. 



Semepses, 
18 years. 



Bienekhes, 
26 years. 



SrdPynasty 

of 
Mkmpbitbs 



Tofierta?»ls, 
19 years. 



Akhes, 
42 years. 



Sephnrls, 
30 years. 



Kerpberes, 
26 years. 



Chap. VIIL 



FIFTH DYNASTIES. 



341 



The monnmenis afford ns no information respecting the successors* 
of Menes in the 1st dynasty ; bat if the account in Manetho of the 
learning of Ath6this be true ; if " the Libyans revolted in the reign 
of Nekherophis, and submitted again through fear on a sudden 
increase of the moon ; '* and if Menes changed the course of the Nile 
(as Herodotus states), their power, and the advancement already 
made by the Egyptians in science, must have been considerable at 
that period ; and this is further confirmed by Manetho's account of 
Veneph^, who lived little more than half a century after Menes, 
being the builder of the pyramids near Kokh6mS. 

8. According to Manetho, it was during the reign of the second 
king of the 2nd dynasty, Kh8Bekh6s, or Cechdus, that " the buU Apis 
at Memphis, Mnevis at Heliopolis, and the Mendesian goat, were 
appointed to be gods ; *' and under his successor Bin6thrus " it was 
decreed that women might hold the sceptre ; " f which right led in 
after times to many troubles and changes of dynasties, from the 
claims of foreign princes, both in Asia and Ethiopia, to the throne 
of Egypt, through their marriage with daughters of the Pharaohs. 

9. iFourth and Fifth Dynasties.'] — The names of the kings of the 2nd b.c. 2450. 
Thinite dynasty are supposed by Mr. Stuart Poole to be given in 

the uppermost line of the Abydus tablet ; and there is evidence of 
some of them having ruled contemporaneously with those of the 4th 
(Memphite) dynasty : the fourth king, UsesJcef, being found together 
with Soris or Shure, and Menkheres of the 4th dynasty, and with 
Osirkefsind Shafre of the 5th ; while some of these, again, occur with 
Shufu, and others of the 4th and 5th dynasties. For the 5th, said to 
be of 9 (or according to Eusebius of 31) Elephantine kings, ruled 
at the same time as the 4th Memphites, and 2nd Thinites ; though, 
from their being so frequently found mentioned with the Memphite 
kings, it may be questioned whether they were really from Ele- 
phantine, and the name of this island was perhaps erroneously sub- 
stituted for that of some other place in Lower Egypt. 

It is not till we come to the kings of the 4th dynasty that we find 
any important records of persons who lived under the Pharaohs ; or 



* Dr. Lepsins makes Senofro the 
third king after Menes; bat he did 
not live till after Shnfn, as the tomb 
where his name occnrs was erected 
some time later than the Great 
Pyittfnid. 

t This cnstom, and the influence of 
women, may have been derived from 



Africa, where women have so often 
held the sceptre j and in Upper Eth- 
iopia, as in Western Africa, women stiU 
form the bodyguard of a king. The 
respect paid them, and their privi- 
leges, are shown by Pharaoh's conduct 
to Sarah, by the sculptures, and by 
Diodorus. 




342 



THE MEMPHITE, OR PYRAMID PERIOD. App. Book II. 



sculpt ui'cs illustrating the manners and customs of the Egyptians ; 
and though some names of early kings occur in detached places, on 
scarabsei, and other objects, the monuments do not afford any clue 
to their arrangement. 

Shure was the leader of the 4th dynasty ; and his name, found 
by Mr. Perring on the blocks built into the northern pyramid of 
Abooseer, shows him to have been the founder of that monument. 
There are also other names of kings at Sakkara of a very early date, 
some of whom, as the first Tat-kere and Osir-ii-re (Sisires), appear to 
be of the 2nd and 6th dynasties; and one of them in the great 
pyramid of Sakkara is not unlike the Ohnubus-Gnenrus of Erato- 
sthenes. Indeed it is reasonable to suppose, from their greater 
yieinity to Memphis, that some of the oldest pyramids would be at 
that spot. 

This may be called the Memphite, or the Pyramid,* period. And xo. 
not only does the construction of the pyramids, but the scenes 
depicted in the sculptured tombs of this epoch, show that the 
Egyptians had already the same habits and arts as in after times ; 
and the hieroglyphics in the great pyramid, written in the cursive 
character on the stones before they were taken from the quarry, 
prove that writing had been long in use. The position too of each 
pyramid, corresponding as it does with the four cardinal points, and 
the evident object they had in view of ascertaining by the long line 
of one of its faces the return of a certain period of the year, prove 
the advancement made by the Egyptians in mathematical science ; 
and all these evidences, being obtained from the oldest monuments 
that exist, introduce them to us as a people already possessing the 
same settled habits as in later times. We see no primitive mode of 
life ; no barbarous customs ; not even the habit, so slowly abandoned 
by all people, of wearing arms when not on military service ; nor 
any archaic art. And if some clumsy figures have been found in 
the neighbourhood of Memphis, probably of the 3rd dynasty, their 
imperfections are rather attributable to the inferior skill of the 
workmen, than to the habitual style of the period ; and rude figures 
were sometimes made long after the 4th dynasty. 

Whatever may have been the style of construction in the pyra- 
mids of Venephes, certain it is that in the 4th dynasty, about two 



* Dr. Lepsiiis mentions 67 Pyra- 
mids, which necessarily repreeont a 
large number of kings ; bat it is un- 



fortmiate that the 67 Egyptian Pyra- 
mids cannot now be traced. 



Chap. VIII. EARLY MASONIC SKILL OF EGYPTIANS. 343 

centuries after Menes, the blocks in the pyramids (of Geezeh), 
many of which were brought from the Cataracts of Sjene, were put 
together with a precision unsurpassed bj any masonry of ancient or 
modern times ; and all these facts lead to the conclusion that the 
Egyptians had already made very great progress in the arts of civilisa- 
tion before the age of Menes, and perhaps before they immigrated 
into the Valley of the Nile. In the tombs of the Pyramid-period 
are represented the same fowling and fishing scenes as occur later ; the 
rearing of cattle, and wild animals of the desert ; the scribes using 
the same kind of reed, for writing on the papyrus an inventory of 
the estate which was to be presented to the owner ; the same boats, 
though rigged with a double mast instead of the single one of later 
times ; the same mode of preparing for the entertainment of guests ; 
the same introduction of music and dancing ; the same trades, as 
glass-blowers, cabinet-makers, and others ; as well as similar agricul- 
tural scenes, implements, and granaries. We also see the same 
costume of the priests ; and the prophet, or Sam, with his leopard's 
skin dress ; and the painted sculptures are both in relief and 
intaglio. And if some changes took place, they were only such as 
necessarily happen in all ages, and were far less marked than in 
other countries. 

The greatest difference observable is in the form, and in some of 
the ornamental decorations, of the tombs; though these are not 
owing to any inferiority in taste, or masonic skill, but rather to a 
local style, which differed in certain peculiarities from that of Upper 
Egypt. They are sometimes attributable to the period to which 
they belong ; for the peculiar doorways, and the round lintels, of 
the Memphite necropolis, are also met with in the Thebaid ; and at 
Kaaineh, some tombs exhibit these and other features common to 
their contemporaries at the pyramids. 

In the Pyramid-period one remarkable fact may also be noticed, 
viz. that the Egyptian sculptors were not bound so rigidly to con- 
ventional forms in the human figure, as in after times ; for not only 
do their statues then bear a closer resemblance to nature, but the 
delineation of the muscles, as in the arms and legs, was more 
decided ; and the sitting figure of a scribe brought from Memphis 
(and now in the Louvre) shows how much more reality was given 
to the human form, than at a later (which was a more conventional) 
age. That figure, which has far greater truth and expression than 
any of (what is considered) the best period — ^the 18th and 19th 




344 BUILDERS OF THE PYRAMIDS. App. Book II. 

djnastics — bears testimony to the skill of the early sculptors ; and 
the style of the hieroglyphics, and the drawing of the cattle and 
other animals, in the tombs, are often fully equal to those in after 
times. Thus then no signs are found, on the earliest monuments, 
of a progress from infancy to the more advanced stages of art ; as 
nothing in the customs they represent shows the social condition of 
the Egyptians to have been very different at that early period. 

At the beginning of the 4th dynasty, the peninsula of Mount 
Sinai was already in the possession of the Egyptians, and its 
copper-mines were worked by them ; and in the fact of King Shure 
(Soris) being represented at Wady Maghara slaying an Asiatic 
enemy of the same race as those afterwards defeated by King 
Senofro (Senofr), we have evidence of early conquests ; though they 
may not then have extended far beyond that peninsula. Of the 
Pharaohs of the 4th dynasty, the best known to us from the monu- 
ments and from ancient writers, are Shure (Soris), Suphis (Cheopa), 
and Suphis 11. (or Sensuphis, a "brother of Suphis"), the Shufu 
and Nou- Shufu of the monuments, and Mencheres or (Myccrinus) 
Men-ka-rS. The two Shufus were the builders of the Great Pyra- 
mid ; and that they reigned together is shown by the number of 
years ascribed to their reigns; by their names being both found 
among the quarry-marks on the blocks used in that monument ; by 
their being on the sculptured walls of the same tomb behind the 
great pyramid ; and by this pyramid having two funereal chambers, 
one for each king, rather than, as generally supposed, for the king 
and queen. The name of Men-ka-re was found in the 3rd pyra- 
mid, as his coffin attests, which is now in the British Museum. 

The ovals of the four first kings of the 5th dynasty, Osirhef 
(Usercheres), Shafre (Sephres), Nqfr-ir-Ke-re (Nephercheres), and 
Osir-h-re (Sisires), have been found with those of the 4t]i dynasty ; 
and one of them, Shafre, called in the sculptures " of the little 
pyramid," appears to have been the founder of the second pyramid; 
but though he ought really to answer to the Ceplircn of Herodotus, 
the honour of founding the 2nd pyramid has been ascribed to the 
2nd Suphis. His reign was long ; and the names of more persons 
of rank, who lived under Shafre, are found in the vicinity of the 
pyramids, than of those who lived under the other Elephantine, 
Memphite, and Thinite kings. 

The names of Pharaohs of the Pyramid-period are not found in 
the Thebaid, and rarely in Central Egypt ; and even where they do 



Chap. VIII. 



SIXTH DYNASTY. 



345 



occur, it is not on any monuments erected by them, but only in 
tombs of individnals who lived in their reigns ; as at Isbayda (nearly 
opposite Hermopolis), where Shufu and Osirkef are found together 
in the tomb of a man who was probably governor of the nome at that 
period. 
11. [Sixth Dynflw/y.]— Those of the next, or 6th, dynasty of Mem- ^'^' ^^^' 
phites, are more frequently met with in Central, and even in Upper, 
Egypt, as in the Cynopolite nome, and elsewhere ; and in the tombs 
at Chenoboscion Papi (or Maire) is found, together with Meren-re 
and Nofr-ke-re ; and again with the last of these at Beni Moham- 
med-el-Kofoor. Papi also occurs at Mount Sinai and on the Kos- 
sayr road, and even at Silsilis, and with Tati on a rock at Eilei- 
thyias ; though in the two last instances his name may have been 
merely inscribed by some visitor who lived at that period. Fapi or 
Maire has been conjectured by Chevalier Bunsen to be the Mcjeris of 
the Labyrinth ; and it is not impossible that he may have been the 
original king of that name. 

Other names, again, of kings of this dynasty are found at Sio6t 
and elsewhere, but merely on altars and small objects ; and if those 
in the tombs, and on stelsB at Mount Sinai, the Kossayr road and 
Middle Egypt, show their rule to have been extensive, other monu- 
ments prove that the 11th dynasty reigned at the same time in 
the Theba'id; and king Sken-h-re of this dynasty is stated on a 
papyrus (according to Brugsch) to have censured Papi, who ruled 
in Lower Egypt, for having favoured the Shepherd invaders. But 
there appear to have been two kings of this name ; the Papi, how- 
ever, answering to the Apappus of Eratosthenes, Apap* the " giant," 
the Phiops of Manetho's 6th dynasty, who reigned 100 years, is the 
one most usually mentioned on the monuments. Though no buildings 
remain south of Syene of any king before the 18th dynasty, except- 
the ruined temples of Amun-m-he and Osirtasen at Thebes, the 
Labyrinth, and the pyramids and other sepulchral monuments 
(owing, as I have stated, to the invasion of the Shepherds) ; there 
are numerous tablets on the rocks, of that early age, which are 
of greater importance for history and chronology even than the 
temples, from their giving the dates of kings' reigns, and sometimes 
from their recording their victories over foreign nations ; and 



* The Egyptian transposition of the 
vowel may require Papi, or Papa, to 



read Apap, Some think the other 
Papi to have been a Shepherd King. 




346 SEVENTH TO App. Boot II. 

through these we have obtained mnch information respecting the 
chronology, and the contemporaneousness of certain kings. 

From these too we learn the change introduced by King Papi, of 
adding a royal prenomen to his phonetic nomen. For before his 
time, each Pharaoh had simply one oval (or cartouche) containing 
his name ; and it was Papi who first added a royal prenomen, calling 
himself Maire-PcvpL This innovation was followed by all succeeding 
kings ; and the prenomen was preferred for designating them, in 
preference to the name which often belonged to several kings. 
Thus the Thothmes, Amunophs, Remeses, and others, are more 
readily distinguished by their prenomens than by their name. 
Kings are also recognized by their banner, or square- title. The 
custom of adding the prenomen was likewise, as might be expected, 
adopted by the kings of the 9th and 11th dynasties, ruling as they 
did contemporaneously with those of the 6th ; and on a coffin of one 
of the later Enentefs of the 11th dynasty, found at Thebes, this 
second oval was added subsequently to the inscription containing 
his phonetic nomen, as in the case of Papi at Chenoboscion. The 
last Pharaoh of the 6th dynasty was Queen Nitocris ; whose name 
is given by Manetho, and by the Turin papyrus; and with her 
ended the rule of these Memphite kings. For at this period Lower 
Egypt was invaded by the Shepherds ; who, about 700 years after 
Menes, entered the country from the north-east, and at length 
succeeded in depriving the Memphite princes of their throne. 

[Seventh, Eighth, Ninth, and Tenth Dynasties.'] — In the mean time 12 
** other kings " ruled in various parts of Egypt, who were contem- 
poraries of the 6th, and of part of the 2nd and 5th dynasties ; while 
the 7th and 8th, dispossessed by the Shepherds, merely had a 
nominal rule in Lower Egypt ; and the 9th Heracleopolite dynasty 
held the Hermonthite district at the same time that the 11th 
B.C. 2210. reigned at Thebes. Nor is it improbable that the name Heracleo- 
polite has been substituted for Hermonthite ; and the mistake may 
be accounted for by the names of all those kings (except the last) 
beginning with the characters that constitute the title of Hercules, 
or the God of Sebennytus ; while the name of the last, Mandofj), or 
Muntotp II., is the only one of them derived from Mandoo, or Munt, 
the God of Hermonthis. At all events it is at Hermonthis that the 
records of those kings, the Enentefs or Ntentefsj are found ; and 
their alliance with the kings of the 11th Theban dynasty is shown 
by some Enentefs having been buried at Thebes. 



Chap. VIII. 



ELEVENTH DYNASTIES. 



347 



Of the 10th dynasty of Heracleopolites we know nothing, not 
even the names, either from Manetho or the monnments ; bat the 
ovals of several kings appear in the Turin papyrus, whose deeds 
not having been sach as to merit a place in history are annoticed 
on the temples and stelae. 
13. lEleventh Dynasty.'] — That the kings of the 9th were contem- b.c. 2210. 
poraries of the 11th, or the earliest Theban, dynasty is proved by the 
fact of the last King Muntotp II. being mentioned on a stela of the 
Kossayr road, together with the first Amv/n-m-he, whom (as Mr* 
Stuart Poole has shown) he established in the kingdom ; and an 
E^ientefj one of his predecessors, has been found by ]^ir. Harris in 
some sculptures near Silsilis with the third king of this 11th 
dynasty, Muntotp I* in an inferior position to this Theban king. 
Muntotp L reigned at least forty-five years, as a stela at Turin, 
erected during his lifetime, contains the date of his forty-sixth 
year ; and if not the leader of the 11th, or earliest, Theban dynasty, 
this Muntotp I. was evidently the great monarch whom the Dios- 
polite Pharaohs placed at the head of their line ; for the list of kings 
put up by Remeses II., in his temple at Thebes, has no other inter- 
vening between Menes and Ames^ the leader of the 18th Theban 
dynasty. Amh, again, traces from him, as in the tomb at Thebes 
recording the members of his family and of that of Amunoph I. ; 
and Thothmes I. and III., Amunoph I. and III., and Horus, as well 
as Sethi and his son Bemeses II., all Theban kings, mention him as 
if he were the founder of their line. 

Several stelsB confirm the contemporaneousness of the kings of 
this period ; and the Turin papyrus shows that Amun-m-lie J., the 
last king of the 11th dynasty, according to Manetho, was twice 
deposed by other kings. He was also contemporary with Muntop IL 
of the 9th ; and in the last part of his reign with Osirtasen J., the 
leader of the 12th dynasty, f whose 44th year coincided also with the 
2nd year of Amun-m-he IL, as the 35th year of Amum^m-he II corre- 
sponded with the 3rd of the second Osirtasen. Other synchronisms 
likewise occur, which it is not necessary to notice more fully; it is 
sufficient to show that Egypt at this period was not ruled by one 
sovereign, and that the mention in Manetho of Theban and *' other 
kings " is confirmed by the monuments; and if I have already 



* ^Vhom I have called Mamrunph in 
the Materia Hierogljrphica. 

t The ** Instmctions " of Aman.m- 



he I. to his son Osirtasen I. are pnb 
lished in the " Records of the Past/ 
vol. i. pp. 11.16.— [G. R. 1876.] 



348 ELEVENTH TO App. Book II. 

entered into certain details which may appear tedious, I plead as 
my excuse the importance of these synchronous reigns, and of every- 
thing relating to the succession of the early kings ; which will pro- 
bably receive further elucidation from the interesting papyrus in 
the possession of Dr. Abbott, containing as it does the names of a 
Sken-n-re^ an Enentefj and other kings hitherto unknown to us from 
Manetho and the monuments. 
B.C. 2020 [Twelfth Dynasty.'] — The Osirtasens and Amun-m-Jiea were power- 14?. 
fol kings ; and Osirtasen J. is shown by the remains of temples he 
founded to have ruled the whole of Egypt, from the Delta to the 
second cataract: — an obelisk of his still stands at Hcliopolis; a 
fidlen one is in the Fy6om; and his name appears in the oldest 
portion of the great temple of Karnak at Thebes, in a ruined temple 
opposite Eileithyias, and in another near Wady H^lf eh. Sepulchral 
stelflB bearing his name have also been found in the Necropolis of 
Abydos, and historical ones in other places ; and he even ex- 
tended his conquests into Ethiopia. A stela of the 28th year of 
Amun^m-he II. was found at a watering-place in the desert near 
Kossayr, recording his conquests over the people of Founts and 
another of Odrtasen II. at the same place, which was probably con- 
nected with the trade of the Bed Sea; and though the third 
Osirtcuen has not left the same number of monuments as the first of 
that name, yet many of his stclaa are found at Mount Sinai, the 
Kossayr road, the first cataract, and other places; and it is a 
curious fact, that he is treated as a god by some of the kings of the 
18th dynasty, as by Thothmes III. at Semneh, and by Thothines 
rV. at Amada in Lower or Egyptian Ethiopia. 

It is difficult to assign a reason for this unusual honour ; but 
even though the first Osirtasen was the original Sesostris, there may 
have been some events connected with Ethiopia which led to the 
great respect paid to the memory of the third Osirtasen, and which 
even gave him a claim to the name of that renowned conqueror ; 
and the peculiar sanctity he enjoyed accords with Manetho*s account 
of Sesostris, that " he was considered by the Egyptians the first (or 
greatest) after Osiris." The title "good" introduced into one of 
the variations of his name, may also have reference to this excel- 
lence ; and it is possible that his conquests in Ethiopia in his 8th 
year, and the establishment of the Egyptian frontier at Semneh, 
together with his successes over the Negroes, may have made him 
conspicuous as a conqueror as well as a benefactor of his country ; 



i 



Chap. VIII. 



FOURTEENTH DYNASTIES. 



349 



and it is to this Sesostris that Herodotus appears reallj to allude, 
when he says he was the first king who ruled in Ethiopia. 

15. The acts of the next king mentioned by Manetho accord still 
more correctly with what we learn from the monuments ; and his 
Lachares, or Labaris, " who built the Labyrinth as a tomb for him- 
self in the Arsino'ite nome," is evidently the Amun-m-he III, whose 
name has been found by Dr. Lepsius in that building. Some have 
thought the name Labaris to be the origin of Labyrinth ; but it is 
more probable that the reading in Manetho, fitff ty Adfiapis, should 
be /i€e* ty 9h Mdpis ; for he was the Moeris of the Labyrinth, and 
doubtless of the lake also; and the observations of the annual 
inundations at Semneh, made by Amun-m-he IIL, confirm the belief 
that he was the king whose grand hydraulic works ennobled the 
name of Moeris.* These last show that Amun-m-he^s dominion 
extended from Ethiopia to the neighbourhood of Memphis. The 
governors of nomes in central Egypt were also appointed at this 
period by the Pharaohs of the 12th dynasty, as we learn from the 
tombs of Beni Hassan and El-Bersheh ; where the names of the two 
first Osirtasens are found. In a tomb near El-Bersheh is given the 
mode of drawing a colossus on a sledge, with gardening and other 
scenes; and the caves of Beni Hassan are well known for the 
numerous paintings that illustrate so fully the manners and customs 
of the Egyptians, and for the character of their early architecture, 
with its fluted columns, — the prototype of the Greek Doric. 

The oldest date, on the monuments, of Osirtasen J.f (the Seson- 
ch6sis of Manetho), is his 44th year ; of Amun-m-he II. (Ammene- 
mes), his 35th; of Odrtasen IT., his 3rd ; of Oairtasen Ill.y his 14th; 
and of Amun-m-he III., his 44th : showing that of Manetho's dates, 
which are 46, 38, 48, 8, and 8 years, the two last are far too little, 
and that no reliance can be placed upon them ; but his order of 
these kings, Ammenemes, or Amun-m-he I, being the last of the 
11th, and Sesonch6sis, or Osirtasen J., the 1st of the 12th dynasty, 
is confirmed by the monuments and the Turin papyrus. 

16. [Thirteenth Thehan, and Fourteenth Xo'ite, Dynasties.'} — The sue- b.c. 1860. 



• It was probably from the higher 
level of the Nile above Silsilis that the 
canal first led the wat«r to the Lake 
Moeris (and to the general tank system 
of Egypt) in the time of this king; 
the river offering a greater fall of 
water before the rocks of Silsilis g^ve 



way. See n. ' ch. iii. and App. CH. 
iv. 4. 

t The two signs beginning his name, 
and that of Osiris, may be a doable s ; 
and hence Ssiris, or Siris, woold stand 
for s, in Sethi. Sals, Sioat, &c., haFO 
the double s. 



350 THIRTEENTH TO SEVENTEENTH DYNASTIES. App. Book II. 

ceeding Theban dynasty, tlie IStli, appears to have been deprived of 
its authority, even at Thebes ; and the discovery of the ovals of 

, these kings in Ethiopia, many of whom had the Ethiopian name 

Sabaco, together with the evidence of the old monuments of Amun- 
di-he I. and Osirtasen I. having been thrown down at Thebes, argue 
that they took refuge in Ethiopia when the Shepherds advanced 
into Upper Egypt, and seized its capital. Manetho indeed relates 
that the Shepherd-kings made long and constant attacks on the 
Egyptians ; which the Pharaohs of the 11th dynasty were still able 
to withstand ; for one of them, Amun-ih-he III. (as I have just 
stated), retained all middle Egypt, including the modem Fydom ; 
and it was probably not till the reign of his second successor, the 
Skemiophris of Manetho, the last of the 11th dynasty, that the 
Thebaid fell into their hands. This, their gradual conquest of the 
oountry, will account for different periods having been assigned to 
it, and to the duration of their rule. And the flight of the Egyp- 
tian kings into Ethiopia is evidently the origin of the story told by 
Manetho, of a similar event ; though his copyists, to suit their own 
purposes, have attributed to a different cause, and to the later period 
of "Amenophis," what really happened during the Shepherd in- 
vasion. Of the 14th dynasty, of Xo'ites, no names are given either 
by Manetho or the monuments: though they appear to be men- 
tioned in the Turin papyrus. 

B.C. 2031. {Fifteenth^ Sixteenth, and Seventeenth Dynasties — Shepherd^."] — 17- 
These invaders constituted the 15th, 16th, and 17th dynasties of 
Manetho ; and the statement that the 1 7th was composed of an equal 
number of Shepherds and Theban kings is evidently erroneous. 
Their occupation of Egypt was probably owing, not to a mere love of 
conquest, but to the desire of maintaining a right they claimed to 
the throne, through marriages with the family of the Pharaohs, or 
to an invitation from some one of the inferior Egyptian princes who 
had been dispossessed of his government ; and either of these causes 
would account for their having obtained possession of part of Lower 
Egypt " without a battle," and for their having received assistance 
from some of the Egyptians. Nor was their rule like that of 
a people who had entered the country for the sake of conquest ; 
their religion was different, and they treated that of the Egyptians 
with disrespect ; but they were at one time on terms of amity with 
some of the kings of other parts of Egypt ; and they so augmented 
the power of the country they governed, that on their expulsion, 



< 



Chap. VIII. 



SHEPHERD DYNASTIES. 



351 



Egypt, instead of having snffered nnder their mle, rose immediately 
to that flourishing condition it enjoyed under the Pharaohs of the 
18th dynasty. But though the power of Egypt was not diminished, 
the people naturally regretted their native princes ; and even if all 
the cruelties said to have been perpetrated by these foreigners were 
exaggerated, still their usurpation, and the contempt with which 
they treated the religion of Egypt, made their rule odious and 
insupportable ; so that the name of Shepherd continued for ever to 
be " an abomination unto the Egyptians." 

It is not easy to determine what race of people they were ; and 
they have been variously pronounced to be Assyrians, Scythians, 
Cushites (or Ethiopians) of Asia, Phoenicians, or Arabians. Mane- 
tho calls them "Phoenicians," and shows them not to have been 
from Assyria, when he says they took precautions against " the 
increasing power of the Assyrians ; " and the character of " Shep- 
herds " accords far better with that of the people of Arabia. Indeed 
the name Hyk-sos may be translated " Shepherd," or "Arab, kings;" 
hyk being the common title " king," or " ruler," given even to the 
Pharaohs on the monuments, and shos, signifying " shepherd," or 
answering to Shdso, "Arabs." How any of the Arabians had suffi- 
cient power to invade, and obtain a footing in, Egypt, it is difficult 
to explain ; but it is well known that a people from Arabia, called 
Phcenicians* or the red race, who were originally settled on the 
Persian Gulf, invaded Syria, and took possession of the coast ; and 
similar successes may have afterwards attended their invasion of 
Egypt, especially if aided by the alliance of some of its princes. 
The statement too of Amos (ix. 7), that the Philistines of Syria 
came from Caphtor t (which was a name applied to Egypt), may 
relate to this subsequent passage of another body of Phoenicians 
into Syria, after their expulsion from Egypt. 

Having held possession of Egypt 511 (or, according to the 
longest date, 625) years, the Shepherds were driven out by AmSs, 
or Amosis, the first king of the 18th dynasty; and the whole of the 
country was then united under one king, who justly claimed the 
title of Lord of " the two regions," or " Upper and Lower Egypt." 



^ If the Fhoenicians are Hamites 
and Cnshites, their coming from Arabia 
will accord with their being thonght 
Arabians, and with the *' second '* 
invasion of Egypt by a Coshite race 



(infra, § 23). 

t Copthor, or Kebt Hor, was the old 
name of Coptos. (See ch. 15, n. ' 
Book ii.) 




352 EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY. App. Boox II. 

Prom that time the events mentioned by Manetho, and his succes- 
sion of kings, freed from the confusion of contemporary reigns, 
might have been clear and satisfactory, had it not been for the 
errors (often purposely) introduced by his copyists, who endea- 
voured to mix up the account of the sojourn of the Israelites, and 
their Exodus, with the history of the Shepherds ; and the similarity 
of the names Amosis and Tethmosis (Aahmes,* or Am^s, and 
Thothmes), added to the confusion. 
B.C. 1620. [Eighteenth Dynasty.'} — ^With the eighteenth dynasty commences 18. 
a more continuous monumental history of Egypt ; but there is no 
authority from Manetho or the monuments for dividing the history 
of Egypt into the " old, middle, and new kingdoms : " nor was the 
whole of the country ruled by each king of the different dynasties 
in succession, during the period that elapsed from Menes to Amosis. 
Egypt had long been preparing to free itself from the yoke of the 
Shepherds; and weakened by successive defeats, and opposed to 
the united forces of the Thebaid and Ethiopia, under the energetic 
guidance of Amosis, these foreigners were unable to maintain their 
authority in the country ; and an inscription of the 22nd year of 
Amosis, in the quarries of Masarah, saying that stones had been 
cut there by his order for the temple of Pthah at Memphis, as well 
as for that of Amun at Thebes, proves that Lower Egypt had 
already been recovered from them. In the tomb at Eileithyias, of a 
captain of the fleet of the same name as the king (Aahmes), that 
officer is said to have gone to Tanis during his reign ; so that the 
Shepherds must then have been expelled from the whole of the 
country ; and Apion (according to Clemens) shows the Hyksos were 
driven from Avaris, their last stronghold, by Ames. This appears 
to be confirmed by the inscription at Eileithyias, and by Manetho's 
stating that Tethmosis (improperly put for Amosis) reigned 25 years 
after their departure. 

During his reign mention is first made of the horse on the monu- 
ments ; from which fact, and from its being often designated by the 
Semitic name Sus, showing that it came from Asia, it has been sup- 
posed that it was first introduced by the Shepherd-kings. If so, 
they may have been in a great degree indebted for their successful 
invasion of Egypt to their horses and chariots ; and if they conferred 
this boon on the Egyptians, they may be looked upon as their bene- 

• Aahmes, lohmes, or Ames, from which were made the names of Amosis 
and Amasis. 



Chap. VHI. AMUNOPH 1 . 353 

factors and the canses of their future power. Certain it is that 
neither at the tombs about the pyramids, nor at Beni Hassan, is 
there any indication of the horse,* though the animals of the 
country are so numerous in their paintings ; and it is singular that 
in after times Egypt should be the countiy whence horses were im- 
ported into Syria by Solomon's traders ; and at the time of the 
invasion by Sennacherib it was in Egypt that the Jews were said to 
put their trust " for chariots and for horsemen." 

Ames apparently claimed his right to the Theban throne from 
Muntotp I. (as already stated),t as his successor Amunoph I. did 
from Sken-n-re, a later king of the 11th dynasty ; and Amunoph I. 
is frequently represented with a black queen, Ames-tiofrUare^ who 
appears to have been the wife of Ames, and one of the holy women 
devoted to the service of the God of Thebes. J She even had the 
office, held only by priests, of pouring out libations to Amun ; and 
a tablet found by Mr. Harris represents Amunoph I. as the foster- 
child of this queen, at whose court Mr. Birch supposes that AinUs 
took refuge, while preparing to expel the Shepherds. Indeed it is 
the marriage of Ames with her which is thought to have united the 
two families of the 13th and 18th dynasties. There was also 
another queen of Ames, called Aahotp, a white woman and an Egyp- 
tian, who is represented with the black Ames-nofri-are on the same 
monuments, at Thebes, and in the British Museum, but in an infe- 
rior position ; and this is readily explained by the greater import- 
ance of the Ethiopian princess. 

The perfect freedom of the country from all further attempts of B.C. 1498. 
the Shepherds enabled Amunoph I. to extend his dominions beyond 
the frontier ; and succeeding kings of this dynasty added to his con- 
quests both in Africa and Asia. It is also evident § that in his 
reign the Egyptians had already adopted the five intercalary days 
to complete the year of 365 days || ; as well as the 12 hours of day 
and night ^ ; and arches of crude brick are found at Thebes bearing 
his name, which proves that they were in common use in tombs at 
that period ; though all these three were doubtless of much earlier 



• See note * on ch, 108, Book ii. 

t Supra, § 13. 

X Qneens seem to have taken this 
oflBco after the death of their hnsbands. 
Ames-nofri-ar^ is styled " Goddess- 
wife of Amnn." 

§ From a Bepidohral box from 

VOL. II. 2 A 



Thebes, now in the Maseum at Turin, 
bearing his name. 

II See Appendix to Book ii. CH. ii. 
on the use of the year of 365 days. 

^ On a mummy case at Leyden, 
having his name. 




3 54 THOTHMES I. AND IL App. Book II. 

date than the era of Amnnoph. He also added some new chambers 
to the great temple of Kamak ; and his name frequently ocenrs at 
Thebes, especially in tombs belonging to individuals who lived in 
his reign. 

The names of the kings of the 18th dynasty agree pretty well 
with those in Manetho ; but not sufficiently to show that we can 
rely implicitly on him for those in other dynasties, where the monu- 
ments fail us as gaides ; for his second king, Chebron, is not found 
on the monuments, and there is same uncertainty about others even 
in this dynasty. 

B.C. 1478. Thothmes I., the successor of Amunoph, has left an inscription 1^- 
at Tombos, in Ethiopia, recording his conquests over the Nahsi 
(negroes) in his 2nd year ; and the captain of the fleet already men- 
tioned, who was in the service of the Pharaohs from Am6s to 
Thothmes II., records his having captured 21 men, a horse, and a 
chariot, in the land of Naharayn^ or Mesopotamia ; so that the 
Egyptians must now have extended their arms far beyond their own 
frontier. And when we find that Thothmes I. ruled over the land 
of the nine bows, or Libya, we are not surprised that it should form 
part of his dominions, since Manetho shows that the Libyans were 
already under the rule of Egypt as early as the 3rd dynasty. At 
Thebes he made additions to the great temple of Kamak, where one 
of his obelisks is still standing ; and other monuments at Thebes 
bear his name, as well as that of Thothmes II., who made some 
small additions to the temple of Karnak. But little notice is given 
of the warlike deeds of the second Thothmes, beyond his main- 
tenance of the Egyptian rule in Ethiopia. 

B.C. 1463. His successor, Thothmes III., made himself far more conspicuous 
by the numerous buildings he erected in Thebes, and throughout 
Egypt, and by his foreign conquests. But in the early part of 
their reigns, both these princes (the second and third Thothmes) 
were associated on the throne with Queen Amun-notu-hetj who 
appears to have enjoyed far greater consideration than either of 
them, probably owing to her having the office of regent. For not 
only are monuments raised in her own name, but she is represented 
dressed as a man, and alone presenting offerings to the gods. Such 
indeed was her importance, that she has been supposed to be a 
princess who conquered the country, perhaps even Semiramis, — 
who is said by Clemens (Strom, p. o97) to have governed Egypt ; or, 
at least, to have had a more direct right tj the throne than the 



Chap. VIII. 



THOTHMES III. 



355 



Thothmes ; and her title " Ubefi-t in the foreign land," * is singu- 
lar! j in accordance with the expression Uben-re, or Ubn-re, "the 
shining snn," discovered by Lajard on a fragment at Nineveh, 
bearing that title of the sun in hieroglyphics. She was however an 
Egyptian princess ; and probably the Amensis of Manetho, who is 
represented to have been the sister of Amenophis, and to have 
reigned nearly 22 years. 

Thothmes III. having attained the requisite age for mounting the 
throne, enjoyed a greater share of the royal power, and his name 
was admitted, together with that of Amun-nou-het, on some of her 
later monuments; still he only held an inferior position, and he 
never obtained the chief authority as king during her lifetime. 
On a statue of this period she is called his " sister ; " f hut she was 
probably only so by an earlier marriage of his father ; and such 
was the hatred borne by Thothmes against her, that after her death 
he ordered her name to be erased from her monuments, and his own 
to be sculptured in its stead. But this was not always done with 
the care required to conceal the alterations ; and sentences of this 
kind frequently occur : " King Thothmes, she has made this work 
for her father Amun." He succeeded, however, in having her name 
omitted from the list of kings ; and she is not mentioned even in 
those put up at a later time by Remeses II. at Thebes and Abydns. 
The most remarkable of her monuments were the great obelisks at 
Kamak, the largest erected at Thebes, one of which is still stand- 
ing ; and on the opposite side of the Nile she embellished the tomb, 
or rock-temple, of Thothmes I., beneath the cliffs of the Assase^f, 
erecting before it a granite gateway, and making many other exter- 
nal additions to its courts ; and numerous monuments were put up 
by her in other parts of Egypt. She ruled at least 15 or 16 yeara,^ 
and alone apparently during some portion of that time ; but there is 
a difficulty in determining the duration of these reigns, and the 
relationship of the two Thothmes.^ The Third ruled for a short 
time after her death ; and though he commenced his reign after she 
had mounted the throne, he probably included the reign of Amun- 
nou-het in his own. 



* On a BcarabsBTis in my possession, 
fonnd at Thebes. (For that of Nim- 
rond, see the Transactions of the 
B. S. of Literatore, 2nd series, vol. 
ill. p. 176.) 

t Now in the British Museum ; 



found at Thebes. 

X Her 16th year is found on a 
tablet in W. Maghira, §riven by 
Laborde, and on the great obelisk at 
Kamak. 




3S6 STELA SET UP IN NAHARAYN. App. Book H. 

The reign of Thothmes III. is one of the most remarkable in the i 
history of the Pharaohs.* He extended his arms far into Asia^ 
from which he received a large tribute, brought to Egypt by the 
chiefs of the nations he had triumphed over ; and who, as was the 
custom of those days, often agreed to make this acknowledgment of 
their defeat without yielding up their country to the victorious 
enemy as a conquered province ; f and the successes obtained by 
Thothmes over the Fount J (a nation of Arabia), the Knfa (supposed 
to be the people of Cyprus), the But-h-no, and the Southern Ethio- 
pians, are commemorated on the monuments of Thebes. The exact 
position of these countries cannot be easily determined, but they 
are evidently far from the confines of Egypt ; and the elephant and 
bear, horses, rare woods, bitumen, and the rich gold and silver 
vases, brought by the i?oMi-wo; the ebony, ivory, and precious 
metals, by those of Fount ; the gold and silver vases of the Kufa ; 
and the camoleopards, apes, ostrich feathers, ebony, ivory, and gold 
in dust, ingots and rings, from Ethiopia, show the distance from 
which they were brought, as well as the richness of the tribute. 
The tight dresses, the long gloves, the red hair and blue eyes of the 
Boi-ti'HO § also proclaim them to be of a colder climate than Syria ; 
thoncrh the jars of bitumen (or " *M," answering to the Arabic r//*/) 
appear to place them in the neighbourhood of the Enphratcs or tho 
Tigris. II The beauty of their silver, gold, and porcelain vases, at all 
events point them out as a people far advanced in luxury and taste. 
Other victories are also recorded, in the great temple of Karnak, 
over the pi^ople of Asia; and besides the 7?"/-//-//'^, the noiufhbou ring 
Naharoyn (Mesopotamia), iS/i/^/'^r, and other countries are mentioned 
as havinj^ paid him tribute; and he is represented to have "stopped 
at Kini*:u (Xinevch), when he set up his stela in Xahnrai/n, havincr 
enlarged the confines of Egypt." ■[ 



• Sevcrni niojjt imponant inscrip- ! Arabia. See note", ch. 102, and 

tiona belonfrin^' tr» tln» time of this note', ch. 108, Book ii. 

king have lM«eii recently publislied in § See the costumes of these and 

the "Kccordri of tho Pjtst," vol. ii. pp. other people in wo<KlcatB in note on 



19-64.— [G. K. 1875.] 

f In Bome cases a country may have 
been called connuered (by tho Ejjryp- 



ch. 61, Book vii. 
II See below, p. 358. 
*" For an account of the conquests 



tians, AsHvrian.s, or othern), when in of Thothmes III. see Birch's annals of 

facta victory had only been gained over j that king in the ArcliHx.^logia, vol. 

its army; perhnps even when that I xxxv. pp. 116-166. Sir H. JJnwlinson 
army 



was bevond its own frontier. 



J There appears to be a Pount of tioned were all in Western Alesopo. 
Soathero, and another of Northern tamia, not far from the finphrates. 



believes that the places here men. 



Chap. Vm. 



MONUMENTS OF THOTHMES III. 



35? 



Misled by the similarity of the names Aahmes and TJiothmes (and 
perhaps still more by Aah, "the moon,*' being a character of Thoth), 
Joscphus makes Manetho say that Tethmosis, or '' Thammosis, the 
son of Misphragmathosis/' drove ont the Shepherds ; bnt in 
another qaotation from the same historian, he shows that Teth- 
mosis was no other than the first king of the 18th dynasty; and 
we have already seen from the acts of Am6s, and his immediate 
successors, that Egypt was already freed from those enemies long 
before the accession of Thothmes III. and his Asiatic conquests.* 

The great additions he made to Kamak, and other temples in 
Thebes, and the remains of monuments bearing his name at Mem- 
phis, Heliopolis, Coptos, Ombos, and other cities in different parts 
of Egypt, show how much was done by Thothmes III. to beautify 
them, and to commemorate the glories of his reign ; and the style, 
as well as the high finish of his sculptures, were not much surpassed 
at any subsequent period. Indeed he seems to have taken a delight 
in architecture, like Adrian in later times ; and he has left more 
monuments than any Pharaoh except the second Remeses. And 
though, in the reversed capitals and cornices of the columnar hall 
behind his granite sanctuary at Karnak,t he displayed a caprice 
consistent neither with elegance nor utility, the pure style of his 
other monuments shows that (like the imperial architect), though 
occasionally whimsical, he was not deficient in good taste. 

It was during his reign that the two obelisks were made, which 
at a later period were transported to Alexandria ; two others are 
mentioned at Thebes, dedicated to the Sun, which no longer remain ; 
that now standing at Constantinople was also made by him ; and 
the handsome one which is now at S. Giovanni Laterano, in Rome, 
bears his name in the central, and that of Thothmes IV. in the 
lateral, lines. Of his other monuments a very remarkable one is 
the chamber called " of the Kings " at Karnak, where he is repre- 
sented making offerings to sixty of his predecessors ; and not only do 
stone fragments, but the remains of crude brick enclosures, bear 
witness to the number of his buildings that once stood at Thebes. 
There are inde^ more bricks beaiing his name than that of any 
other king ; and it is in the tomb, where the tribute before men- 
tioned is recorded, that the curious process of brick-making is 



• Above, § la 

t This sanctnary was rebuilt by 



Ptolemy, in the name of Philip 
AridsBus. 




358 



THOTHMES UL — LENGTH OF HIS REIGN. App. Book IL 



represested, which tallies so exactly with that described in Exodus.* 
His ovals also appear far more commonly on the smaller scarabsei 
than that of any other Pharaoh ; and he is remarkable for the great 
yarietj in the mode of writing his name, of which I have more than 
thirty variations. 

In Ethiopia his principal temples were those of Semneh and 
Amada ; to the latter of which Thothmes lY. made some additions ; 
and at both places their predecessor, Osirtasen III., of the 12th 
dynasty, received divine honours.f The two temples of Semneh 
were built at the beginning of his reign ; and as ofEerings to the 
temple made in his second year are there recorded, witbont the 
name of Amun-non-het, Thothmes III. mnst have been reigning 
alone ; which shows that his regnal years were reckoned from her 
death, and were not included in their joint reign ; and this would 
be consistent with the fact of his having been very young when 
first associated with her on the throne. His first campaign, bow- 
ever, not occurring till his 22nd regnal year, would argue against it, 
at least on other occasions, and would require him to have reckoned 
also the years of his divided rule ; and his conquests in Asia, men- 
tioned in the great tablet at Kamak, date in his 29th, 30th, and 
33rd years ; though the first of them is styled his 5th expedition. 
His 6tb, in his 30th year, was against the Boi-ii-no. In his 38rd 
year he appears to have defeated the people of Lemaiwn also, who 
continued the same war ; and this fact, and the name of Ninieu 
(Nineveh), occurring with that of Naharayti, and that of the Takce, 
in the same neighbourhood, argue that " Lemanon " represents a 
country further inland than Mount Lebanon.J It is followed by 
the land of Singar ; and though the mention afterwards of the Asi, 
supposed to be Is, bringing bitumen, appears to place these people 
lower down the Euphrates, § it is probable that most of them lived 
higher up to the North-west. Lemanon is also coupled with the 
Rot-h-no, on a monument of the first Sethi.\\ 

The length of the reign of Thothmes III. was far greater tban is 
reprtjsented by Manetho, being about 47 years ; and the dates of his 
43rd and 47th years are found on the monuments ; but this differ- 



* Rce Bote ^ on ch. 136, Book ii. 

t See above, § 14. 

X See above, § 20, and below, § 25, 
note. 

§ Herod, i. 179 ; Plin. xxxv. 51. Is 
(Ill's, or Hit) is nearly halfway be- 



tween Babylon and Carchomish. 

II The chiefs of the Bot-h-no are 
said to serve the King of Egypt with 
their labour (bodies, or members), 
cutting down trees in Lemanon. 




Chap. Vm. 



AMUNOPH in. 



359 



ence may be attributed to bis having shared the kingdom with 

Amnn-non-het and his brother ; thongh the dates of Manetho are 

very uncertain from various causes, and from the inaccuracy of his 

copyists. Towards the latter part of his reign Thothmes appears to 

have associated his son, Amunoph II., on the throne ; * but this king 

was not remarkable for his conquests, or the monuments he erected. 

He made some additions to the great temple of Amun at Karnak ; 

and enlarged that of Amada in Nubia, which was completed by his b-c- 1414. 

son and successor, Thothmes IV. ; and here, on a stela dated in his 

3rd year, Amunoph has recorded his victories over the Upper Bot- 

h-no, and the Ethiopians. His name also occurs on a fallen block 

at the Isle of Sai, as well as that of the third Thothmes. 

Thothmes IV. has left few monuments worthy of note, except the b.c. 1410. 
great sphinx at the pyramids, which bears his name, and appears to 
have been cut out of the rock by his order ; and hero again a simi- 
larity of name led Pliny to consider it the sepulchre of Amasis. 
21. After the two short reigns of Amunoph II. and Thothmes IV., b.c. 1403. 
Amunoph III. succeeded to the throne ; but though he calls himself 
"the son of Thothmes IV., the son of Amunoph II.," there is reason 
to believe that he was not of pure Egyptian race, and his mother. 
Queen Maut-^n-shoi, was probably a foreigner. His features differ 
very much from those of other Pharaohs ; and the respect paid to 
him by some of the " Stranger-kings," one of whom (Atin-re- 
Bakhan) treats him as a god in the temple founded by Amunoph at 
Soleb in Ethiopia, seems to confirm this, and to argue that he was 
partly of the same race as those kings who afterwards usurped the 
throne, and made their rule and name so odious to the Egyptians. 
Their attachment to the memory of Amunoph is also shown by the 
great respect they paid to his widow. Queen Taia, whose name some 
of their queens adopted ; and in one place a Queen Taia is seated 
opposite Bakhan, and in another is admitted by him ** to look at the 
flabellum of the sun."t The worship too of the sun, with rays 
terminating in human hands, represented on a stela of Amunoph at 
Asouan, appears to indicate a connection between them; J for it was 
the very worship established by those Strangers. 

It is probably to this usurpation that Manetho alludes when he 



* A stela in the Leyden MnsetiTn. 
t LepBios, Denk. Abth. iii. Bl. 100, 
101. 

X There is, however, an instance of 



the Sun so represented in the time of 
Sethi, the father of Bemeses II. , on a 
stela on the Kossayr road. 




360 CONQUESTS OF AMUNOPH UI. App. Book n. 

speaks of the second invasion of Egypt, after the Shepherd time ; 
and the flight of Amunophis into Ethiopia is a mistake arising from 
the previous flight of a king of another name when the Shepherds 
advanced into the Thebaid. The sending of the leprous persons to 
the sulphur springs on the east bank of the Nile is also a misrepre- 
sentation of some real event ; and that it was not a mere fable is 
proved by the recent discovery of those springs at Helwan. 

Certain it is that the Stranger-kings did not obtain the throne till 
after the death of Amunoph III. ; and that his power and conquests 
were very extensive is proved by the monuments, and by the 
records pf victories, left by him throughout the valley of the Nile. 
At Thebes he added considerably to the great temple of Kamak, 
and built the principal part of that of Laxor, which is remarkable 
for its size and beauty : he also erected a very elegant one on the 
opposite bank, rendered famous by the two large sitting Colossi of 
its dronu)8, or paved approach, one of which has long been known 
as the " vocal Memnon." It was perhaps to connect these his two 
temples, on the opposite sides of the river, that he made the "royal 
street" mentioned in the Theban papyri. He also adorned the 
island of Elephantin6 with small but highly-finished temples; and 
besides that of Sedinga, he built the beautiful temple of Soleb in 
Ethiopia, on the columns of which he registered the names of the 
many nations he had vanquished in Africa and Asia ; thereby pro- 
claiming that ho not only extended his conquests still further south, 
but that ho had pushed the dominion of Egypt at least as far 
as Soleb. Among the Asiatic names are Pouhf, C a rchemifili,. the 
fort of Atesh (or Kadesli ?), Naharayn (Mesopotamia), and many 
others. 

From this being a complete record of his conquests, we may con- 
clude that the temple of Soleb was erected towards the latter part 
of his reign ; but in one of the temples at Semneh he had previously 
put up a memorial of his victories over the negroes (Nahsi), in 
which the Abhet and others are mentioned ; and Semneh being then 
the frontier fortress on that side, it was considered a suitable place 
for such a record.* The mode of noticing his successes is charac- 
teristic; we read of "living captives 150 head, children 110 head, 

negroes 350 head negroes 55 head, children 265 head, total 

Hving 740 head ... 300 head . . . Uving head 1052 " Though 



• Brought thence by the Dnke of I from Qobel Borkel, and now in the 
Northumberland, as well as his lions British Moaeam. 




Chap. Vm. 



THE STEANGER-KINOS. 



361 



he extended his arms much further south than Soleb, and passed 
Napata, or Grebel Berkel, his lions which were found there were not 
placed by him in that city, but were orig^inally at Soleb, as the in* 
scription upon them shows, and were afterwards taken by Tirhaka 
to adorn his Ethiopian capital ; and on one of the large scarabsei, 
so often used by him as records, he makes " his southern frontier 
Kiliee {Karu or Kalaa)* and his northern Naharayn (Mesopotamia)." 
In this same record t the name of his queen Taia is, as usual, intro- 
duced with his own ; and the marked respect he always paid her 
might have justified the notion of his having been indebted to her 
for his throne, had not the name of her father Ainia, and of her 
mother Tuia, been mentioned without any signs of royalty. The 
custom of using these large scarabsei as records was much adopted 
by Amunoph III. ; and one of them states the number of lions he 
slew on a particular occasion, as amounting to 102 ; and another 
describes a tank he made, 3700 cubits long and 700 cubits broad, 
for Queen Taia. 
22. Besides the remarkable fact that the features of Amunoph III. 
differed so moch from those of the Egyptians, his tomb at Thebes 
is placed in a valley apart from those of the other Pharaohs, and in 
company with that of one of the " Stranger-kings " who has 
been variously called Skhaiy Eesa, Oaiee, and Ai, whose wife appears 
also to have been a Taiu^ and who was probably the first of the 
seven who succeeded Amunoph III. on the throne. For it was at 
his death that they ruled, mostly with very short reigns ; and the 
only ones of note were the second of them, Amun-Toonh, and the 
sixth, Atin-re-Bakhan. The former has introduced his name into 
the temple of Luxor, afterwards erased by King Horus ; his name 
and sculptures occur in a rock-tomb behind the Red Convent near 
Itf 00 ; and he is represented in a tomb at Koorna as receiving the 
visit of a princess of Ethiopia, with a rich tribute from that country. 
The other, who seems to have changed his name from' Amunoph lY. 
to Atin-re-Bakhan, shows, from the number of monuments of his 
time at Tel-el- Amama, ApoUinopolis-parva, Thebes, and Memphis, 
that his reign was long, and that he extended the arms of Egypt 
into foreign lands. Tel-el- Amama (supposed to be Psinaula) was 
the capital or royal city of these princes ; but after their expulsion 



* If this was ColoS, it was about 
100 miles to the E. or E.N.E. of 
Azom. 



t One in my possession, and another 
copied by Rosellini, mention her 
father. 



r 



362 



CHANGES MADE BT THE STRANGER-KINGS. App. Book II. 



its temples were utterly destroyed by the Egyptians, as was every 
record of these princes thronghont the country ; and King Horns has 
used the stones of their monaments, at Thebes, in the construction 
of the pyramidal towers which he put up on the S. side of the great 
temple of Karnak. 

The tyranny of these kings, and the change they made in the 23. 
religion, rend